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The Reconciliation in Argentina: Is it Complete? Niedzwiecki, Tina R. 1995

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The people refer to it as "the Dirty War." ticipation and, in an extreme case, banning the The Argentines thought that the "temporary" Peronist party, which still supported the views military government that took over in 1976 was of the late president. In order to fully imple rescuing them from the poorly-led Isabel Peron ment its plan, the military found it necessary government. (Isabel was president Juan Peron's to eliminate certain factors from society. These third wife and vice-president prior to his death.) "factors" were people, who were taken and Isabel forced the country into economic tur killed or tortured because the military found moil through her mismanagement. To add to that their respective political beliefs were the country's economic decay, guerrilla move threatening to its plan for society. ments became active and used violence to show In 1983 the rule of terror finally came to their presence. The military government tried an end when Raul Alfonsfn of the Radical Party to eradicate traces of Isabel and any sense of dis was democratically elected with over fifty per order caused by guerrilla groups through rad cent of the vote. The transition to democracy ical and extreme measures. had begun. One of the first issues the new leader The "Dirty War" began in 1975 even before addressed was the enormous disrespect for basic this military coup and would last for the next human rights under the military regime. He seven years, during which time some of the dealt with the issue by establishing La Comision Argentine people would be subjected to Nacional sobre Ia Desaparicion de Personas (the unimaginable torture which often led to death, National Commission on the Disappearance of all at the hands of the Argentine military. People). The group's purpose was to investigate Depending on the source, as few as ten thou the human rights violations, the result of which sand and as many as thirty thousand people was the Nunca Mas (Never Again) report which died or disappeared at the hands of this military explained in detail its findings. government. The military hoped to restructure Democracy continued with the next tran society and rid it of all "problems." This meant sition of power to the freely elected President excluding all leftist groups from political par- Carlos Menem. At the time of this writing,

65 Menem is still president, and the violent mili rilla groups started to push for political power. tary regime of the not -very-distant past seems Eventually violent occurrences became so fre a mere faded memory. The Argentine people quent that the country was facing a full scale perhaps have suffered enough and want simply guerrilla war. The guerrillas were kidnapping to forget, but something will not let them. prominent government officials, setting off In this paper, I will discuss and evaluate the bombs, and even assassinating figures within democratic transition in detail with a special the army and other institutions. Soon the focus on the human rights violations of the mil armed forces intervened and answered the itary regime and, consequently, the reconcilia guerrillas' actions with violence, torture and tion which Argentine society faced. I will also death. The military reacted to the guerrillas' examine the different social and political groups violence by subjecting Argentina to extreme involved in the process of democratization and repression. The military began to stage its own reconciliation. Finally, I will analyze the success violent outbursts without any forewarning. In of the reconciliation under both the Alfonsfn and addition, it began taking prisoners who soon Menem administrations respectively. came to be called the "disappeared." The num ber of people that disappeared grew rapidly. The The Coup of 1976 military would use these hostages as a way to deter guerrillas from any further violent acts On July 1, 197 4, President Juan Peron died and often would even execute them. (Rock, p. while serving as Argentina's president for the 363) With the country almost under a state of second time. Peron was a man who, for gener siege, the military took the responsibility of ations, served as the figurehead of the political stopping the violent outbursts and restoring party that bears his name and continues on order. The only problem was that it didn't stop with great strength in Argentine politics. Upon the bloodshed. Instead of stopping the guerril his death, his vice-president took office. The las' violence by reacting with its own violence, new president was now the late president's wife, the military's plan escalated into a bloody bat Isabel. Under her rule, Argentina deteriorated tle which would be named "the Dirty War." economically, socially and politically. The mil All of this, coupled with the economic itary took it upon itself to relieve the situation decay of the country, led to the extreme cir by intervening. This regime sought to drasti cumstances of tension and confusion that so cally change society and was not afraid to use often precede unusual solutions. As in the case violence to accomplish these goals. of many Latin American countries, Argentina's The overthrow was orchestrated by one "solution" was the 1976 coup d'etat. General Jorge Rafael