LIFT UP YOUR EYES! Emar VI 42 in the Light of a U garitic Prayer
Masamichi YAMADA*
Emar VI 42 includes an interesting reference to a Hurrian attack on Emar and its repulse (II. 9b-16). Because of its historical significance and difficulties in reading the text, scholars have proposed various readings. Although all of them assume that the Emariote soldiers (or the king) achieved this victory with a positive response of Ba'lu to the prayer of King Pilsu-Dagan, they overlook the intention of the text. As clearly shown by comparison with KTU2 1.119: 26'-36', it is the god Ba'lu himself who defeated the enemy and saved Emar. The same Hurrian attack seems to be recorded also in ASJ 12-T 7, which states that the divination (i.e., extispicy) of the diviner Masrube played a decisive role in repulsing the enemy (II. 29-33). In this case, one might assume that Masrube 's divination and the positive response of Ba'lu (by auspice?) in Emar VI 42 are the same. However, since it is not uncommon to inquire of a god through plural means (e.g., Zakkur and Idrimi), it may be fair to assume similar behavior for Pilsu-Dagan. If this is so, it is not strange that the two texts seem to refer to different means of inquiry ( extispicy vs. auspice). Finally, it is worth noting that Emar VI 42 and KTU2 1.119 share not only the West Semitic expression "to lift up the eyes," denoting "to pray," but also the whole plot of divine deliverance of a besieged city. This clearly shows a strong link between Emar and Ugarit within the common cultural world. Keywords: Emar, Hurri, Ugarit, Ba'lu, besieged city
I. EmarVl 42
Among the Akkadian tablets from Late Bronze Emar, 1 Emar VI 42 is a text that has received much scholarly attention. This is a copy of three royal inscriptions, in each of which a king of Emar dedicates a golden cup2 to Ba'lu, his lord, asking for a prolonged life. One inscription is of Elli (11. 1-7), and two are of
• Visiting Lecturer, Chuo University
Vol. XLI 2006 127 Pilsu(=Pissu)-Dagan, his father and predecessor (11. 8-19 and ll. 20-23).3 The scribe in all three is said to be Ea-damiq (ll. 7, 19, 23). 4 Of these three, the second inscription is particularly noteworthy since, unlike the first and the third ones, this includes an interesting historical episode: a Hurrian attack on Emar and its repulse. The following is my transliteration of its text on the basis of Arnaud's handcopy:5
(8) mpi/-su-dKUR DUMU d!IM-ka-bar (9) LUGAL URU.e-ma[r] LUGAL ERIN.MES KUR IJur'-ri (10) URU.e-mar i-la-mi-in (11) u mpi-su-dKUR IG1.2-su (12) a-na dU is-si-ma u dU (13) /G RI TI /fU GI sa sA-su (14) i di-na-su u ERIN.MES IJu-ra-du (15) sa sA-su u BAD-su UR X X RA-su (16) im-ba-a~ uURU.e-mar u-ba-li-it' (17) GAL KU.GI 30 KLLA.BI a-na dU (18) be-/i-su a-na NAM.TI.LA ZI'-[s]u (19) IN'.NA.AN'.BA SU mde-a S[IG5 DUB.SA]R When one compares this with the first and the third inscriptions, it is clear that 11. 8-9a and ll. 17-19 constitute the main body of the text (represented below in bold type}, into which II. 9b-16 has been embedded. 6 Based on this understanding and ignoring previous opinions, this inscription can be rendered as follows: Pilsu-Dagan, son of Ba'lu-kabar, king of Ema[r], The king of the Hurrian troops harmed Emar; 7 and Pissu-Dagan lifted up his eyes to Ba'lu; {A) and Ba'lu gave him ..... (lit.) of his/its heart; (B) and he defeated the soldiers who were on its inside (i.e., inside Emar) and on its city wall ..... ; (C) and he revived Emar. offered a golden cup, whose weight is 30 (shekels), to Ba'lu, his lord, for [hi]s own life. (By) the hand of Ea-da(miq, scrib]e.
As for the embedded part, although the historical significance of the event for Emar is evident, a part of the text is difficult to comprehend, particularly /G RI TI ljU GI sa sA-su in l. 13 and UR X X RA-su in l. 15. Therefore, many scholars have attempted to reach a better understanding of this inscription. The discussion focuses on 11. 12b-16, which is constituted of three sentences: (A)= ll. 12b-14a; (B) = II. 14b-16a; (C) = l. 16b. But before dealing with this part, several basic points on ll. 9b-12a are to be reconfirmed. Firstly, the land of the enemy (1. 9) is not to be read as Kiri, 8 but ijurri. 9 Secondly, mBI-ZU(not SU)-dKUR (l. 11; also I. 20) does not refer to a king Bisu-Dagan, brother of the king Pilsu-Dagan (and usurper of his throne?), 10 but is to be understood as Pissu-Dagan, i.e., Pilsu-Dagan himself in a variant
128 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! spelling. 11 Thirdly, IGI.2-su, "his eyes," (I. 11) is to be preserved, rejecting the forced emendation qa'-ti'-su, "his hands," (or SAG!-su, "his head"). 12 Although it is true that "to lift up the hand(s)" is a common phrase expressing an act of prayer in the ancient Near East (esp. in Mesopotamia), 13 as we shall see below (III.1), the usage of "to lift up the eyes" with the same meaning is known in the West Semitic world. Now we see that confronting the Hurrian attack, Pilsu-Dagan, king of Emar, prayed to Ba~lu for help. Then, how was Emar delivered? Let us see the readings of 11. 12b-16 (i.e., the sentences A-C), that have been proposed by the scholars.
