Cultural Revolution Timeline
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Wang Guangmei and Peach Garden Experience Elizabeth J
Wang Guangmei and Peach Garden Experience Elizabeth J. Perry Introduction In the spring of 1967 China’s former First Lady Wang Guangmei was paraded onto a stage before a jeering crowd of half a million people to suffer public humiliation for her “bourgeois” crimes. Despite her repeated protestations, Wang was forced for the occasion to don a form- fitting dress festooned with a garland of ping-pong balls to mock the elegant silk qipao and pearl necklace ensemble that she had worn only a few years earlier while accompanying her husband, now disgraced President Liu Shaoqi, on a state visit to Indonesia. William Hinton (1972, pp. 103-105) describes the dramatic scene at Tsinghua University in Beijing, where the struggle session took place: A sound truck had crisscrossed the city announcing the confrontation, posters had been distributed far and wide, and over three hundred organizations, including schools and factories, had been invited. Some had sent delegations, others had simply declared a holiday, closed their doors, and sent everyone out to the campus. Buses blocked the roads for miles and the sea of people overflowed the University grounds so that loudspeakers had to be set up beyond the campus gates . At the meeting Wang [G]uangmei was asked to stand on a platform made of four chairs. She stood high enough so that tens of thousands could see her. On her head she wore a ridiculous, wide-brimmed straw hat of the kind worn by English aristocrats at garden parties. Around her neck hung a string of ping- pong balls . A tight-fitting formal gown clung to her plump body and sharp- pointed high-heeled shoes adorned her feet. -
Perspectives of Red Guards During the Cultural Revolution: a Historiographic Survey Matthew E
The Histories Volume 4 | Issue 2 Article 2 2019 Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey Matthew E. Kowalski La Salle University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Kowalski, Matthew E. (2019) "Perspectives of Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey," The Histories: Vol. 4 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol4/iss2/2 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Histories, Volume 4, Number 2 2 Articles I Perspectives o f the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution: A Historiographic Survey By Matthew E. Kowalski Between the years 1966-69, Communist China experienced one of the greatest periods of social and political upheaval in its history. In assessing the meaning of Mao’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, historians and political scientists have argued from several different viewpoints. One facet of the Cultural Revolution that has proved particularly controversial is the role of the Red Guard movement in the shaping of political events. During the late sixties and early seventies, many ‘China Watchers’ and academics saw the Red Guard movement as a shining example of ‘people power’ and student agency. These scholars tended to regard the events in China as being linked to the global student protest movement of the Vietnam-war era. -
Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse
Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse Schoenhals, Michael 1993 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Schoenhals, M. (1993). Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, and the Language of Political Discourse. (Indiana East Asian Working Paper Series on Language and Politics in Modern China). http://www.indiana.edu/~easc/resources/working_paper/noframe_schoenhals_pc.htm Total number of authors: 1 General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. LUND UNIVERSITY PO Box 117 221 00 Lund +46 46-222 00 00 Talk About a Revolution: Red Guards, Government Cadres, -
The Enduring Legacy of Blood Lineage Theory
THE ENDURING LEGACY 2004 . 4, OF BLOOD LINEAGE THEORY NO RIGHTS FORUM BY YONGYI SONG CHINA One of the most destructive debates of the Blood lineage theory and the class line couplet 13 Cultural Revolution period was over whether Blood lineage theory was actually a radicalized version of the Party’s “class line” (jieji luxian) that came into being at the found- China should be run by those who had ing of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, and that had sub- demonstrated their abilities, or by those who sequently gained wide acceptance in Chinese society.The had the appropriate revolutionary pedigree. emergence of blood lineage theory coincided with the rise of the Red Guard movement and its attendant violence during the This debate, which originated among China’s summer of 1966, and can be traced back to two primary docu- TE AND CHOICE A students, transformed a generation, and its ments. One was the “class line couplet” that first appeared as a F big-character poster produced by the Red Guards of the Attached influence can still be seen in the structure of High School of Beijing Aeronautic College on July 29, 1966: “If China’s power elite today. the father is a hero, the son is a good fellow; if the father is a reactionary,the son is a good-for-nothing—it is basically like During the Cultural Revolution, a critical and long-lasting debate this” (laozi yinxiong er houhan,laozi fandong er hundan,jiben yuci).5 arose between the blood lineage theory (xuetong lun), promoted The second was the essay “The Born-Reds Have Stood Up!” by a number of children of high-ranking officials, and the egali- (zilai hongmen zanqilai!), which circulated widely on the campuses tarian principles espoused in Yu Luoke’s essay,“On Family Back- of Beijing middle schools in early July 1966 as the organiza- ground” (chushen lun), and supported by ordinary students. -
