Media Stars and Neoliberal News Agendas in Indigenous Policymaking Kerry Mccallum and Lisa Waller
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In the Name of Failure: a Generational Revolution in Indigenous Affairs Will Sanders
In the Name of Failure: A Generational Revolution in Indigenous Affairs Will Sanders Introduction In April 2004, towards the end of its third term, the Howard Government announced its intention to abolish the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the statutory centerpiece of Commonwealth Indigenous affairs administration over the previous fifteen years. In so doing Prime Minister Howard and his Minister for Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs, Senator Amanda Vanstone, referred to ATSIC as an ‘experiment in separate….elected representation, for Indigenous people’ which had been a ‘failure’ and which would not be replaced. Instead a group of ‘distinguished Indigenous people’ would be appointed to ‘advise’ the government and ATSIC’s former programs would be ‘mainstreamed’ to line government departments, though there would still be ‘a major policy role’ for the Minister for Indigenous Affairs (Howard and Vanstone 2004). In this essay, I will focus on the way in which the idea of past policy failure has become the driving motif of Australian Indigenous affairs during the fourth Howard Government and how, in the name of failure, the Government has argued repeatedly for significant organizational and policy change. The first section of the essay documents, in chronological style, this constant linking of the idea of failure with arguments for change. The second section asks, in a more analytic style, what sort of change is now occurring in Australian Indigenous affairs? I argue that the change is best thought of as a generational revolution, which combines a major disowning of the work of the previous generation in Indigenous affairs with a significant ideological swing to the right. -
The Donald Trump-Rupert Murdoch Relationship in the United States
The Donald Trump-Rupert Murdoch relationship in the United States When Donald Trump ran as a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, Rupert Murdoch was reported to be initially opposed to him, so the Wall Street Journal and the New York Post were too.1 However, Roger Ailes and Murdoch fell out because Ailes wanted to give more positive coverage to Trump on Fox News.2 Soon afterwards, however, Fox News turned more negative towards Trump.3 As Trump emerged as the inevitable winner of the race for the nomination, Murdoch’s attitude towards Trump appeared to shift, as did his US news outlets.4 Once Trump became the nominee, he and Rupert Murdoch effectively concluded an alliance of mutual benefit: Murdoch’s news outlets would help get Trump elected, and then Trump would use his powers as president in ways that supported Rupert Murdoch’s interests. An early signal of this coming together was Trump’s public attacks on the AT&T-Time Warner merger, 21st Century Fox having tried but failed to acquire Time Warner previously in 2014. Over the last year and a half, Fox News has been the major TV news supporter of Donald Trump. Its coverage has displayed extreme bias in his favour, offering fawning coverage of his actions and downplaying or rubbishing news stories damaging to him, while also leading attacks against Donald Trump’s opponent in the 2016 presidential election, Hillary Clinton. Ofcom itself ruled that several Sean Hannity programmes in August 2016 were so biased in favour of Donald Trump and against Hillary Clinton that they breached UK impartiality rules.5 During this period, Rupert Murdoch has been CEO of Fox News, in which position he is also 1 See e.g. -
What Killed Australian Cinema & Why Is the Bloody Corpse Still Moving?