Videla. He and his regime In order to ensure success, the military took on two huge responsibilities. The first was regime began "eliminating" members of soci to quell recent uprisings by such violent guer ety who would threaten its prosperity through rilla groups as the Montoneros. This radical forced disappearances, torture, and death. and often violent group grew out of supporters Despite this reign of terror, the country's situ of the former President Peron's politics and ation did not improve. The military regime's social reforms. The group's objective was for subsequent attempt at economic reforms suc Peronist politics to prevail. Like a typical left ceeded for about four years, bringing inflation ist guerrilla group in Latin America, it would down to 88 percent per year in 1980: but by use violent and illegal measures to prove its 1981 Argentina would find itself once again in point, for example, kidnappings, protests which economic crisis. Inflation rose to over 100 per ended in violence, etc. The second responsi cent per year, and the country faced a recession. bility that General Videla undertook was to try (Skidmore and Smith, p. 105) The military to salvage Argentina's economy from virtual regime's goal was to restructure society, but destruction. (For further information regard what it achieved was scarring it. ing Argentina's economic struggles see Arthur In one final attempt at dignity, the military Comstock's essay in this volume.) regime, which was now led by General Leopoldo With Juan Peron dead, the Peronist guer- Galtieri, decided to try to boost national pride

66 and consequently gain national support through making the exchange rate between the two coun an event which would end up costing the regime tries' currencies even. Inflation subsequently its power. The event was what is now known as declined, and Argentina's inflation rate has been the Falklands/Malvinas War. These islands lie relatively stable through the present. off the coast of Argentina, but are still controlled and populated by the British. Argentina invad The Military Government and ed the islands on April2, 1982, in what promised Human Rights to be a small dispute with a simple ending. Margaret Thatcher, Prime Minister of Britain, In 1976 Argentina's new military govern had other ideas, however. She quickly dis ment faced considerable opposition. In order patched troops to the small islands and the dis to cope with the various threats, the junta used pute became an international incident. In the its military to perpetuate gross human rights end Britain triumphed, and her victory cost the violations which included torture, death and Argentine military its political power. After the "detained-disappearance." This last form of Falklands/Malvinas War the Argentine economy repression, detained-disappearance, was a tac continued to deteriorate. This in turn led to the tic not uncommon to other Latin American mil end of the military rule and the beginning of a itary regimes. The controlling body would transition to democracy. arrest a person for questioning, for example, and he or she would never return. Evidence of death The Democratic Transition: a was never found, so the person was not consid Political Perspective ered executed, though that was the likely fate. Instead, because the last known status was In December of 1983 Raul Alfonsfn of the arrest, the person was considered "detained," UCR party (Union Cfvica Radical) succeeded the but at the same time "disappeared." In 1976 last of the military presidents, General Reynaldo alone, the number of those considered detained Bignone, and became the first civilian democ disappeared rose to over 4,000. (Skaar, p. 49) ratically elected president of Argentina since the By using these repressive tactics, the military coup of 1976. Alfonsfn had two major goals for could instill fear in society while eliminating his government and he accomplished one. His opponents of the government at the same time. first goal was the consolidation of democracy. (Skaar, p. 49) The details of the human rights This he achieved. His second was economic violations are documented in the Nunca Mds recovery. This he did not achieve. In order to report. The report also contains detailed testi begin the reconciliation of Argentina's society, monies about torture and disappearance. Alfonsfn set up an investigation of human rights Though arrests may have seemed random, violations. This resulted in the Nunca Mds not just anyone was taken by the military, at (Never Again) report which documented the least not at first. The coming of the military violations. This report, along with the suc dictatorship meant the systematic disappear cessful and peaceful transition to democracy, ance of the opposition: in this case the guerril helped him to accomplish his first objective. las. According to David Rock, His second objective, economic reform, would Thousands vanished into prisons and be attained by his successor, President Menem. police torture chambers. During the previous six years (1970-1976) the The Peronist candidate, Carlos Menem, guerrillas' victims had numbered at won the next democratic election for President most two or three hundred; the price in May 1989. He began revitalizing the econo now exacted in retaliation, mostly my by privatizing such companies as the nation through "disappearances," was at least al telephone company, ENTEL, and the nation 10,000. The repression quite deliber ately, it seemed, was arbitrary, unco al airlines, Aerolineas Argentinas. (Skidmore & ordinated, and indiscriminate, which Smith, p. 110) He followed up Alfonsfn's failed intensified its powers of intimidation. attempt at changing the currency to the austral (Rock, pp. 367 -68) by instituting the new peso as the form of cur The military's use of intimidation spread to peo rency. Finally, he tied the peso to the US dollar, ple who merely knew or were associated with

