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Mark Anderson Labor History, with Its Marxian Structure, Rose Anew As One of These Methods

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Mark Anderson Labor History, with Its Marxian Structure, Rose Anew As One of These Methods WORK IN PROGRESS: A STUDY OF EVOLVING CLASS 185 ANALYSIS Mark Anderson labor history, with its Marxian structure, rose anew as one of these methods. “New Labor History” began in the 1960s, and was the first major out- After World War II, U.S. labor history continually changed, reflecting the growth of social history. Its practitioners initially saw themselves in conver- Academy’s adaptation to decolonization’s reordering of global political and eco- sation with the Consensus School, but came to be defined against the “Old nomic relationships. Initially, labor history was neglected. During the late 1940s Labor History” of the Commons School.2 As part of social history’s effort and the 1950s, the Academy’s conservatives resisted changes in the emerging to build scholarship from “the bottom up,” New Labor studied people in op- world by embracing the Cold War, whose ideology pushed history away from the position to the old school’s study of institutions. Social history birthed other class-based analysis of the New Deal and toward an analysis of a class-less Amer- new histories (race and gender, for example) that sought out new agents, new ican society. In the absence of class and class antagonism, history left the study archives, and new ways of understanding the past. That search revolutionized of labor to other disciplines and became dominated by the Consensus School. perceptions of ontological formation. Postmodernism’s critique of Enlight- enment ideas gave rein to radical post-structuralist separation from econom- The Consensus School proved insufficient to answer questions in a ic-based ways to analyze history, but Marxian New Labor History was not world wracked by revolution and rebellion. In the struggle to understand the part of the flowering of postmodern scholarship of the 1980s and 1990s. turmoil of the 1960s and 1970s, a new labor history provided ways to frame issues that helped to understand a more rigorous inspection of change over Postmodernism built a substantial body of new scholarship on for- time. By the 1980s, history turned to new subjects and postmodern theory gotten, ignored, or maligned people, as new research paradigms evolved. to better investigate human experience. The new theory discarded econom- Without examining economic systems of power, however, the place of agen- ic causality, and with it labor history, until the turn of the century. The fin cy became blurred. Class was reintroduced into history to help contextualize de siècle saw a synthesis of methods that reincorporated labor to more ful- power relationships and complicate analysis of causation. Labor history re- ly contextualize increasingly scrupulous study. Labor and its examination of emerged in the new century as class analysis within a new historical tradition class conflict proved an axial source for both narrow and broad analysis of that incorporated multi-methodological approaches to the study of history. power relationships from the Consensus School through postmodern history. Old labor history, known as the Wisconsin or Commons School, de- The Consensus School was strongly identified with the work of Rich- veloped at the turn of the twentieth century. This school studied the actions ard Hofstadter. His generation’s rewriting of existing histories called many of institutions, law, and elites. It was, properly speaking, not history but a time worn assumptions into question. Students of the Consensus School, who branch of economics. John Commons was a labor economist at the Universi- were increasingly working -class because of both the GI Bill and civil rights ty of Wisconsin-Madison and the construction of economic knowledge was successes, internalized that critical orientation. Concurrently, ideas about race, his primary goal. He and his students developed a mighty archive of Amer- gender, and ethnicity that relied on an extinct world order became increasingly ican labor history through exhaustive research on unions and law as part of problematic. Attempting to account for the end of nation-state colonialism af- their project to “contest classical economics in the academy and…its perni- ter World War II, social history acknowledged the disparity in power relation- cious message that collective action by workers constituted an inadmissible ships and explored this idea with an increasing variety of methods.1 As a result, 2 Melvyn Dubofsky, “Starting Out In the Fifties: True Confessions of a Labor 1 David Brody, “The Old Labor History and the New: In Search Of an American Working Historian,” Labor History 34 (1993): 474. Class,” American Historical Review 78 (1973): 114. 