What Killed Australian Cinema & Why is the Bloody Corpse Still Moving? A Thesis Submitted By Jacob Zvi for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Faculty of Health, Arts & Design, Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne © Jacob Zvi 2019 Swinburne University of Technology All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. II Abstract In 2004, annual Australian viewership of Australian cinema, regularly averaging below 5%, reached an all-time low of 1.3%. Considering Australia ranks among the top nations in both screens and cinema attendance per capita, and that Australians’ biggest cultural consumption is screen products and multi-media equipment, suggests that Australians love cinema, but refrain from watching their own. Why? During its golden period, 1970-1988, Australian cinema was operating under combined private and government investment, and responsible for critical and commercial successes. However, over the past thirty years, 1988-2018, due to the detrimental role of government film agencies played in binding Australian cinema to government funding, Australian films are perceived as under-developed, low budget, and depressing. Out of hundreds of films produced, and investment of billions of dollars, only a dozen managed to recoup their budget. The thesis demonstrates how ‘Australian national cinema’ discourse helped funding bodies consolidate their power. Australian filmmaking is defined by three ongoing and unresolved frictions: one external and two internal. Friction I debates Australian cinema vs. Australian audience, rejecting Australian cinema’s output, resulting in Frictions II and III, which respectively debate two industry questions: what content is produced? arthouse vs. -
Academic Standards for Marketing in the Australian Higher Education Context Page I
ACADEMIC STANDARDS FOR MARKETING IN THE Released AUSTRALIAN HIGHER September 2012 EDUCATION CONTEXT Prepared by the Marketing Learning Outcomes Working Party, sponsored by the Australian Business Deans Council. More information on the project can be found at www.MarketingLearningOutcomes.com Table of Contents Background.................................................................................................................................................. 1 Discipline Threshold Standards ................................................................................................................. 2 Scope of the Project .................................................................................................................................... 2 External standards and provider diversity ............................................................................................. 2 Definitions of Bachelor and Masters Degree in marketing .................................................................. 3 Content within marketing degrees ......................................................................................................... 3 Marketing content ................................................................................................................................... 4 Masters versus Bachelor Degrees ......................................................................................................... 4 Guiding Principles....................................................................................................................................... -
The Scabsuckers: Regional Journalists' Representation of Indigenous Australians
Asia Pacific Media ducatE or Issue 3 Article 7 7-1997 The scabsuckers: Regional journalists' representation of Indigenous Australians J. Ewart Central Queensland University Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/apme Recommended Citation Ewart, J., The scabsuckers: Regional journalists' representation of Indigenous Australians, Asia Pacific Media ducatE or, 3, 1997, 108-117. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/apme/vol1/iss3/7 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] ear c n t e s The Scabsuckers: Regional Journalists' Representation Of Indigenous Australians This article paints a picture of the professional culture of journalists at one regional daily newspaper in Queensland, Australia in relation to their self-described practices in the representation of indigenous Australians. Theauthor suggests thatjournalists' ideologies and self described practices tend to conflict. However this conflict tends to be rationalised and justified by thejournalists on thebasis ofthereality of theirpractices and adherence to conventional news values. Jacqui Ewart Central Queensland University, Australill ell, I think the media has got to take a lot of the blame [for W Pauline Hanson]. Cultural and racial stereotypes are your trade. You guys are responsible for creating the very swamp out of which Pauline Hanson has just emerged. You people trade in prejudices. You've been picking at the scab of racism since you started. You're in the scab sucking business. (Noel Pearson, Frontline, 1997). Strong and emotive, but hard hitting words from a man who has been on the receiving end of the II scab suckingbusiness" for many years in his work with the Cape York Land Council in the Northern Territory, Australia. -
It Failure and the Collapse of One.Tel