Red Scarf Girl
A Facing History and Ourselves Study Guide Teaching RED SCARF GIRL Created to Accompany the Memoir Red Scarf Girl, by Ji-li Jiang A Facing History and Ourselves Study Guide Teaching RED SCARF GIRL Created to Accompany the Memoir Red Scarf Girl, by Ji-li Jiang Facing History and Ourselves is an international educational and professional development organization whose mission is to engage students of diverse backgrounds in an examination of racism, prejudice, and antisemitism in order to promote the development of a more humane and informed citizenry. By studying the historical development of the Holocaust and other examples of genocide, students make the essential connection between history and the moral choices they confront in their own lives. For more information about Facing History and Ourselves, please visit our website at www.facinghistory.org. The front cover illustration is a section from a propaganda poster created during the beginning of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1968), the same years Ji-li describes in her memoir. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China 1949, government and party officials used mass- produced posters as a way to promote nationalism and convey the values of the Communist Party. Propaganda posters were especially important during the Cultural Revolution, and this poster represents many dominant themes of this media: the glorification of Mao, the color red symbolizing China and the Chinese Communist Party, and the depiction of youth as foot-soldiers for the revolution. The slogan on the poster expresses a popular anthem of the era: Chairman Mao is the Reddest Reddest Red Sun in Our Hearts. -
Why Did Chinese Youth Get Swept up in the Cultural Revolution?
Cultural Revolution Lesson Plan Central Historical Question: Why did Chinese youth get swept up in the Cultural Revolution? Materials: • Cultural Revolution PowerPoint • Cultural Revolution Timeline • Cultural Revolution Documents A-D Plan of Instruction: 1. Introduction: Today we are going to study the Cultural Revolution in China, which occurred between 1966 and 1976. In particular, we’re going to look at a group of youth called the Red Guards who were responsible for much of the violence and abuse of the Cultural Revolution. 2. Project PPT slide 1. Tell students this photograph was taken in February 1967. It shows Red Guards displaying leaders of “Anti-Revolutionary Groups.” Ask students what they see in the image. • What are the Red Guards doing? (Answer: Harassing or punishing people.) • What are the punishments? (Answer: Wearing dunce caps; handled with force.) • Where are they being punished? (Answer: In public, in front of a large crowd.) Explain to students that many of the people targeted by Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution were teachers and professors. Project PPT slide 2. Explain that this is a propaganda poster from the Cultural Revolution and ask students what they see in the image: • What objects are in the foreground? (Answer: Religious icons, literature, film reels. If you look very closely you see “USA” on one of the books.) • What might these symbolize? (Answer: Old traditions -- religion, literature, capitalism, and imperialism.) • What is happening to these objects or symbols? (Answer: The Red Guards are destroying them.) • Whose picture is on the flag? (Answer: Mao Zedong.) • How are the Red Guards depicted? (Answer: They are depicted as valiant. -
Factions in a Bureaucratic Setting: the Origins of Cultural Revolution Conflict in Nanjing