67 the opposition. Girlfriends, boyfriends, wives, these children were eventually returned, but are husbands, friends, and relatives of the suspect scarred emotionally for life. Some are still ed opposition were taken, questioned and tor being looked for and may never be found. tured. Depending on the source, the number of disappearances ranges anywhere from 10,000 The Formation of Human Rights (Rock, p. 368) to 30,000 (according to the Organizations human rights group las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo). The problem with estimating a precise The public, especially those closely number is that in many cases there were no involved with or related to those who had dis bodies found. The military government enact appeared, did not ignore the gross human ed a concerted effort to cover up the disposal of rights violations. Instead, many in Argentine the bodies. For example, bodies would be flown society bravely confronted the opposition. out and dumped into the ocean, where they It is hard to imagine that a government would certainly never be found. would have the capability of invading and violat There is another group of victims that, to ing an entire nation's rights. What is even hard this author, symbolizes the horror of the er to imagine is how those who were left behind Argentine dictatorship. This group is the chil by husbands, wives, fathers, mothers, and chil dren, and their disappearance is a phenomenon dren were able to cope. The fact is, the victims unique to Argentina. Children were taken didn't cope; they fought back, and they did it by because of their parents' political and ideolog forming political human rights organizations. ical ties. There were two such groups of "dis Ten major organizations were formed dur appeared children." One group was the off ing the military regime to combat and protest spring of detained women who were pregnant. the government's gross human rights viola Pregnant women were taken and tortured just tions. These were educational and social groups as the military would take and torture anyone that concentrated on specific themes, includ in "normal" condition. Often, their babies were ing detained and disappeared persons, persons born while the mothers were incarcerated. who were forced into exile, and basic human According to the Nunca Mas report, "Many rights violations. I will focus here on two pregnant women were kidnapped ... and during groups in particular that received the most their captivity they suffered every type of attention both nationally and abroad. They were ridicule .... " (Nunca Mas report, p. 317) There the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and the is also considerable evidence that members of Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo. These the military sometimes took the babies and groups, like others, were formed in protest of raised them as their own children. the detained and disappeared with the inten Other children were taken because they tions of discovering the whereabouts of their happened to be with their parents who were children and grandchildren. Their tactics and being arrested. These children were incarcer the attention they received made them unique. ated and treated badly, like their parents. Some These groups were able to form under for of them were also adopted by military families. midable conditions. The Mothers of the Plaza Finally, there were children who were too old de Mayo began protesting on Thursday, April to be considered young children incapable of 30, 1977. They began as a group of fourteen free thought and ideas, yet not old enough to women who met every Thursday in the Plaza de be considered adults. As stated in the Nunca Mayo to protest the disappearance of their chil Mas report, "Almost 250 girls and boys that dren. (This not only included young children, were between the ages of 13 and 18 years old but grown adults as well.) The Mothers of the disappeared .... They were kidnapped in their Plaza de Mayo found that every Thursday their homes, in the public street or upon leaving group grew and grew. Finally on August 22, school ... There were many adolescents who dis 1979, the group was officially formed. During appeared as a consequence of the repression the dictatorship, members of the group faced exercised against their parents." (translated into considerable opposition and some were even English, Nunca Mas report, p. 324) Some of arrested themselves. Eventually, the group