186 Mark Anderson WORK IN PROGRESS 187 interference with the free play of the market.”3 Their archive is still essential Hofstadter “helped to introduce ‘complexity’ to the study of history”6 New to the study of working people today. His students were trained to see in- Labor historian Melvyn Dubofsky claimed that he came to labor history stitutions, such as unions, legislatures, and government programs, as the ac- through reading Hofstadter’s questioning of power relations.7 Hofstadter uti- tors in labor history. The Commons School viewed workers as objects acted lized a more critical and complex analyses of workers’ milieu, but in the end he upon by larger forces and “for all that they contributed to our knowledge was still researching “great men.” A watershed in finding the voice of working of the labor movement, left us otherwise nearly ignorant of the history of people came to American history through a British study of English workers. the American worker.” Nonetheless, they remained the authoritative view on the study of labor through the middle of the twentieth century, when the Edward Palmer Thompson was a British historian whose 1963 book, study of labor history was virtually abandoned by the Consensus School.4 The Making of the English Working Class, influenced the rise of New Labor His- tory. His book traced the creation of workers as a group and placed them into After World War II, Richard Hofstadter and the Consensus School a distinctly capitalist society through the actions of the workers themselves. assumed the mantel of guiding American history. Hofstadter rejected the Thompson drew on multiple sources of social influences to construct the lives thesis that fundamental class conflict determined American history, which of his actors. For example, he saw religion as a formative influence on workers was a radical shift from the Marxian thinking of the early twentieth centu- self-conceptions as workers whose interests diverged from employers. Also, ry. Although Hofstadter did not address labor history explicitly, his under- he explicitly tried to write a history created by workers: “I am seeking to res- standing of class formation, or the lack thereof, guided historians writing cue the poor stockinger, the Luddite cropper, the ’obsolete’ hand-loom weav- about negotiating power relationships. Under Hofstadter’s leadership, po- er, the ’Utopian’ artisan, and even the deluded follower of Joanna Southcott, litical action was seen through larger structures, like populism and pro- from the enormous condescension of posterity.”8 This was a radical change gressivism, and not through the conflict of workplace or union actions. from Commons, who was uninterested in the lives of workers. Thompson provided a template for U.S. historians interested in digging into the lives of Hofstadter believed that in the place of conflict, contending groups workers. It was his treatment of class, however, that was most transformative. “shared a belief in the rights of property, the philosophy of economic indi- vidualism, the value of competition ... [and] accepted the economic virtues Traditionally, class had been seen as a static category. For example, of a capitalist culture as necessary qualities of man.”5 Ironically, Hofstad- both Marx and Smith held that the “laborer” was an essential component of ter’s strength lied in challenging existing consensus on their uncritical inter- capitalism as an interchangeable widget. Thompson smashed the traditional pretations of America’s past. In The Age of Reform, Hofstadter problematized architecture of class by describing it as a fluid phenomenon under constant myths about contending groups, like the Populists. For example, he demol- creation. The theoretical category “class” became the workers’ daily partic- ished the popular notion of the yeoman Populist longing for a pre-market ipation in creating working class culture. By wresting that component from self-sufficiency. By criticizing previously accepted beliefs and more rigorous teleological orthodoxy, Thompson forever assured that critical analysis of ly interrogating sources, he raised questions about received knowledge of people’s lives would attend the study of capitalism and of social histories in American history. In his review of The Age of Reform, Alan Brinkley said that 6 Alan Brinkley, “In Retrospect: Richard Hofstadter’s ‘the Age of Reform:’ A 3 David Brody, “The Old Labor History,” 112. Reconsideration.” Reviews In American History 13 (1985): 474. 4 Ibid., 112. 7 Melvyn Dubofsky, “Starting Out In the Fifties.” 475. 5 Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It (New York: 8 E.P. Thompson, the Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1966), Vintage Books, 1989), XXXVII. 12. 188 Mark Anderson WORK IN PROGRESS 189 general. He is considered a wellspring for New Labor History, and his fo- New Labor Historians contested authority over not only who represent- cus on the lives of historical actors was representative of Social History. ed, who spoke for, and who comprised the working class, but also how the story of the working class would be told. The story of slavery, for example, had tradi- Social History critiqued Consensus History’s thesis and its focus on tionally been about the institution itself, and generally contained the slave own- elites and institutions. Inspired by global decolonization and democratization ers’ or abolitionists’ point of view, since it was their materials historians relied on.
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