FACTIONS IN A BUREAUCRATIC SETTING: THE ORIGINS OF CULTURAL REVOLUTION CONFLICT IN NANJING DONG Guoqiang and Andrew G. Walder The mass conflicts in China from 1966 to 1968 have long been understood within a framework of collective solidarity. The conflicts have been portrayed as instances of political mobilization by individuals who shared common interests based on their positions in China’s social and political order—a form of interest- group politics. Factional conflict—presented as a struggle between conservative and radical tendencies—is viewed as a struggle between groups having different stakes in the post-revolution order. 1 The argument is coherent, intuitively appealing and fits well with popular social science perspectives on contentious politics.2 It has been so persuasive since it first appeared in the late 1970s that it has become enshrined in standard histories of the Cultural Revolution and in lecture courses for generations of students.3 Evidence for this view was established in influential early studies. High school students in Beijing and elsewhere carried out a spirited debate about family background—whether the children of revolutionaries and ranking Party members were inherently more loyal politically and more qualified than others to lead the student movement. This argument was pushed early on by many 1 The most important early statements of this interpretation are Hong Yung Lee, The Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978) and Stanley Rosen, Red Guard Factionalism and the Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou (Canton) (Boulder: Westview, 1982). 2 In particular, the highly influential tradition of research associated with the work of Charles Tilly and Doug McAdam, who analyze political movements as a problem of mobilization by groups with shared interests and identities. -
The Conclusive Scene: Mao and the Red Guards in July 1968 Alessandro Russo
The Conclusive Scene: Mao and the Red Guards in July 1968 Alessandro Russo positions: east asia cultures critique, Volume 13, Number 3, Winter 2005, pp. 535-574 (Article) Published by Duke University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/190199 Access provided by Columbia University (13 Sep 2017 19:42 GMT) The Conclusive Scene: Mao and the Red Guards in July 1968 Alessandro Russo In the very early hours of July 28, 1968, some of the most famous figures of the subjective turbulence that in the two previous years had invested the fundamental conditions of politics in China—the Red Guards and the Mao- ist leaders—met in a long and dramatic face-to-face meeting, a transcript of which was kept in such a deliberately meticulous way that even the emo- tional tones of the dialogue were recorded.1 The result, thanks to compilers endowed with a remarkable literary culture (probably one or more of Mao’s secretaries), is much more than the bare proceedings of the meeting. One would be inclined to call it rather a theatrical pièce whose “authors” are the “characters” themselves. These characters were subjective figures who met in the final moment of the political situation in which their existence is grounded. As of the next day, the situation would be totally different—the Red Guards would not exist anymore as independent organizations, and positions 13:3 © 2005 by Duke University Press. positions 13:3 Winter 2005 536 in the following months they would be dissolved, with consequences that would unavoidably rebound on Mao and on his allies. -
The Chinese Cultural Revolution: a Historiographical Study," Paper for HST 300 History Methods (Instructor Zuoyue Wang), 2004, Cal Poly Pomna
Jennifer Dowland, "The Chinese Cultural Revolution: A Historiographical Study," paper for HST 300 History Methods (instructor Zuoyue Wang), 2004, Cal Poly Pomna. Copyright Jennifer Dowland. For educational uses only; commercial use without written permission prohibited. The Chinese Cultural Revolution: A Historiographical Study In 1965, Mao Zedong believed that his socialist campaign was being threatened by Liu Shaoqi and his comrades who, in Mao’s eyes, were traitors to the revolution because they shied away from a genuine mass movement. These veteran revolutionaries who had helped Mao create the People’s Republic were now seemingly less committed to Mao’s vision. In Mao’s eyes the Chinese Revolution was losing ground because of party conservatism and large bureaucracy. Mao insisted that many party bureaucrats “were taking the capitalist road.” Mao called for a wave of criticism against “reactionary bourgeois ideology” in 1966. Thus began the decade-long Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that would have devastating and far-reaching impact on modern China. The Cultural Revolution was one of the most complex events in the history of the Chinese Communist Party. All the Chinese people and institutions were involved and changed forever. Although Mao initiated the movement, once the masses were mobilized the movement gained its own momentum. Mao and his party would continue to manipulate the masses but the masses would find ways to express themselves spontaneously. The Cultural Revolution would last from 1966 to 1976 and pass through a number of stages with the majority of the violence occurring in the first two years. As the Chinese masses split into factions, factional struggles affected the course of the Revolution.1 Mao would call on students to purge those that had betrayed the revolution. -
Educated Youth and the Cultural Revolution in China