68 grew to include 2,500 members and had mem his presidential campaign this was a key issue, bers throughout Argentina, not just Buenos because the military junta had passed a law in Aires. (Frtihling, Alberti, and Portales, pp. 46- September of 1983 which granted amnesty to 48) The group received international attention anyone who had committed crimes during the and has been featured in documentaries about military regime against leftist guerrilla forces. human rights abuses. (Powell) Alfonsfn vowed to overturn this law The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo under civilian rule, and he did exactly that once formed in 1977 to combat the same problem, in office. but it did so in a different way. The group He began the healing process by appoint protested the disappearance of their grandchil ing a commission (the National Commission on dren who were either taken with their parents the Disappearance of Persons) which investi at the time of the coup or were born in captiv gated and detailed the execution or disappear ity. The group differed from the Mothers of the ance of 8,906 people in Argentina. (Skidmore Plaza de Mayo because it primarily concentrat and Smith, p. 108) This commission published ed on looking for the children rather than sim the Nunca Mas report which other Latin ply protesting visibly, though both groups did American countries, including Chile, would use participate in both activities. According to Hugo as a model when they faced the process of Frtihling, the group's main objective was "to democratization in the future. The report obtain the identification of each one of the chil includes testimonies of victims and their dren and total or partial restitution ... to their respective families. Though the report is thor true families. Up to the moment [1988] they ough, some believe the total number of people have found 45 children out of a total of 208 reg represented is underestimated. The commis istered as disappeared." (Translated into sion explains its objectives and the process it English, Frtihling, Alberti, and Portales, p. 21) went through in a long and moving prologue, The group remains active today looking for the part of which reads as follows: children and trying to match them with their With sadness, with pain we have com respective families. These groups and others pleted the mission that was entrusted to us in the moment of the played significant roles through active protest Constitutional President of the during the military regime. Later, they would Republic. This job was very hard, evolve to become important voices that would because we had to repair a difficult puz be heard by the democratic government during zle, many years after the facts occurred, its transition period. President Alfonsfn catered when they have deliberately erased all of the faces, they have burned all of the to these groups during his campaign by promis documents and they have demolished ing that he would not adhere to a law of gener the buildings ... The most terrible al amnesty. The groups succeeded by forcing drama that the nation suffered in all its the recognition of the human rights violations history was during the period that the committed during the military regime. One military dictatorship lasted through, initiated in March 1976, and it will could say that they were even essential in the serve to make us understand that only process of reconciling Argentine society. democracy is capable of preserving a population ... that only democracy can Human Rights and the Transition to maintain and save the sacred and Democracy essential rights of the human creature. Only this way will we be able to be sure that NEVER AGAIN in our country will As briefly mentioned earlier in this paper, the famous events .... be repeated in the in 1983 the military's reign of terror ended and civilized world. (Translated into the era of democracy began with President English, from the Prologue of the Alfonsfn. How the newly elected president han Nunca Mas report, pp. 10-11) dled the situation regarding human rights vio The Nunca Mas report was an essential first step lations is significant for many reasons. One of in the process of reconciling Argentina. Alfonsfn President Alfonsfn's campaign promises was did not stop, however, with the official investiga retribution for human rights violators. During tion made public through the document.

69 The Argentine people, led by the ambitious thousand people to embrace democracy with human rights groups, were not satisfied by the out first reconciling with its recent past. The Nunca Mas report alone. They wanted the abo compromise of prosecuting the generals was lition of amnesty for the armed forces and that one that allowed the symbolic punishment of included anyone who committed human rights the human rights violators to take place. The violations. Alfonsfn, under pressure by these generals represented the repression; and even groups, made the path-breaking decision to lift though not every soldier was tried and pun the amnesty law installed by the military junta, ished, through the trials of the generals a form and forced major military leaders to stand of reconciliation was achieved. For these rea accused of violating human rights before a civil sons, President Alfonsfn's human rights trials ian court. The government's judicial branch were a unique and bold approach to beginning charged and tried nine of the most important his country's transition to democracy. and powerful generals of the military regime. The human rights trials were a new occur The Breakdown of Justice rence in the way Latin American countries with histories of human rights violations handled the The trials resulted in the sentencing of a process of democratization. In 1985 the whole total of nine of Argentina's top rulers and armed world watched as Argentina's