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CEJISS 2 07.Indb Vysoká škola veřejné správy a mezinárodních vztahů v Praze Volume 1 / Issue 2 / November 2007 Central European Journal of International & Security Studies Volume 1 Issue 2 November 2007 Contents Editor’s Note . 5 Special Report Daniel Kimmage and Kathleen Ridolfo / Iraqi Insurgent Media: The War of Images and Idea . 7 Research Articles Marketa Geislerova / The Role of Diasporas in Foreign Policy: The Case of Canada . .90 Atsushi Yasutomi and Jan Carmans / Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Post-Confl ict States: Challenges of Local Ownership . 109 Nikola Hynek / Humanitarian Arms Control, Symbiotic Functionalism and the Concept of Middlepowerhood . 132 Denis Madore / The Gratuitous Suicide by the Sons of Pride: On Honour and Wrath in Terrorist Attacks . 156 Shoghig Mikaelian / Israeli Security Doctrine between the Thirst for Exceptionalism and Demands for Normalcy . 177 Comment & Analysis Svenja Stropahl and Niklas Keller / Adoption of Socially Responsible Investment Practices in the Chinese Investment Sector – A Cost-Benefi t Approach . 193 Richard Lappin / Is Peace-Building Common Sense? . 199 Balka Kwasniewski / American Political Power: Hegemony on its Heels? . 201 Notes on Contributors . 207 CEJISS Contact Information. 208 5 Editor’s Note: CE JISS In readying the content of Volume 1 Issue 2 of CEJISS, I was struck by the growing support this journal has received within many scholarly and profes- sional quarters. Building on the success of the fi rst issue, CEJISS has man- aged to extend its readership to the universities and institutions of a number of countries both in the EU and internationally. It is truly a pleasure to watch this project take on a life of its own and provide its readers with cutting-edge analy- sis of current political affairs. I would like to take this opportunity to thank our readers for their constructive criticism, comments and continued support. Much has changed in the 6 months since CEJISS was fi rst launched. I would like to introduce this issue with a brief commentary regarding the tense atmos- phere currently clouding Israeli-Syrian relations. There is growing concern of clandestine, actual or potential WMD procurement in the greater Middle Eastern region, which has (rightly) attracted the attention of scholars and policy makers. On 6 September 2007, it was reported that Israeli air force jets violated Syrian airspace, and after being engaged by Syrian anti-aircraft batteries were forced back to more friendly skies. Since the initial reports were made public, it has become clear that Israel’s actions were not accidental but rather part of a deliberate strategy to deal with potential Syrian nuclear weapons (or materials) acquisition, purportedly from North Korea. Two important issues have been raised: fi rstly, the continued dangers of WMD proliferation in the Middle East and, possible ways of countering such proliferation. While Israel’s nuclear programmes have been the subject of much debate – especially as Israel refuses to allow IAEA inspectors to assess its nuclear sites and capabilities – the fact remains that Israel is a (largely) responsible state in which there are many checks and balances to prevent the deployment of WMD in a wanton manner. Unfortunately, in most other Middle Eastern states such checks and balances are absent. This compounds the problem of WMD devel- opment as regimes which control internal and external security policy without signifi cant oversight are likely to utilise WMD (particularly nuclear weapons) as a strategically deployable weapon instead of adopting (as most other nuclear states have) a strategic view of WMD as residual; not a security mantle-piece. If the accusations levelled against Syria – regarding its acquisition of nuclear weapons (or material) from North Korea – are accurate, then it confi rms the worst fears of Israeli (and international) security analysts: that despite intense international pressures and investigations which attempt to dissuade WMD de- velopment and smuggling, such weapons may be acquired with relative ease. Israel’s military reaction to the Syria acquisition was a necessary and even encouraging response. It demonstrated a willingness to unilaterally respond to a nuclear provocation with maturity. It targeted non-civilian sites and focused its attention only on the source of danger. The deployment of special ground forces which directed Israeli warplanes to their target was dangerous though demonstrated that when intelligence is accurate there is no need to shoulder a burden of military occupation: WMD can be removed with prudent and meas- ured military deployments. Israel’s actions may have many in the US question- ing the Bush Administration’s true motives for Operation Iraqi Freedom, as suspected sites may have been neutralised without