California's A.Jnjabi- Mexican- Americans
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Brown Youth, Black Fashion and a White Riot by Margarita Aragon
Brown Youth, Black Fashion and a White Riot By Margarita Aragon Table of Contents Preface: The Zoot Suit Riots………………………………………………………...2 I. Introduction: Made in America…………………………………………………..3 II. Sources……………….……………………………………………………………4 III. Background………………………………………………………………………7 IV. “Terrific as the Pacific, Frantic as the Atlantic”: From hipsters to pachucos, the zoot-suit from coast to coast…………………………………….....12 V. Zoot Suits and Service Stripes…………………………………………………21 VI. The Riots…………………………………………………………….…………27 VIII. Conclusion: Dismantling the Machine………………………….………….34 References………………………………………………………………...………..37 Brown Youth, Black Fashion, and a White Riot Preface: The Zoot Suit Riots In the 1940’s a large generation of Mexican American1 youth were coming of age in Los Angeles. Born and raised in the segregated, working class outskirts of urban America, they were captivated by black jazz culture and a number of them, who became known as pachucos, adopted the extravagant zoot-suit style. Importantly, unlike their parents, this generation was not content to adhere to the city’s strict racial barriers. To dominant white Los Angeles, unaccustomed to seeing Mexicans –much less Mexicans deliberately dressed to stand-out - in downtown shopping and entertainment districts, pachuco came to mean a Mexican delinquent. The pair of words rapidly became correlated to redundancy. In a self-generating spiral of escalation, the repressive policing of Mexican Americans provided the media fodder for stories about zoot suit crime, which they printed in an exaggerated and salacious manner. The crime wave stories ironically convinced that the public that the police were not in control, thus generating pressure for even heavier handed policing tactics. The hysteria peaked when a young Mexican national was found dead in August at a reservoir the press labelled the Sleepy Lagoon. -
Style Sheet for Aztlán: a Journal of Chicano Studies
Style Sheet for Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies Articles submitted to Aztlán are accepted with the understanding that the author will agree to all style changes made by the copyeditor unless the changes drastically alter the author’s meaning. This style sheet is intended for use with articles written in English. Much of it also applies to those written in Spanish, but authors planning to submit Spanish-language texts should check with the editors for special instructions. 1. Reference Books Aztlán bases its style on the Chicago Manual of Style, 15th edition, with some modifications. Spelling follows Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th edition. This sheet provides a guide to a number of style questions that come up frequently in Aztlán. 2. Titles and Subheads 2a. Article titles No endnotes are allowed on titles. Acknowledgments, information about the title or epigraph, or other general information about an article should go in an unnumbered note at the beginning of the endnotes (see section 12). 2b. Subheads Topical subheads should be used to break up the text at logical points. In general, Aztlán does not use more than two levels of subheads. Most articles have only one level. Authors should make the hierarchy of subheads clear by using large, bold, and/or italic type to differentiate levels of subheads. For example, level-1 and level-2 subheads might look like this: Ethnocentrism and Imperialism in the Imperial Valley Social and Spatial Marginalization of Latinos Do not set subheads in all caps. Do not number subheads. No endnotes are allowed on subheads. -
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities. -
Chicano English‐ Language Policy
Chicano English‐ Language Policy By Leona Wüllner & Ricarda Kleemeier Table of Content • Introduction • History and language attitudes • Chicano English • Attitudes towards CE General facts • Many countries have a language policy designed to favour or discourage the use of a particular language or set of languages • Language Policy= what a government does either officially through legislation, court decisions or policy to determine how languages are used, cultivate language skills needed to meet national priorities or to establish the rights of individuals or groups to use and maintain languages • Although nations historically have used language policies – to promote one official language at the expense of others – many countries now have policies designed to protect and promote regional and ethnic languages whose viability is threatened Hispanic Americans • the fastest growing minority • three major groups: 1.Cubans 2.Puerto Ricans 3.Chicanos Hispanic Population (2006) Hispanic Origin by Type: 2006 Type of origin Number Percent Total 444,252,278 100.0 Mexican 28,339,354 64.0 Puerto Rican 3,987,947 9.0 Cuban 1,520,276 3.4 Dominican 1,217,225 2.8 Central American 3,372,090 7.6 South American 2,421,297 5.5 Other Hispanic 3,394,089 7.7 Cubans: • ca. 60% live in Miami • ca. 20 % live in New York & New Jersey • second –generation Cubans speak English fluently Puerto Ricans: • ca. 60% live in New York • many members are bilingual • second generation speaks two kinds of English: PRE and/or BEV Chicanos: • largest proportion of the Hispanic -