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES MICHIGAN PAPERS IN CHINESE STUDIES Ann Arbor, Michigan Educated Youth and The Cultural Revolution in China Martin Sj University of Michigan Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies No. 10 1971 Open access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities/ Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Copyright 1971 by Center for Chinese Studies The University of Michigan Ann Arbor, Michigan 48104 Printed in the United States of America ISBN 978-0-89264-010-2 (hardcover) ISBN 978-0-472-03814-5 (paper) ISBN 978-0-472-12760-3 (ebook) ISBN 978-0-472-90155-5 (open access) The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Contents I. Introduction 1 Mao Tse-tung 1 Mao Tse-tung and the Youth of China 4 The State of Youth 6 Abbreviations Used in Text and Bibliography 9 II. The Cultural Revolution: 1966 10 Peking University 11 National Movement for Educational Reform 13 Leadership Support for Revolutionary Students 15 Early Mass Rallies and Movements 17 Recreating the Long March 21 Attempts to Disperse Students 25 Invocation of the Tradition of the PLA 26 Student Relations with Workers and Peasants 27 III. The Cultural Revolution: 1967 30 Attacks on Egoism 30 Attempts to Control Violence 31 The Three-Way Alliance 32 Attempts to Resume Classes: I 32 Responses to Changed Situations 35 Attempts to Resume Classes: II 36 Shift to the Left — April 39 Factionalism and Violent Struggle 40 Attempts to Resume Classes: III 42 The Wuhan Incident 44 Support the PLA 45 Crackdown on Young People 49 Attempts to Resume Classes: IV 51 Sheng Wu-lien . -
Creating National Narrative the Red Guard Art Exhibitions and the National Exhibitions in the Chinese Cultural Revolution 1966-1976
Vol 3, No 1 (2014) | ISSN 2155-1162 (online) | DOI 10.5195/contemp.2014.58 http://contemporaneity.pitt.edu Creating National Narrative The Red Guard Art Exhibitions and the National Exhibitions in the Chinese Cultural Revolution 1966-1976 Winnie Tsang Abstract The artistic development in China experienced drastic changes during the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976. Traditional Chinese art was denounced, whereas propaganda art became predominant in shaping the public’s loyalty towards the Communist Party and the country. Two major groups of art exhibitions emerged during the Revolution—the unofficial Red Guard art exhibitions organized by student activists in collaboration with local communes and art schools between 1966 and 1968, and the state-run national exhibitions from 1972 to 1975. These exhibitions were significant to this period because they were held frequently in the capital city Beijing and occasionally elsewhere, and through art they presented unique revolutionary beliefs to the Chinese people in a public setting. While the Red Guard art exhibitions and the national exhibitions certainly created different national narratives, I argue that the national exhibitions were in fact an attempt to revise the national narrative created by the Red Guard art exhibitions in order to re-establish a more utopian, consistent, and official national narrative. This paper unravels the intricate relationship between the two groups of exhibitions by comparing their exhibition venues, ideological focuses, work selection and quality editing. About the Author Winnie Tsang has recently completed her M.A. in Art History and Archaeology at Washington University in St. Louis, specializing in nineteenth-century European art and modern Chinese art. -
The China Quarterly Revolutionizing Antiquity: the Shanghai Cultural
The China Quarterly http://journals.cambridge.org/CQY Additional services for The China Quarterly: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Revolutionizing Antiquity: The Shanghai Cultural Bureaucracy in the Cultural Revolution, 1966–1968 Denise Y. Ho The China Quarterly / Volume 207 / September 2011, pp 687 - 705 DOI: 10.1017/S0305741011000713, Published online: 22 September 2011 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0305741011000713 How to cite this article: Denise Y. Ho (2011). Revolutionizing Antiquity: The Shanghai Cultural Bureaucracy in the Cultural Revolution, 1966–1968. The China Quarterly, 207, pp 687-705 doi:10.1017/S0305741011000713 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CQY, IP address: 130.132.173.212 on 10 Aug 2015 687 Revolutionizing Antiquity: The Shanghai Cultural Bureaucracy in the Cultural Revolution, 1966–1968* Denise Y. Ho† ABSTRACT This article examines the response of Shanghai’s cultural bureaucracy during the Attack on the Four Olds, the Red Guard repudia- tion of old culture launched in the early years of China’s Cultural Revolution (1966–76). It focuses on how local officials, acting in a space created by the Central Cultural Revolution Group and the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee, worked to control the damage wrought by the political campaign and justified their activities by adapting the rhetoric of revolution. Based on the archival documents of the Shanghai Bureau of Culture, this article traces the reinvention of the cultural bureaucracy and the subsequent shift in the language of preservation. It argues that during the Cultural Revolution, there was an institutionalized and ideologically legitimated movement to protect historic sites and cultural objects.