judicial system forces leaders. Unfortunately, this sentencing tried the very men who once ruled the country. was the only justice that Argentine society They were former presidents and former army would see. Everything that happened after generals Jorge Videla, Viola and Leopolda wards served to only frustrate human rights Galtieri; former navy chiefs Massera, Armando activists and organizations. Lambruschini and Jorge Anaya, and former air It all started when PresidentAlfonsfn start force leaders Orlando Agosti, Omar Graffigna ed to rescind some of his original constraints and Basilio Lami Dozo. (Beard, "Carter Human on the amnesty laws. Because the military Rights Aide ... " p. C5) An impressive 835 wit reacted with hostility to the sentencing of its nesses recounted tales of torture chambers and commanders, Alfonsfn was forced by protests of murders ordered by the leaders. Throughout human rights organizations to retract his the trials, the leaders and their defenders main promise of a ban on general amnesty. He did so tained that during the period of the military dic by introducing a law in 1987 that erased charges tatorship the country had been in a state of war, against military officers and junior military offi a national emergency. They even tried to argue cers. (Atwood, 1987) Alfonsfn's introduction of that their actions were heroic and that they the new law that would, in essence, support saved the country from a "communist state." amnesty in some cases angered human rights (Beard, "Argentine 'Dirty War' Trial Ends," p. organizations. He never intended to dismantle C11) These arguments may have saved some of any of his previous actions by pardoning sen the leaders from a lifetime behind bars. Though tenced generals, however. In this sense, he was there were different sentences ranging from life trying to help the reconciliation process by imprisonment to acquittals, the convictions appeasing the human rights groups with trials, symbolized a sense of justice and a readiness for but without frustrating the military by dragging Argentine society to put its past behind it. every one of its officers through the court sys (Reuters, "Argentine Activists ... " p. 11) tem. However, the human rights organizations The human rights trials represented an thought everyone should be punished while the effort by the Alfonsfn government to reconcile military complained it had been merely acting its broken nation by forcing an elite few to take in the best interest of the country. responsibility for their actions during the dic Alfonsfn had ventured into unchartered tatorship, without the expense, hassle, and fur territory by charging and indicting generals for ther heartbreak of trying every military officer human rights violations. Though some activists guilty of human rights violations. The idea was say he did not go far enough, he had gone fur a potent one. It is impossible to expect a nation ther than anyone before him had had the torn apart by the death of as many as thirty courage to go. With his policies the Argentine

70 people may have found that they could put the from progressing towards reconciliation. past behind them and accept the punishment Human rights groups continued to protest of a few top officials as punishment for all who every step backwards that the government took were guilty. This theory, of course, can never in its wishy-washy stance on amnesty. The be tested because in 1989, Peronist President groups also contributed on a smaller scale by Carlos Menem took office, and the reconcilia searching for missing children, trying to iden tion process came to a standstill. tify bodies, and, perhaps the most important, never losing the hope of finding out the truth The Reconciliation and Its Demise and achieving justice. There have been rare instances of In an attempt to "heal lingering wounds" reunions of a child with either the child's grand Menem effectively unraveled Raul Alfonsfn's parents (because the parents were detained-dis human rights policy by issuing pardons for the appeared persons) or the natural parents. In convicted military generals. (Smith, p. 1) 1983 one such reunion took place. In this inci Menem's actions, however, suspiciously dent, a poor family found an abandoned infant appeared to be more of an endeavor to stimu during the years of the "Dirty War" and moved late the reconciliation of the military and the away from Buenos Aires to escape the violence. government rather than that of the military and They took the child with them and adopted and Argentine society as a whole. This action raised the baby as their own. The child's name proved so controversial that the human rights is Tamara Ana Maria Arce. Her adoptive par organizations declared December 30, 1990, as ents told her what they thought to be the truth, a day of "mourning" to show opposition against that she had been abandoned by her natural the pardon. (Bonasegna, p. 4) But Menem mother, but what they did not know was that stood by his action claiming that it was "a nec her mother was one of the detained-disappeared essary step toward national reconciliation." persons. Unlike many of the detained-disap (Malamud-Goti, p. 517) Human rights activists peared, however, she had been released. as well as political analysts disagreed, seeing the Following her release she spent two years action as a setback in the democratic transition. searching for her