II. Previous Readings
Since D. Arnaud first published the handcopy and his edition of Emar VI 42 (1985-86), seven scholars in total have published their readings, including J.-M. Durand, who presented twice (1989 and 2003) and whose latter version is based on his recent collation of the tablet.
1. D. Arnaud (1986) 14
u du (13) ig-ri-ti museu gi sa sa-su (14) i-di-na-su u erim.mes lju-ra-du ( 15) sa sa-su u bad-su tes.ba il-lik-su ( 16) im-1ja-a~ u urn E-mar u-ba-li-it' et Ba~al (13) des auspices surs qui lui convenaient (14) lui donna et les gardes (15) de l'interieur de Ia ville et du rempart ensemble allerent a lui; 15 (16) illivra combat mais epargna Ia ville d'Emar.
(A) While Arnaud admits himself that his interpretation of 1. 13 is conjectural, he takes ig-ri-ti (I. 13) to be a variant form of egirru, an oracular/ ominous utterance. 16 If so, however, kilenu (= GI), "permanent, true," which was probably in his mind, 17 would seem to be an unusual adjective to modify such a noun (cf. below Tsukimoto [II.5.A]). . Moreover, it may be worth noting that sa sA-su in its two appearances in this text is rendered differently: "qui lui convenaient" (I. 13) and "de l'interieur de Ia ville" (I. 15 in B). Although his rendering is admittedly well understandable in each case, one may still wonder if it would be better for the same phrase occurring so near to be understood in the same meaning, if possible. This problem occurs also in the renderings of all the following scholars but Fales, particularly in those of Zaccagnini, Tsukimoto and Durand (see below).
Vol. XLI 2006 129 (B) As for I. 15, while the reading TES.BA (= istenis) is acceptable, 18 il'-lik is not. 19 Furthermore, even if this were correct, it is problematic that the pl. noun ERIN.MES ljuriidu (1. 14) is taken as the subject of the 3rd sg. verb illik (aliiku, G pret.) in 1. 15. Also, note that the transitive verb im/ja~ (mabli~u, G pret. 3rd sg.), "(lit.) he beat," (l. 16) has no object (cf. also Fales, Zaccagnini and Tsukimoto below) and that it is not preceded by the conjunction u (cf above n. 5). (C) He translates uballi( (balii{u, D pret. 3rd sg.) as "epargna," but he says "fit survivre/sauve" is also a possible rendering. 20
2. M. Dietrich (1990)2 1 u du (13) eg-re-ti MUSEN GI sa sA-su (14) i-di-na-su u ERIMmes lju-ra du (15) sa sA-su u BAD-su TES.BA dab1-da1-su (16) im-lja-a~ u uruE-mar u-ba-li-i( (12b-14a) und Ba'al hat ihm anhand eines Vogelorakels Wohlbefinden fur sein Herz zugesichert. (14b-16a) Dann hat die Elitetruppe seines Vertrauens und seiner Festung jenem (Konig der {:Jurri-Leute) im Zusammenwirken mit ihm eine Niederlage beigebracht (16b) und Emar das Leben gerettet.
(A) Dietrich takes eg-re-ti MUSEN (1. 13) adverbially and understands GI (1. 13) as the noun saliimu, "Wohlbefinden."22 (B) In view of the handcopy, his reading dab'-da' (l. 15) is possible, but RA is preferable for the second sign. Concerning "die Elitetruppe," note that the combination "seines Vertrauens und seiner Festung (sa sA-su u BAD-su)'' (1. 15) does not seem to make sense. It seems to me still best to think, as Arnaud does (see above), that the referent of -su (poss. pron. suff., 3rd. masc. sg.) is the city of Emar, although the mention of the name is a little distant (I. 10). (B-C) Note that he regards the pl. noun ERIN.MES ljuriidu (1. 14) as the subject of the 3rd sg. verbs im/ja~ and uballi{ (I. 16). This way of understanding is followed by Zaccagnini, Tsukimoto and Durand (see below).
3. F. M. Fales (1991)23
(12b-14a) and the god Adad gave him ..... inside it(= the city); (14b-15) and the soldiers (both the ones) who were inside the city (sa sA-su) and the ones on the city ramparts (sa BAD-su),jointly came it/him. (16a) He struck (foremost), (16b) and caused the city ofEmar to survive.
130 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! (A) Fales prefers to read dU (= d10) as Adad, not Ba'lu (cf. also Zaccagnini below). Note also that he tries to interpret sa sA-su in both 1. 13 and 1. 15 (in B) in the same meaning, "inside it/the city." However, since he leaves open how to read /G Rl TI ljU GI (1. 13 ), the supposed object of the verb iddin (nadanu, G pret. 3rd sg.) in I. 14, unfortunately this proposal is not sufficiently convincing. (B-C) In view of his rendering, he undoubtedly accepts Arnaud's reading illikSu in 1. 15 (see above Il.l.B). Note also that he regards Pilsu-Dagan as the subject of the verbs imlja~ and uballi! (1. 16; cf. above Arnaud). 24
4. C. Zaccagnini (1990)25
(12b-13a) and Adad accepted (his) prayers (ik-ri-biiBAD) el/i/5-qe) (13b- 14a) (and) granted him the object of his request (sa libbisu): (14b-16a) thus the soldiers who were inside it (scil. the city) and on its ramparts struck (the enemy) for his (i.e. Bissu-Dagan's) survival (a+11a! ba-la!(AL)-ti!-su) ( 16b) and caused the city of Emar to survive.