Central European Journal of International & Security Studies
Vysoká škola veřejné správy a mezinárodních vztahů v Praze Volume 1 / Issue 2 / November 2007 Central European Journal of International & Security Studies Volume 1 Issue 2 November 2007 Contents Editor’s Note . 5 Special Report Daniel Kimmage and Kathleen Ridolfo / Iraqi Insurgent Media: The War of Images and Idea . 7 Research Articles Marketa Geislerova / The Role of Diasporas in Foreign Policy: The Case of Canada . .90 Atsushi Yasutomi and Jan Carmans / Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Post-Confl ict States: Challenges of Local Ownership . 109 Nikola Hynek / Humanitarian Arms Control, Symbiotic Functionalism and the Concept of Middlepowerhood . 132 Denis Madore / The Gratuitous Suicide by the Sons of Pride: On Honour and Wrath in Terrorist Attacks . 156 Shoghig Mikaelian / Israeli Security Doctrine between the Thirst for Exceptionalism and Demands for Normalcy . 177 Comment & Analysis Svenja Stropahl and Niklas Keller / Adoption of Socially Responsible Investment Practices in the Chinese Investment Sector – A Cost-Benefi t Approach . 193 Richard Lappin / Is Peace-Building Common Sense? . 199 Balka Kwasniewski / American Political Power: Hegemony on its Heels? . 201 Notes on Contributors . 207 CEJISS Contact Information. 208 5 Editor’s Note: CE JISS In readying the content of Volume 1 Issue 2 of CEJISS, I was struck by the growing support this journal has received within many scholarly and profes- sional quarters. Building on the success of the fi rst issue, CEJISS has man- aged to extend its readership to the universities and institutions of a number of countries both in the EU and internationally. It is truly a pleasure to watch this project take on a life of its own and provide its readers with cutting-edge analy- sis of current political affairs. -
Download the Punjab Community Profile
Punjabi Community Profile July 2016 Punjab Background The Punjabis are an ethnic group of Indo-Aryan peoples, originating from the Punjab region, found in Pakistan and northern India. Punjab literally means the land of five waters (Persian: panj (“five”) ab (“waters”)). The name of the region was introduced by the Turko-Persian conquerors of India and more formally popularized during the Mughal Empire. Punjab is often referred to as the breadbasket in both Pakistan and India. The coalescence of the various tribes, castes and the inhabitants of the Punjab into a broader common “Punjabi” identity initiated from the onset of the 18th century CE. Prior to that the sense and perception of a common “Punjabi” ethno-cultural identity and community did not exist, even though the majority of the various communities of the Punjab had long shared linguistic, cultural and racial commonalities. Traditionally, Punjabi identity is primarily linguistic, geographical and cultural. Its identity is independent of historical origin or religion, and refers to those who reside in the Punjab region, or associate with its population, and those who consider the Punjabi language their mother tongue. Integration and assimilation are important parts of Punjabi culture, since Punjabi identity is not based solely on tribal connections. More or less all Punjabis share the same cultural background. Historically, the Punjabi people were a heterogeneous group and were subdivided into a number of clans called biradari (literally meaning “brotherhood”) or tribes, with each person bound to a clan. However, Punjabi identity also included those who did not belong to any of the historical tribes. -
What's Happening to the Village
What’s Happening to the Village Revisiting Rural Life and Agrarian Change in Haryana Surinder S. Jodhka CAS WORKING PAPER SERIES Centre for the Study of Social Systems Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi January 2014 CAS/WP/14-1 Prof. Surinder S. Jodhka is at the Centre for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Working Paper What’s Happening to the Village Revisiting Rural Life and Agrarian Change in Haryana Surinder S. Jodhka Abstract Based on a revisit to two villages of Haryana after a gap of 20 years (1988- 89 and 2008-09), the paper provides a historical overview of the process of development and change in a micro setting. Locating the process of social and economic transformation witnessed in the two villages in the context of Green Revolution technology, and later, the introduction of large-scale industrial projects in the area, it tries to explore the nature of changes taking place in the internal structure (caste and class relations) of the agrarian economy; the changing nature of the relationship of villages with neighboring urban settlements in terms of employment and aspirations; and the emerging nature of power relations in the local level political institutions. I Introduction The success of Green Revolution technology during the 1960s and 1970s, though confined only to some pockets of India, generated a great deal of excitement. Even when critiques pointed to its limited spread and possible social and ecological “side-effects”, it produced a sense of pride in the Indian 4 Surinder S. Jodhka development community and among the newly emergent rural elite. -