IT FAILURE AND THE COLLAPSE OF ONE.TEL David Avison and David Wilson ESSEC Business School, Cergy-Pontoise, France and University of Technology, Sydney, Australia Abstract: There are a number of cases about IS failure. However, few suggest that the IS failure led to the downfall of the business. This paper examines the information technology strategies employed by the high-profile Australian telecommunications company One. Tel Limited and assesses the extent to which a failure of those strategies may have contributed to, or precipitated, One.Tel's downfall. With increased reliance on technology in business and its sophistication, potentially catastrophic failures may be more common in the future One. Tel was founded in 1995 as an Australian telecommunication company and ceased trading in 2001. In the middle of 1999, the focus of the company changed towards the building of a global business, geared to the delivery of media content. We argue that the IT strategies operating within One. Tel were not adapted to meet the rapid growth that ensued. Further, we suggest that the information technology approaches that had served adequately in the early years were not appropriate for its later ambitions. Most importantly, we discuss the failure of its billing system in relation to published frameworks of IT failure as well as the importance of getting such basic systems right. We argue that these frameworks do not cover well the One. Tel case and we put forward a new category ofIT failure, that of 'business ethos' Key words: IS failure, One. Tel, IS strategy, Business ethos, Case study 1. -
News Corporation 1 News Corporation
News Corporation 1 News Corporation News Corporation Type Public [1] [2] [3] [4] Traded as ASX: NWS ASX: NWSLV NASDAQ: NWS NASDAQ: NWSA Industry Media conglomerate [5] [6] Founded Adelaide, Australia (1979) Founder(s) Rupert Murdoch Headquarters 1211 Avenue of the Americas New York City, New York 10036 U.S Area served Worldwide Key people Rupert Murdoch (Chairman & CEO) Chase Carey (President & COO) Products Films, Television, Cable Programming, Satellite Television, Magazines, Newspapers, Books, Sporting Events, Websites [7] Revenue US$ 32.778 billion (2010) [7] Operating income US$ 3.703 billion (2010) [7] Net income US$ 2.539 billion (2010) [7] Total assets US$ 54.384 billion (2010) [7] Total equity US$ 25.113 billion (2010) [8] Employees 51,000 (2010) Subsidiaries List of acquisitions [9] Website www.newscorp.com News Corporation 2 News Corporation (NASDAQ: NWS [3], NASDAQ: NWSA [4], ASX: NWS [1], ASX: NWSLV [2]), often abbreviated to News Corp., is the world's third-largest media conglomerate (behind The Walt Disney Company and Time Warner) as of 2008, and the world's third largest in entertainment as of 2009.[10] [11] [12] [13] The company's Chairman & Chief Executive Officer is Rupert Murdoch. News Corporation is a publicly traded company listed on the NASDAQ, with secondary listings on the Australian Securities Exchange. Formerly incorporated in South Australia, the company was re-incorporated under Delaware General Corporation Law after a majority of shareholders approved the move on November 12, 2004. At present, News Corporation is headquartered at 1211 Avenue of the Americas (Sixth Ave.), in New York City, in the newer 1960s-1970s corridor of the Rockefeller Center complex. -
Aboriginal Australia: an Economic History of Failed Welfare Policy
ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIA: AN ECONOMIC HISTORY OF FAILED WELFARE POLICY Laura Davidoff and Alan Duhs* University of Queensland June 2008 Abstract: Aboriginal welfare policy of recent decades has been widely rejected as a failure. Radically different policies are now being trialed, in recognition of the continuing large gap between indigenous and non-indigenous living standards. Some Aboriginal leaders themselves have called for a rejection of the passive welfare policies of the past, in acceptance of a Friedman-style critique of ‘money for nothing’ welfare handouts, while nonetheless calling for a Sen-style capabilities approach to the policy needs of the future. *Laura Davidoff was formerly an economic consultant and is now a tutor, School of Economics The University of Queensland. *Alan Duhs is Senior Lecturer, School of Economics The University of Queensland I. Introduction: Australia’s Aboriginal population has just passed the half million mark, representing some 2.5% of the total population of about 21 million. In the midst of Australian prosperity and its world-class health and education systems lies what is now widely regarded as the national shame of Aboriginal living conditions. Particularly in remote areas, Aboriginal circumstances are so conspicuously unsatisfactory that critics regard the Aboriginal population as comprising something of a separate third world country, within the Australian mainstream. Respected Aboriginal leader Noel Pearson has described life in his North Queensland hometown as “a living Hell”. An immediate indicator of this situation is the fact the full-blooded Aborigines were not even counted in the Australian population census until a referendum changed the Australian constitution in 1967. -
Addressing Indigenous Constitutional Vulnerability Through the Uluru Statement’S Call for a First Nations Voice in Their Affairs
2018 ‘The Torment of Our Powerlessness’ 629 ‘THE TORMENT OF OUR POWERLESSNESS’: ADDRESSING INDIGENOUS CONSTITUTIONAL VULNERABILITY THROUGH THE ULURU STATEMENT’S CALL FOR A FIRST NATIONS VOICE IN THEIR AFFAIRS SHIREEN MORRIS* This article analyses and explores the Uluru Statement from the Heart’s call for a constitutionally guaranteed First Nations voice in their affairs, as constitutional reform intended to address the ongoing problem of Indigenous constitutional vulnerability and powerlessness. It contends that a First Nations voice is a suitable solution: it coheres and aligns with Australian constitutional culture and design which recognises, represents and gives voice to the pre- existing political communities, or constitutional constituencies. The article evaluates, compares and attempts to refine drafting options to give effect to a First Nations constitutional voice, by reference to principles of constitutional suitability, responsiveness to concerns about parliamentary supremacy and legal uncertainty, and assessment of political viability. The article concludes that the proposal for a constitutionally enshrined First Nations voice strikes the right conceptual balance between pragmatism and ambition, for viable yet worthwhile constitutional change. With appropriate constitutional drafting and legislative design, such a proposal offers a ‘modest yet profound’ way of meaningfully addressing Indigenous constitutional vulnerability, by empowering the First Nations with a voice in their affairs. I INTRODUCTION This article analyses and explores the Uluru Statement from the Heart’s call for a constitutionally guaranteed First Nations voice in their affairs as constitutional reform intended to address the ongoing problem of Indigenous constitutional vulnerability and powerlessness. It contends that a First Nations voice is a suitable solution: it coheres and aligns with Australian constitutional culture and design, which recognises, represents and gives voice to the pre- existing political communities, or constitutional constituencies. -