(A) Zaccagnini's reading ik-ri-biiBAD) e//i/5-qe (1. 13) fits this context, but e/!i/5 is unlikely in comparison with the EL-sign in 1. 1; rather, the reading TI (for his bi4 and the first half of el/i/5) would be supported in view of the TI-sign in 1. 5 (but cf. 11. 18, 22). Furthermore, because ofthe absence of the conjunction u, it is doubtful that one can regard the following sa sA-su tddina(s)su as an independent sentence ( cf. above n. 5). (B) Although he proposes a+na' ba-la'(AL)-ti'-su (1. 15), it is difficult in view of the handcopy.
5. A. Tsukimoto (1990)26 u dx (13) ig-ri-ti MUSEN GI sa sA-su (14) i-di-na-su u ERIMmes lju-ra du (15) sa sA-su u BAD-su a-lia! ba!-ru!-tu!-su (16) im-lja-a~ u UI"U£-mar u-ba-li-i{ (12b-14a) and Ba'lu gave him the favourable auspices which he wished. (14b-16a) So the soldiers guarding (the city's) inner part and siege wall, in accordance with his divination, defeated (the enemy) (16b) and save the city of Emar.
(A) Judging from Tsukimoto's rendering, he probably takes Gl (1. 13) as salmu, "favorable" (used of omens), which is very appropriate in this context. But it should be noted that the Sumerogram for this adjective is SILIM (= Dl), not GI; GI is used for the cognate noun salamu (cf. above Dietrich [11.2.A]). 27
Vol. XLI 2006 131 (B) In view of the following text, his reading a-na' ba1-ru'-tu1-su, "in accordance with his divination," (l. 15) is attractive at first glance. But this is not supported by the handcopy. The basis of this emendation is ASJ 12-T 7, in which King Pilsu-Dagan grants a field to the high-ranking diviner Masrube for his achievement in the repulse of the Hurrian attack on Emar (II. 21ff., esp.ll. 29-37). The text reads:
(29) i-nu-ma ERIN.MES bur-ri (30) BAD URU.e-mar.KI il-mi (31) u ~ , v v , , ' mmas-ru-be LU.MAS.SU.GID.GID (32) sa LUGAL-ri u URU· .KI (33) u ba-ru-tu4-su ik-su-du4-ma (34) upil-su-dda-gan LUGAL-ru (35) A. SA an ni-um (36) a-na NiG.BA qi-is-ti-su (37) id-di-na-as-su As the Hurrian troops surrounded the city wall of Emar, the divination of Masrube, diviner of the king and the city, came true. Pilsu-Dagan, the king, therefore, has given him this field as a present. 28
As noted by Tsukimoto, it seems likely that both Emar VI 42: 9b-16 and ASJ 12- T 7: 29-33 refer to the same historical event during the reign of Pilsu-Dagan.29 Furthermore, in view of his emendation in Emar VI 42: 15 (see above), he is probably of the opinion that Masrube's "divination" in ASJ 12-T 7: 33 is the "auspices" referred to in Emar VI 42: 13. This would be acceptable if biiriltu means here "divination" in general. However, its actual meaning is usually more specific, i.e., "extispicy." In this case, how can we relate these two texts? Should we regard the two terms as virtually the same? This problem will be treated further later (see 111.2).
6. M. R. Adamthwaite (2001)30 u dU (13) eg-re-ti MUSEN GI sa SA-su (14) i-di-na-su u ERIM.MES bu ra-du (15) sa SA-su u BAD-su TES-ba nak-ra-su (16) im-ba-a~ uURU E mar u-ba-li-it (12b-14a) and Ba'al (by means of) a bird-oracle gave him the prosperity which he desired. (14b-16a) Then his choice !Juriidu-troops, and his garrison (troops) together struck his enemy (16b) and he thus saved the city ofEmar.
(A) Cf. above Dietrich (II.2.A). (B-C) Based on the photograph made available to him, Adamthwaite accepts Durand's previous proposal and reads nak-ra, "enemy," in l. 15.31 Ifthis is correct, it finally provides an object for imba~. As for the verbs in l. 16, note also that he takes ERIN.MES buriidu (pl.) as the subject of imi.Ja~ (sg.), while
132 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! regarding Pilsu-Dagan (sg.) as the subject of uballi{ (sg.).
7. J.-M. Durand (second version: 2003)32
udX (13) iq-ri dXpak-ki sa sa-su (14) i-di-na-su u erin2-mes bu-ra-du (15) sa sa-su u bad-su tes-ba nak-ra-su ( 16) im-ba-a~ uuru e-mar u-ba-li-i{ (12b-13a) et il a appele Ba'al. (13b-14a) Alors Ba'al lui a accorde le dessein de son creur; (14b-16a) les troupes de soldats de son interieur et de sa forteresse, de conserve, ont frappe son ennemi ( 16b) et ont sauve Ia ville d'Emar de Ia mort.