Victoria University Melbourne Graduation Program. August 2018
VICTORIA UNIVERSITY GRADUATION PROGRAM AUGUST 2018 #vualumni #vicunigrads vu.edu.au CONFERRING OF DEGREES AND GRANTING TABLE OF CONTENTS OF DIPLOMAS AND Our Value Proposition to our Students CERTIFICATES and the Community 1 A Message from the Chancellor 2 7 - 8 August 2018 A Message from the Vice-Chancellor Flemington Racecourse, Grandstand and President 3 Epsom Road, Flemington VIC Victoria University 100 years of opportunity and success 4 At VU, family is everything 5 University Senior Executives 6 Acknowledgement of Country 7 The University Mace – an established tradition 7 University Medals for Academic Excellence 7 Academic Dress 8 Welcome to the Alumni Community 9 Social media 10 GRADUATES 11 College of Arts And Education 12 College of Business 14 College of Engineering And Science 19 College of Health And Biomedicine 21 College of Law And Justice 23 VU College 26 VU Research 29 Companion of The University 30 Honorary Graduates of the University 1987–2017 31 VICTORIA UNIVERSITY GRADUATION PROGRAM AUGUST 2018 OUR VALUE PROPOSITION TO OUR STUDENTS AND THE COMMUNITY Victoria University (VU) aims to be a great university of the 21st century by being inclusive rather than exclusive. We will provide exceptional value to our diverse community of students by guiding them to achieve their career aspirations through personalised, flexible, well-supported and industry relevant learning opportunities. Achievement will be demonstrated by our students’ and graduates’ employability and entrepreneurship. The applied and translational research conducted by our staff and students will enhance social and economic outcomes in our heartland communities of the West of Melbourne and beyond. Our graduates as employees and citizens will shape the industries in which they work and communities where they live. -
The Chicano Movement and the Latino/Native American Connection Bradford Smith April 10, 2016
The Chicano Movement and the Latino/Native American Connection Bradford Smith April 10, 2016 Description This piece takes a brief look at the historical and current intersections of Latino and Native American identityin the United States. Keywords Chicano NAFTA Aztlan Reconquista Mexican Cession Key Points “Latino” is an ethnic group overlapping with many racial identities, including Native American The 20th century Chicano Movement popularized Latino celebration of indigenous heritage Since the mid-1990s, the number of Latinos in the US identifying as Native American has tripled Reconquista has caused some level of controversy between Chicano activists and Native American tribes The Latino ethnic group is a convergence of people of many races and ethnicities, including the descendants of white European settlers, enslaved black Africans, Asian laborers of various ethnicities, and native peoples of Central and South America. Given this fact, it is perhaps not surprising that there should be rather strong connections between Native Americans, broadly defined as native peoples of North and South America, and Latinos, despite the fact that they are often considered separate from each other in everyday discourse. As this shared history has been more widely recognized and accepted by the Latino population, there has been an increasing push to openly identify with one's indigenous roots. Perhaps the first widespread acceptance of this ideology came from the Chicano Movement that began to take hold after World War II. This was a movement primarily centered around the relationship between Mexican Americans and the white American majority, “addressing issues such as farm workers’ rights, land tenure, educational reform, political representation, the war in Vietnam, and ‘police brutality’” (Escobar). -
Reconsidering the Relationship Between New Mestizaje and New Multiraciality As Mixed-Race Identity Models1