Australia's System of Government
61 Australia’s system of government Australia is a federation, a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. This means that Australia: Has a Queen, who resides in the United Kingdom and is represented in Australia by a Governor-General. Is governed by a ministry headed by the Prime Minister. Has a two-chamber Commonwealth Parliament to make laws. A government, led by the Prime Minister, which must have a majority of seats in the House of Representatives. Has eight State and Territory Parliaments. This model of government is often referred to as the Westminster System, because it derives from the United Kingdom parliament at Westminster. A Federation of States Australia is a federation of six states, each of which was until 1901 a separate British colony. The states – New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia, South Australia and Tasmania - each have their own governments, which in most respects are very similar to those of the federal government. Each state has a Governor, with a Premier as head of government. Each state also has a two-chambered Parliament, except Queensland which has had only one chamber since 1921. There are also two self-governing territories: the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory. The federal government has no power to override the decisions of state governments except in accordance with the federal Constitution, but it can and does exercise that power over territories. A Constitutional Monarchy Australia is an independent nation, but it shares a monarchy with the United Kingdom and many other countries, including Canada and New Zealand. The Queen is the head of the Commonwealth of Australia, but with her powers delegated to the Governor-General by the Constitution. -
How Rupert Murdoch's Empire of Influence Remade The
HOW RUPERT MURDOCH’S EMPIRE OF INFLUENCE REMADE THE WORLD Part 1: Imperial Reach Murdoch And His Children Have Toppled Governments On Two Continents And Destabilized The Most Important Democracy On Earth. What Do They Want? By Jonathan Mahler And Jim Rutenberg 3rd April 2019 1. ‘I LOVE ALL OF MY CHILDREN’ Rupert Murdoch was lying on the floor of his cabin, unable to move. It was January 2018, and Murdoch and his fourth wife, Jerry Hall, were spending the holidays cruising the Caribbean on his elder son Lachlan’s yacht. Lachlan had personally overseen the design of the 140-foot sloop — named Sarissa after a long and especially dangerous spear used by the armies of ancient Macedonia — ensuring that it would be suitable for family vacations while also remaining competitive in superyacht regattas. The cockpit could be transformed into a swimming pool. The ceiling in the children’s cabin became an illuminated facsimile of the nighttime sky, with separate switches for the Northern and Southern Hemispheres. A detachable board for practicing rock climbing, a passion of Lachlan’s, could be set up on the deck. But it was not the easiest environment for an 86-year-old man to negotiate. Murdoch tripped on his way to the bathroom in the middle of the night. Murdoch had fallen a couple of other times in recent years, once on the stairs while exiting a stage, another time on a carpet in a San Francisco hotel. The family prevented word from getting out on both occasions, but the incidents were concerning. This one seemed far more serious. -
Wild Rivers Policy –
Wild Rivers Policy – Likely impact on Indigenous Well-Being Authored by Dr Joanne Copp August 2009 On behalf of the Social Responsibilities Committee, Anglican Diocese of Brisbane Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................................ II 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 2 INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES LIVING IN REMOTE AREAS ...................................................... 2 3 WILD RIVERS ..................................................................................................................................... 2 4 PROPERTY RIGHTS FOR REMOTE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES ............................................ 6 4.1 PROPERTY RIGHTS AND ECONOMIC EFFICIENCY ......................................................................... 9 4.2 APPLICATION TO THE WILD RIVERS ACT .................................................................................... 11 5 THE IMPORTANCE OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT FOR REMOTE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES ........................................................................................................................................ 13 5.1 ENGAGEMENT WITH THE REAL ECONOMY ................................................................................. 14 6 HAS THE WILD RIVERS ACT STRUCK THE CORRECT BALANCE? .......................................... 15 7 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CHANGE ......................................................................................