(A) Durand now reads dX (= dU) instead ofTI (l. 13), while noting that the latter reading is also possible. 33 Although his new reading is admittedly fresh and original, it does not escape criticism on some points. Firstly, following the previous sentence (11. ll-12a), the reference to Ba'lu as the object of iqri (qeru, G pret. 3rd sg.) in the first sentence (11. 12b-13a) seems to be redundant; iqriSu, "he (i.e., Pilsu-Dagan) called him," would be expected in its stead. Secondly, as for the reading pak-ki(sic), while the usage of au for pak, as more or less common in Akkadian, may be possible, it is doubtful that a local scribe of Emar would use Gl for ki (not ki), a rare phonetic value. Thirdly, the absence of the conjunction u at the beginning of the second sentence (11. 13b-14a) also seems problematic (cf. above n. 5). (B) As for the reading nak-ra (1. 15), he admits that these signs, particularly the former, are "effectivement mal venus," but rejects the possibility of reading the latter as SID= Ilk (cf. above Arnaud and Fales).34
Thus, as seen above, scholars have proposed various readings. Let me summarize them by showing what each scholar believes to be the subject of each of the three sentences: i.e., who (A) "gave" a positive response (auspices?),35 (B) who "defeated" (the enemy), and (C) who "revived" Emar?36 The results are as follows:
(A) nadiinu (B) mabii~u (C) bullu{u Arnaud Ba'lu Bisu-Dagan Bisu-Dagan Dietrich Ba'lu Emariote soldiers Emariote soldiers Fales Adad Pilsu-Dagan Pilsu-Dagan Zaccagnini A dad Emariote soldiers Emariote soldiers Tsukimoto Ba'lu Emariote soldiers Emariote soldiers Adamthwaite Ba'lu Emariote soldiers Pilsu-Dagan
Vol. XLI 2006 133 Durand2 Ba'lu Emariote soldiers Emariote soldiers
All the scholars, of course, agree that the subject of nadanu is the deity Ba' lu (Adad). As for the rest of the verbs, however, in spite of the fact that their forms are 3rd sg., most of them take "soldiers" (pl.) in ll. 14f. as the subject of maba~u and assume they are Emariote ones. 37 Indeed, .it may be natural to think that once a part of the enemy soldiers managed to get inside the city, it would have been impossible to defeat them! Probably this was the reason why they avoided taking "soldiers" as the object of the verb malJf4u, even if they transgressed Akkadian grammar as a result. In the following, however, I reject this realistic way of interpretation and argue that the subject of all three verbs is Ba 'lu and that the object of the verb maba~u is the enemy, the Hurrian soldiers who were inside Emar and on the city wall. For this argument, a contemporary text from Ugarit is decisively significant.
III. Comparisons with KTU2 1.119 and Other Texts
1. KTU2 1.119 (RS 24.266)
This is a Ugaritic ritual text with a poem at its end. This poetic part (11. 26'-36') presents a prayer to be used when the city of U garit is attacked by an enemy. The text reads: 38
(26') k gr 'z . tgrr lkm . When a strong (foe) attacks your gate, r q lrd (27') ~mytkm . A warrior your walls, •r nlkm . I . rb 1·1 tsun You shall lift up your eyes to Ba' lu (and say): (28')y br'flm r. h/{m?. tldy 'z 0 Ba' lu, if(?) you drive the strong one I r[lgrn(29')y. from our gate, qrd [I] l]mytny . The warrior [from] our walls, ibr y (30') b 'I. nrs1qds. A bull, 0 Ba'lu, we shall sanctify, mdr b 'I (31 ') nmlu [.] A vow, (0) Ba'lu, we shall fulfill; [b?]kr. br'l[. ns[q]ds [A fir]stborn(?), (0) Ba'lu, we shall san[ ct] ify, (32') ~tp b •r11 [.] r n lmlu. A ~tp-offering, (0) Ba'lu, we shall fulfill, ·rsr1t. rb '11 [.] r n 1[ '](33')sr. A 'srt-feast, (0) Ba'lu, we shall [of]fer; qds b'rl.ln'l. To the sanctuary, (0) Ba'lu, we shall mount,
134 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! ntbt b[ ~'! t] (34') ntlk . (That) path (0) Ba['lu](?), we shall take. w s[m •. b] •r[ .1/ r . .r?1[rf?k?1[m?] And [Ba]'lu will h[ear] yo[ur] prayer(?): (35') ry1dy. 'z I f87·k[m .] He will drive the strong (foe) from yo[ ur] gate, [qrd] (36') l ~myt~m 1 ( 0] [The warrior] from your walls.
Even at a glance, there is no doubt that KTU2 I. I I 9 (1. 27') and Emar VI 42 (ll. 1I f.) share the expression, "to lift up the eyes" (ns' 'nm in Ugaritic // ini nasu in Akkadian), denoting an act of prayer (for help); 39 and besides, in both texts this prayer is made during an attack on (or more accurately a siege of) a city by its enemy, and to the same deity, Ba'lu. Moreover, in comparing KTU2 l.II9: 26'-36' and Emar VI 42: 9b-I6, it is interesting to note that these texts have parallel and complementary structures as follows:
Topic KTU2 l.II9 EmarVI42 I. Situation: Attack by enemy 26'-27'a 9b-IO 2. Praying to Ba' lu 27'b 11-I2a 3. Words of the prayer 28'-34'a 0 4. Its acceptance by Ba'lu 34'b I2b-I4a 5. Repulse of the enemy by Ba'lu 35'-36' I4b-16a 6. Result: Deliverance of the city 0 I6b
KTU2 l.II9: 35'f. (cf. also ll. 28'-29'a) clearly shows that it is Ba'lu, not his human agent(s) such as a king or his army, who is expected to repulse the enemy.40 This leads us to assume the same in Emar VI 42: I4b-I6a, and, in my opinion, the occurrence of the 3rd sg. form im}Ja.r (1. 16a) becomes fully understandable only in this interpretation: Ba '/u himself defeated the enemy, although the situation was deathly critical in Emar (in fact, much worse than that supposed in Ugarit).41 Perhaps this is why he is said to have "revived (uballi!) Emar" (1. 16b ). No matter how the Emariote soldiers fought and repulsed the Hurrian troops in reality, the text gives the credit to Ba'lu. Former scholars have been overlooking this intention of the text. 42 The expression used for the acceptance of the prayer by Ba'lu is different in the two texts: while in KTU2 1.119: 34'b he "hears" (sm ') it, as is frequently attested elsewhere, in Emar VI 42: 13-14a he "gives" (nadanu) something, probably a positive response (see above n. 35). Although exactly what the object (IG RI TI IJU GI sa SA-su) is is still unclear to us, this comparison would affirm our assumption.