Reconsidering the Relationship Between New Mestizaje and New Multiraciality as Mixed-Race Identity Models1 Jessie D. Turner Introduction Approximately one quarter of Mexican Americans marry someone of a different race or ethnicity— which was true even in 1963 in Los Angeles County—with one study finding that 38 percent of fourth- generation and higher respondents were intermarried.1 It becomes crucial, therefore, to consider where the children of these unions, a significant portion of the United States Mexican-descent population,2 fit within current ethnoracial paradigms. As such, both Chicana/o studies and multiracial studies theorize mixed identities, yet the literatures as a whole remain, for the most part, non-conversant with each other. Chicana/o studies addresses racial and cultural mixture through discourses of (new) mestizaje, while multiracial studies employs the language of (new) multiraciality.3 Research on the multiracially identified population focuses primarily on people of African American and Asian American, rather than Mexican American, backgrounds, whereas theories of mestizaje do not specifically address (first- and second- generation) multiracial experiences. In fact, when I discuss having parents and grandparents of different races, I am often asked by Chicana/o studies scholars, “Why are you talking about being multiracial as if it were different from being mestiza/o? Both are mixed-race experiences.” With the limitations of both fields in mind, I argue that entering these new mixed-identity discourses into conversation through an examination of both their significant parallels and divergences accomplishes two goals. First, it allows for a more complete acknowledgement and understanding of the unique nature of multiracial Mexican-descent experiences. -
Historical Constructions of Ethnicity: Research on Punjabi Immigrants in California
Historical Constructions of Ethnicity: Research on Punjabi Immigrants in California KAREN LEONARD IMMIGRANTS FROM the Punjab province of India came to California at the turn of the twentieth century and settled in the state's major agricultural valleys. About five hundred of these men married Mexican and Mexican-American women, creating a Punjabi Mexican second generation which thought of itself as "Hindu" (the name given to immi grants from India in earlier decades). This biethnic community poses interesting questions about the construction and transformation of ethnic identity, and the interpretations of outsiders contrast with those of the pioneers and their descendants. These interpretations direct attention to the historical contingency of ethnic identity and to the many voices which participate in its definition. Punjabi Immigrants and the Punjabi-Mexican Families The community of immigrants from South Asia has changed dramati cally over time. Table 1 shows the small numbers of Asian Indians and their concentration in rural California in the first half of the twentieth century. While the figures do not indicate place of origin in South Asia, the overwhelming majority of the pre-1946 immigrants were men from the Punjab in northwestern India.1 This table also shows the effect of later changes in citizenship and immigration laws: a large increase in numbers, diffusion throughout the United States, and a shift to urban centers. In 1946, the Luce-Celler Bill made Asian Indians eligible for citizenship, and the oldtimers were allowed to sponsor a small number of new immigrants (the 1924 National Origins Act, applicable once Indians could become citizens, established an annual quota of 100 for India). -
East Los Angeles Chicano/A English: Language & Identity
UCLA Voices Title ‘You Speak Good English for Being Mexican’ East Los Angeles Chicano/a English: Language & Identity Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/94v4c08k Journal Voices, 2(1) Author Guerrero, Jr., Armando Publication Date 2014 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ‘You Speak Good English for Being Mexican’ East Los Angeles Chicano/a English: Language & Identity Armando Guerrero, Jr. University of California, Los Angeles Abstract East Los Angeles Chicano/a English (ELACE) is characterized by unique linguistic features that differentiate it from other varieties of English spoken in the Los Angeles met- ropolitan area. This paper will explore some of the more salient features that lead to many assumptions about the speaker of the variety, some negative and others potentially positive. Additionally, it argues that ELACE is not simply a sociolect reserved for communities of low socioeconomic status, but rather, it is an ethnolect that serves to represent the rich culture of the diverse Latino/a groups represented in East Los Angeles. Keywords: Chicano/a English, identity, language ideologies, Latino/a in United States 1. Introduction. The study of linguistic ideologies1 is a relatively new area of scholarship within the field of anthropology. Nevertheless, this theoretical framework is an effective tool for analyzing human social interaction through a linguistic filter. Michael Silverstein defines these ideologies as ‘sets of beliefs about language articulated by users as a rationalization or justification of perceived language structure and use’ (1979:193). In the present study I examine what social and ideological processes are being evoked when individuals utter statements such as, ‘You speak good English for being Mexican’.