decapitating Iraq’s leader- ship which has led to one humanitarian crisis after another. This is not to sug- gest that Israel’s actions conform to international law, for in fact they violated many international laws and protocols. Additionally, unilateralism is dangerous and should not become a standard in international interactions. However, when faced with an identifi able, clear-and-present and substantial threat, there may be no other reasonable action besides the physical deployment of force. Such deployments must however be selective. They must never target civilian (or dual use) facilities or expand to include targets of opportunity. The Israeli action will undoubtedly have long-term regional and interna- tional security implications and may (hopefully) signal to other states seeking WMD that there are important costs to consider when contemplating devel- oping or acquiring (through other means) such weapons. While international organisations should continue to play a central role in preventing WMD pro- liferation, until such organisations retain the physical means to compel the abandonment of illicit weapons programmes, it is up to the members of inter- national society to use soft power when possible and hard power when needed to curtail WMD proliferation. While Israeli-Syrian relations are not further explored in this issue (though contributions on this subject are welcome for future issues), it does contain some interesting and important articles related to international relations and security. Thanks to the cooperation of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, CEJISS has the opportunity to republish a special report detailing Iraqi Insur- gent media. This report will prove very useful for those interested in the situa- tion in Iraq and its international dynamics. Additionally, this issue contains articles related to security sector reform, humanitarian arms control, the role of diasporas in the formation of foreign policies, changes to Israeli security and a philosophical account of political/religious martyrdom. I sincerely hope that you enjoy this issue and look forward to your comments. Yours truly, Mitchell A. Belfer Editor and Chief Central European Journal of International & Security Studies [email protected] 7 Special Report CE JISS Iraqi Insurgent Media: The War of Images and Idea How Sunni Insurgents In Iraq And Their Supporters Worldwide Are Using The Media1 Daniel Kimmage and Kathleen Ridolfo 1. Key Findings ■ Sunni insurgents in Iraq and their supporters worldwide are exploiting the Internet to pursue a massive and far-reaching media campaign. Insurgent media are forming perceptions of the war in Iraq among the best- educated and most infl uential segment of the Arab population. ■ The Iraqi insurgent media network is a boon to global jihadist media, which can use materials produced by the insurgency to reinforce their message. ■ Mainstream Arab media amplify the insurgents’ efforts, transmitting their message to an audience of millions. ■ The insurgent propaganda network does not have a headquarters, bureaucracy, or brick-and-mortar infrastructure. It is decentralized, fast-moving, and technologically adaptive. ■ The rising tide of Sunni-Shi’ite hate speech in Iraqi insurgent media points to the danger of even greater sectarian bloodshed. A wealth of evidence shows that hate speech paved the way for genocide in Rwanda in 1994. ■ The popularity of online Iraqi Sunni insurgent media refl ects a genuine demand for their message in the Arab world. An alternative, no matter how lavishly funded and cleverly produced, will not eliminate this demand. 1 Copyright © 2007. RFE/RL, Inc. This document is reprinted with permission of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 1201 Connecticut Ave., Washington DC 20036. The original report is available at the Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty website. Please see: www.rferl.org/insurgentmediareport 8 | Daniel Kimmage and Kathleen Ridolfo ■ There is little to counter this torrent of daily press releases, weekly and monthly magazines, books, video clips, full-length fi lms, and even televi- sion channels. ■ We should not concede the battle without a fi ght. The insurgent media network has key vulnerabilities that can be targeted. These include: • A lack of central coordination and a resulting lack of message control; • A widening rift between homegrown nationalist groups and Al-Qaeda- affi liated global jihadists. 2. Introduction Sunni insurgents in Iraq and their supporters and sympathizers worl- dwide are pursuing a massive and far-reaching media campaign that includes daily press releases, weekly and monthly magazines, video clips, full-length fi lms, and even television channels. Iraqi Insurgent Media: The War of Images and Ideas casts light on this crucial
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