Vol. XLI 2006 135 When a king like Pilsu-Dagan in our text prayed to his god, what message would the god give to his servant? We find a good example in the Zakkur inscription. Let us listen to his words and see how he conveyed them. The latter observation will provide us a clue when we consider the relationship between Emar VI 42 and ASJ 12-T 7.
2. Zakkur and ldrimi
The Aramaic inscription of Zakkur, king of Hamath and Lu'ash, (KAI 202) is dated to the early eighth century B.C. According to its Text A, when the kings of a military coalition organized by Bar-Hadad III, king of Aram-Damascus, besieged his capital ijazrach (ll. 4b-10), Zakkur prayed to Ba'al-Shamayn, his lord, for help:43
(11) r w 1's, . ydy . 'I . b 'ls[my]n . wy'nny <.> b 'lsmy[n . wyd] (12) [br] . b'lsmyn. 'ly. [b]yd. ~zyn. wbyd. 'ddrn1 [. wy'mr] (13) ['ly .] b'lsmyn. '1. trz1~1. ky. 'nh. hml[ktk. w'nh] (14) ['q]m. 'mk. w'nh. ·~~lk. mn. kl. [mlky'. 'l. zy] (15) m~'w. 'lyk. m~r. wyr•1mr. lfy. b'lsmyn ..... ] (16) rk1/. mlky'. '1. zy. m~·rw1 [. 'lyk. m~r ..... ] (17) [ ... ] . wswr'. znh. zfy ..... ] (11) And I lifted up my hands to Ba'al-Sha[may]n, and Ba'al-Shamay[n] answered me, and Ba'al-Shamayn [spo(12)ke] to me [by] means of seers and by means of messengers/diviners; and (13) Ba'al-Shamayn [said to me], "Do not fear, for I have made [you ki]ng, [and (now) I (14) will st]and by you, and I will rescue you from all [these kings who] (15) have laid a siege against you." And [Ba'al-Shamayn] said to [me," ..... ] (16) all these kings who have laid [a siege against you ..... ( 17) ... ] and this wall whi[ ch ..... ]"
The text is unfortunately broken in the midst of Ba'al-Shamayn's response. Nevertheless, the basic elements of his message seem to be preserved: '/ . trz 1~/, "Do not fear," in l. 13 and ·~~lk, "I will rescue you" (by repulsing all these enemy kings), in 1. 14.44 Probably Ba'lu in Emar, too, gave an essentially similar response to Pilsu-Dagan, although he may not have been as eloquent as Ba'al Shamayn. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that Ba'al-Shamayn conveyed his message through ~zyn, "seers," and 'ddrn 1, "messengers/diviners,"45 (l. 12). This, of course, implies that Zakkur resorted to plural means of inquiry to know the divine will at this crisis for his capital. Then, may we assume similar
136 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! behavior by Pilsu-Dagan when Emar was besieged? It seems to me likely, since such a usage of plural means for inquiry on the same issue was not an uncommon practice. In this respect, the Idrimi inscription from Alalab (ca. 1500 B.C.) is noteworthy. According to this Akkadian inscription, Idrimi set out from Emar, the place of his family's exile, into the desert with the ambition of establishing himself as the ruler of tialab, where his father had once ruled (ll. 10-17a). He then went to the land of Canaan, and while he was at Ammia, refugees from tialab, Mukis and other places which had formerly been under the control of his father gathered around him and appointed him as their chief (II. 17b-27a). The text continues:46
u a-na li-bi ERIN.MES L(J.SA.GAZ (28) a-na MU.7.KAM.MES as-ba-ku MUSEN .tJA u-za-ki (29) SILA4.IJA ab-ri-ma u se-eb-i sa-na-ti diM (30) a-na SAG.DU-ia it-tu-ur I dwelt in the midst of the bapiru-people for seven years. I released birds and inspected lambs' (entrails). Tessub turned to me in the seventh year.
Thus upon at last receiving a favorable omen (or omens) from Tessub, he took action: he built ships and traveled by sea with his soldiers toward the land of Mukis (ll. 30b-33a). Although the background situation is different from the above texts, we find that Idrimi continued to inquire of Tessub through both auspice and extispicy. 47 As for these plural means of inquiry, it should be noted further that they were not always used simultaneously, but could be adopted sequentially, too. In Middle Bronze Mari, it is known that prophecies and dreams were occasionally checked against extispicy,48 and there was also a case where the results of extispicy were explicated into discourse by apilum-prophets. 49 These observations enable us to conclude that Pilsu-Dagan, too, may have inquired of Ba' lu through several means. If this is correct, it is not necessary to identify the supposed response of Ba'lu in Emar VI 42: 13 with the results of Masrube's barutu (extispicy) in ASJ 12-T 7: 33, since it would not be strange if the former text refers to one of the inquiries, while the latter text deals with a different one.