daughter. (Diehl, p. A1) Menem garnered much criticism with his Because of the organization and resources of seemingly anti-human rights actions, and con groups like the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, sequently he received many resignations under Rose Mary Riveros reunited with her daughter his administration. For example, Mrs. in Lima, Peru, in September of 1983. Sadly, Fernandez Meijide, a human rights activist, however, stories like this one are unusual. More reacted to Men em's second attempt at "healing often than not, the children who are being des the nation" by stating: "Once again, civilian perately sought out by relatives are never found. power ... gives in to military power. This pardon Another facet of the healing process is has little to do with pacifying the country and finding the remains of the detained-disap a lot to do with an attempt to prevent military peared. Berta Schuberoff is the mother of pressure in the future." (Bonasegna, p. 4) Marcelo Gelman, who disappeared during the Menem's actions only prolonged the painful "Dirty War." The mothers realize now that their reconciliation process. missing sons or daughters are in fact dead. Many of their bodies will never be found Individual Attempts to Heal a Nation because of the extreme measures taken by t'1e military to hide them. Berta Schuberoff is dif If the Argentines learned one thing dur ferent, however, for in 1989, her son's body was ing their years under oppressive military rule, found and identified. Upon finally learning the it was that through group effort and determi true fate of her son she reacted by saying, nation many dreams can become real. The "When they gave me back his remains ... , I cried democratic government may have failed the a lot, which I had not been able to do before .... human rights activists' and organizations' After 13 years I was at last able to mourn." expectations, but that did not stop the groups (Ford, p. 6) Because of the work of the

71 Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, many as a humane act. Accordingly, the Church has families have been able to finally lay their loved opened an investigation into the violations of ones to rest. This knowledge has tremendous the "Dirty War." According to a recent article, healing effects. The Argentine people may have "Argentina's Roman Catholic Bishops pledged been robbed of their justice, but some of them yesterday [April29, 1995] to come clean on the are helping uncover the truth. Without both church's role in the "dirty war" of the 1970s ... reconciliation is unlikely. Argentina's bishops responded with a March 8 statement condemning chaplains who might Truth Revealed have supported the torturers, but said they themselves had always tried to save people." At the time of my writing this article, some (Reuters, "Argentine Bishops ... ," p. 25) The startling new evidence about exactly what hap Church's continued investigation into human pened during the "Dirty War" was uncovered. In rights violations is something that is of partic late March 1995, former navy Lieutenant ular interest to human rights activists. Commander Adolfo Francisco Sclingo admitted in his book about the "Dirty War" that people Conclusion were thrown to their deaths from airplanes as a form of execution. This practice had often been Reconciliation had a chance in Argentina. rumored to be true, but the written acknowl Most other Latin American countries did not edgement of it by someone who witnessed and even try to do what Alfonsfn did to restore even participated in the events is unprecedent democracy and heal wounds simultaneously. It ed. According to Sclingo the victims were "told is a difficult task, but his handling of it won him they were being transferred from the notorious international recognition and acclaim. Menem detention center in the Navy School of did succeed him in a peaceful transition of Mechanics in Buenos Aires [and] were so weak democratic power. He also succeeded in bring from torture and confinement that they had to ing about enormous economic reform to the be helped onto the planes, where they were country. But he failed in the eyes of human heavily sedated." (Honore, p. 14A) In addition, rights organizations and the people of Argentina Sclingo admitted having taken part in pushing who continue to suffer to this day because jus prisoners to their deaths on two flights. tice was not served. Their sons and daughters, The publicity of this recent admission has husbands and wives, mothers and fathers dis sparked some controversy; but at the same time, appeared, were tortured, and were murdered; the general attitude of the Argentine people has and most of the people responsible have never not changed. In other words, people still want been brought to justice. The country's healing to forget about the "Dirty War." The people who process was stunted and it has never had the have been stirred by this news are the Catholic chance to learn the truth, mourn its losses and Church and the human rights activists. begin again. As the Mothers of the Plaza de The Catholic Church in particular has been Mayo chant, "We will not forgive and we will not involved because of Sclingo's implication that forget." Without retribution, Argentina's people the Church approved of this form of execution may never forget the "Dirty War."

72 REFERENCES

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