IV. A New Reading
Based on the above criticisms, observations and considerations, how is Emar VI 42: 12b-16 to be understood? The following is my proposal for the reading (cf.
Vol. XLI 2006 137 esp. Adamthwaite). Let me cite the full text of the embedded part of the second inscription: LUGAL ERIN.MES KUR bur!-ri (10) URU.e-mar i-la-mi-in (11) umpi-su dKUR IGI.2-su (12) a-na du is-si-ma u du (13) eg-re-ti MUSEN GI sa sA-su (14) i-di-na-su u ERIN.MES bu-ra-du (15) sa sA-su u BAD-su TES.BA! nak!-ra-su ( 16) im-}Ja-a~ uUR u .e-mar u-ba-li-it' (9b-10) (When) the king of the Hurrian troops harmed Emar, (ll-12a) Pissu(=Pilsu)-Dagan lifted up his eyes to Ba'lu. (12b-14a) Then Ba'lu gave him auspices(?) (indicating) peace on its inside, (14b-16a) defeated the soldiers who were on its inside and on its city wall alike, i.e., his/its enemy, 50 ( 16b) and revived Emar.
Notes: General: It is Ba'lu, not King Pilsu-Dagan nor his soldiers, who "defeated" the Hurrian troops and "revived" (i.e., saved) Emar. Line 13: Although it is admitted that the reading eg-re-ti MUSEN, "utterances(?) of bird," i.e., "auspices(?}," is not fully satisfactory, no other probable candidate has been proposed. 51 Therefore I tentatively follow the Arnaud's reading. In any case, the object of iddin (1. 14) must be a positive response of Ba' lu, and it is not necessary to think it must be the results of extispicy. As for GI, Tsukimoto 's interpretation is attractive. In fact, "favorable" auspices(?) showing Ba'lu's will fits well in the context. Nevertheless, since its usage for salmu has not yet been attested, I take it as sa/amu, "peace, well being," as Dietrich does, and regard eg-re-ti MUSEN and GI sa sA-su as being in apposition (or a genitive construction). But this interpretation has merit, too. Now we are with confidence able to interpret sa sA-su, "(lit.) ofhis/its heart," in both 1. 13 and I. 15 with the same meaning: inside Emar (cf. Fales).52 Though quite laconic, Ba'lu's response must have been a promise of "peace inside the city," i.e., its defense (by him). Line 15: As for the last word with RA before -su, there is no doubt that nakra, "enemy" (sg. ace.), is the best candidate for the object of the verb ma}Jii~u, "(lit.) to beat." Hence, together with Durand and Adamthwaite, I am inclined to read nak!-ra (or
138 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! Hurrian king (1. 9) specifically. 53 However, it should be noted that istenis usually corresponds to TES.BI, not to TES.BA. 54 Taking this into account, I would like also to suggest an alternative reading: gab!-ba! for gabbu, "all, every" (ace.), taking the former sign as KAB without an oblique wedge or a Winkelhaken on its inside. 55 In this case, 11. 14b- 16a is to be rendered as follows:
(Ba'lu) defeated the soldiers who were on its inside and on its city wall, i.e., all his/its enemy (gab!-ba! nak!-ra-su).
V. Closing Remarks
It is well known that (Late Bronze) Emar belonged to the West Semitic world. Many studies have been published dealing with its West Semitic features in several cultural aspects, such as onomastica, language and religion. 56 Emar VI 42, particularly its second inscription (II. 8-I 9), can be regarded as an additional source for such cultural studies. Firstly, it provides, for the first time, a (western peripheral) Akkadian example of the phrase, "to lift up the eyes," denoting "to pray" for help (ini naSu in 11. llf.). This is a West Semitic (e.g., Ugaritic and Biblical Hebrew) expression, 57 which has not been attested in documents from Mesopotamia. Secondly, it is remarkable that Emar VI 42: 9b-16 and KTU2 1.119: 26'-36' share a parallel (religio-)literary plot: the city is besieged by its enemy --+ the king/you (pl.) "lift(s) up the eyes" to Ba'lu for help --+ Ba'lu accepts the prayer --+ Ba'lu himself defeats the enemy. Actually, when reading Emar VI 42, one almost feels that Pilsu-Dagan and Ba'lu are playing parts according to the script in KTU2 1.119. This would suggest that a poem like KTU2 1.119: 26'-36' was known also in Emar and that its people believed such a miraculous deliverance by Ba'lu. Thus, these observations on Emar VI 42 in comparison with KTU2 1.119 clearly show there was a strong link between Emar and Ugarit within the common cultural world.
Notes
I In referring to texts from Emar (Meskene), the following abbreviations will be used below: ASJ 12-T =A. Tsukimoto, "Akkadian Tablets in the Hirayama Collection (I)," ASJ 12 (1990), 177-259; Emar VI = D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata. Emar VI.I-4, Paris, 1985-87; GsK-T = M. Sigrist, "Seven Emar Tablets," in A. F. Rainey (ed.), Kinattutu sa darati. Raphael Kutscher Memorial Volume, Tel Aviv, 1993, 165-187, Pis. II-VIII; Iraq 54-T = S. Dalley and B. Teissier, "Tablets from the Vicinity of Emar and Elsewhere," Iraq 54 ( 1992), 83-
Vol. XLI 2006 139 111, Pis. X-XIV; RE = G. Beckman, Texts from the Vicinity of Emar in the Collection of Jonathan Rosen (HANE/M 2), Padova, 1996; SMEA 30-T = D. Arnaud, "Tablettes de genres divers du Moyen-Euphrate," SMEA 30 (1992), 195-245; TS = idem, Textes syriens de I 'age du Bronze Recent (AuOrS I), Sabadell, 1991. 2 Reading: GAL
140 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! 12 So C. Zaccagnini, "Golden Cups Offered to the Gods at Emar," Or. 59 ( 1990), 519. 13 SeeM. I. Gruber, Aspects of Nonverbal Communication in the Ancient Near East (Studia Pohl 12/I), Rome, 1980, 60-84 (on qatalqiiti naszi in Akkadian; cf. also nzs qiiti!SU.iL.LA in Akkadian/Sumerian), as well as 32-38 (on ns 'ydym in Biblical Hebrew and ns 'ydm in Ugaritic). Note also ns 'ydn in Old Aramaic (KAI202A: II; see below 111.2). 14 Arnaud, Emar V1.3, 57f. For his handcopy see above n. 5. Note that in this and the following transliterations I indicate the transliteration of the problematic signs mentioned above (on II. 13, 15) by bold type. IS I.e., to Bisu-Dagan (ibid., 58 [note on I. 15]). 16 Ibid. (note on I. 13). For egelirni in this meaning see AHw, 189f. (s.v. egerrfi, mng. 2); CAD E, 44f. (s.v. egirni, mng. 3). Cf. also [summa amelu] egirri MUSEN ina same ipul[su], "if the utterance of a bird from the sky answers a man," in CT 39 42: 33 (see CAD I-J, 212 [s.v. i~~iiru, mng. lc]). 17 Cf. GI.NA = kenu, "sur, stable" (R. Labat and F. Malbran-Labat, Manuel d'epigraphie akkadienne, Paris, 19886, 77 2 [no. 85]). 18 TES (= UR) has no problem. In view ofthe shape of the BA-sign in I. 16 (but cf. I. 19), it is possible to regard the second sign as BA. On the orthographic problem of TES.BA, see below n. 54. 19 For his forced emendation of if! for AL see Arnaud, Emar V1.3, 58 (note on I. 15). Note also that the reading lik (= SID) is not well supported by the handcopy and was rejected by Durand after his collation ofthe tablet (see below 11.7.8). 20 Ibid. (note on l. 16). 21 Dietrich, UF 22 (n. 6), 33f. 22 ~f. ibid., 34 n. 34. He refers to II. 28-30 in the ldrimi inscription (see below 111.2) as an example of the use of the "Vogelorakel" in Syria (33 n. 31 ). 23 F. M. Fales, "Notes on the Royal Family of Emar," in D. Charpin and F. Joannes (eds.), Marchands, diplomats et empereurs (= Fs. Garel/i), Paris, 1991, 83f. 24 He writes: "If this interpretation of the text is acceptable, we would be dealing with the account of how a king saved his land in a time of peril by an appeal to the main god - a sort of XIII century forerunner to the Aramaic inscription of Zakkur" (ibid., 84). For the Zakkur inscription see below (111.2). 25 Zaccagnini, Or. 59 (n. 12), 519f. 26 Tsukimoto, ASJ 12 (n. I), 192. 27 Note: salmu (adjective) = SILIM (CAD S/1, 256); saliimu (noun) = SILIM, GI, (ibid., 206); cf. also saliimu (verb)= SILIM, in NB also GI (mostly in personal names) (ibid., 209). 28 Translation by Tsukimoto (ASJ 12, 191). On II. 29-33, cf. J. Ikeda's translation: "When Hurrian troops besieged the wall of Emar, Masruge was a diviner of the king and the city. They defeated (the enemy) in accordance with his divination" ("Syntax & Pragmatics of Emar Akkadian," BMECCJ9 [1996], 243, 245). 29 Tsukimoto, ASJ 12, 191 f. If this is correct, note also the following texts which probably refer to the same Hurrian attack on Emar: TS 9: (21) i-na KUR.KUR KALA-ti sa' bur-ri (22) : BAD il-mi-ma, "in the (year of) hostility (and) distress when Hurri besieged the city wall (of Emar)"; RE 77: (34) MU.KAM LUGAL ERIN.MES bur-[ri] (35) URU.e-mar.K[I P-la'-mt-in?], "the year (when) the king of the Hur[rian] troops [harmed(?)] Emar." Based on the fact that not only King Pilsu-Dagan but also Elli his son appear as witnesses in TS 9: 39f., one may assume that this Hurrian attack occurred in the later phase of Pilsu Dagan's reign (Yamada, BSNEStJ 37/1, 25). Furthermore, other references to the year of "distress (i.e., famine)" and/or "hostility (i.e., war)" dated to his reign (Emar VI 20: 14, 29; 138: 11, 24, 41; 158: 14; ASJ 12-T 16: 14) may refer to the same event, too. SeeM. Yamada, .. Year Dates in the Emar Texts: Data and Preliminary Remarks," BSNEStJ 3811 ( 1995), I 00. 30 M. R. Adamthwaite, Late Hittite Emar (ANES Suppl. 8), Louvain, 2001, 262-264, 280
Vol. XLI 2006 141 (photographs); cf. also idem, "Ethnic Movements in the Thirteenth Century B.C. as Discernible from the Emar Texts," in G. Bunnens (ed.), Cultural Interaction in the Ancient Near East (Abr Nahrain Suppl. 5), Louvain, 1996,98-101. 31 Adamthwaite, op. cit., 262, 264. For Durand's previous reading, see the following footnote. 32 J.-M. Durand and L. Marti, "Chroniques du Moyen-Euphrate 2. Relecture de documents d'Ekalte, Emar et Tuttul," RA 97 (2003), 149-151. Cf. his previous reading: "(Ba'al) lui donna Ia rage de son creur (iq-ri ti-{s!-gi sa sa-su). Alors it leva7 les soldats qu'il voulut et, avec eux, il triompha de son ennemi (u erinrmes bu-ra-du sa sa-su "bad-ma tes-ba nak-ra-su im-ba-a-f) et sauva Ia ville d'Emar" (Durand, RA 83, 183f.). 33 Durand and Marti, RA 97, 150 n. 52. For this Tl-sign see also 11.4.A above. 34 Ibid., 151 n. 59. Js In spite of the variations, from the context, all the scholars but Fales assume, correctly, in my opinion, Ba'lu's positive response to Pilsu-Dagan. Note that "auspices" or the like is supported by four (Arnaud, Dietrich, Tsukimoto and Adamthwaite) of the seven scholars. 36 As noted above, other verbs proposed by the scholars are to be rejected: qeru in I. 13 (Durand); /equ in I. 13 (Zaccagnini); alaku in I. 15 (Arnaud and Fales). 37 The exceptions are Arnaud and Fales, who assume before imba~ (maba.fu) another verb, illik (alaku), which has (Emariote) "soldiers" as its subject, while taking Pilsu-Dagan (= Arnaud's Bisu-Dagan) as the subject of imba~. However, this interpretation cannot be maintained any more, since illik is impossible (see above 11.1.8). If asked to analyze the sentence without the il/ik, they would probably say that the subject of imba~ is the Emariote soldiers. 38 See D. Pardee, Les textes rituels (RSOu XII), Paris, 2000,662, 664-667,681-685, Fig. 23; also idem, "Poetry in Ugaritic Ritual Texts," in J. C. de Moor and W. G. Watson (eds.), Verse in Ancient Near Eastern Prose (AOAT 42), Neukirchen-VIuyn, 1993, 216. 39 Pardee, op. cit., 682 (note on II. 26'-27'). Note also that in Biblical Hebrew nasa' 'enayim, meaning "to look eagerly," seems occasionally to indicate such praying (e.g., esp. Ps. 123: 1; cf. also 121: l).Cf. TDOT10,38(s.v.nasa,III.4.d). 40 On such a miraculous deliverance by a god, cf. esp. YHWH as depicted in the cases of the siege of Samaria by Ben-Hadad II, king of Aram-Damascus, (2 Kings 6: 24-7: 7) and of the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib, king of Assyria, (18: 13-19: 36). For gods instead of kings playing the leading roles in combat, see K. van der Toorn, "L'oracle de victoire comme expression prophetique au Proche-Orient ancien," RB 94 (1987), 83f. 41 In Emar the enemy soldiers are not only on the wall of the city but also already on its inside (Emar VI 42: 14b-15a), while in Ugarit they are still at the gate and on the city wall (KTCJ2 1.119: 26'-27'a). 42 This interpretation would be supported also by the fact that Pilsu-Dagan dedicated a golden cup to Ba'lu (II. 8-9a+ 17-19a). Although it is not explicitly mentioned in the text, there is no doubt that he did so to show his gratitude for the deliverance by Ba'lu, just as he donated a field to the diviner Masrube as an expression of gratitude for his achievement in the same crisis (ASJ 12-T 7: 21-37). 43 See J. F. Ross, "Prophecy in Hamath, Israel, and Marl," HTR 63 (1970), 2f.; also COS 2.35 (translated by A. Millard), with previous literature (p. 155). 44 Cf. van der Toorn's note: "Ia forme Ia plus simple de )'oracle de victoire marie promesse de victoire a l'appel a Ia tranquillite" as in Josh. 10: 8 (RB 94, 75). 45 On 'ddn see DNWSI, 827f. (s. v. 'dd2), which provides the following meanings: "messenger, herald" (cf. also Ross, HTR 63, 4-8), "oracle priest diviner" (cf. also Millard, COS 2, 155 & n. 10), and "soothsayer." 46 See M. Dietrich and 0. Loretz, "Die 1nschrift der Statue des Konigs ldrimi von Alalab," VF 13 (1981), 204f.; also T. Longman III, Fictional Akkadian Autobiography, Winona Lake, Ind., 1991,217.
142 ORIENT LIFT UP YOUR EYES! 47 Cf. also Saul's behavior before his final battle with the Philistines: he inquired of YHWI-1 by dreams, Urim, and prophets (I Sam. 28: 6). 48 See W. L. Moran, "New Evidence from Mari on the History of Prophecy," Biblica 50 (1969), 21-24. For relevant texts see ARM XXVI 204 (=ARM X 81): 22-25; 217: 30f. (cf also 202: 18f.; 219: 24') on prophecies; and ARM XXVI 239 (=ARM X 94): 10'f. (cf. also 233 [=G. Dossin, RA 42, 128-132]: 43f.) on dreams. I wish to thank Prof. lchiro Nakata (Chuo Univ.), who kindly provided me with these references in the Mari texts, as well as the one in the following footnote and a copy of his unpublished paper "Prophecy at Mari" (2003 ). 49 A. 112l+A. 2731: 13-30 (B. Lafont, "Le roi de Mari et les prophetes du dieu Adad," RA 78 [1984], 8-11); see J.-M. Durand, "In vino veritas," RA 76 (1982), 45-47. For the parallel and complementary relations between "Ia divination deductive" and "Ia divination inspiree," sec van der Toom, RB 94, 68-71. 50 Another possible rendering is: "(Ba'lu) defeated his/its enemy
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