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The Past As Prologue,” Science & Diplomacy, Vol
Vaughan C. Turekian and Norman P. Neureiter, “Science and Diplomacy: The Past as Prologue,” Science & Diplomacy, Vol. 1, No. 1 (March 2012). http://www.sciencediplomacy.org/editorial/2012/science-and-diplomacy. This copy is for non-commercial use only. More articles, perspectives, editorials, and letters can be found at www.sciencediplomacy.org. Science & Diplomacy is published by the Center for Science Diplomacy of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), the world’s largest general scientific society. Science and Diplomacy: The Past as Prologue Vaughan C. Turekian and Norman P. Neureiter HIS past December marked twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet TUnion quietly and peacefully ended the Cold War. While that era saw the Cuban Missile Crisis, proxy wars, and policies of mutual assured destruction, it was also a period when people on both sides of the conflict looked for ways to bridge differences and increase the chances for peace and resolution. In a 1985 address to the nation days before meeting with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev for the first time, President Ronald Reagan stated “We can find, as yet undiscovered, avenues where American and Soviet citizens can cooperate fruitfully for the benefit of mankind . In science and technology, we could launch new joint space ventures and establish joint medical research projects.” Two years later, John Negroponte, the President’s Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs (OES), further articulated the Administration’s view during congressional testimony: “It would be short-sighted of us not to recognize that it is in our national interest to seek to expand scientific cooperation with the Soviet Union.” In many ways, the Cold War was a time of highly effective use of science diplomacy to build bridges and connections despite the existence of great political tensions. -
Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
No. 15 Summer 2011
No. 15 FRIENDS Summer 2011 of the Non-Catholic Cemetery in Rome N E W S L E T T E R Rennell Rodd and the threat to Keats’ grave London, only to learn quite by chance of the impending destruction of the old Protestant cemetery in Rome. Also by chance, his Imagine that in 1870 you took a carriage down Via Marmorata superior in Berlin, the British Ambassador, was leaving that night heading away from the river. As it does today, the road headed at first for an audience with Queen Victoria. The Queen, alarmed at the a little to the right of the Pyramid, then veered left towards the threat to Keats’ grave, asked that the Ambassador in Rome record massive Porta San Paolo. However that gateway lies perpendicular to an objection to the scheme that only two months previously he had the line of Via Marmorata and – before large breaches were made in accepted; and that the Ambassador in Berlin obtain German support the Aurelian Wall to each side of it – it created an awkward angle for in opposing the scheme. Kaiser Wilhelm II, newly succeeded as traffic. So the city council decided in 1888 that Via Marmorata should Emperor (and Queen Victoria’s grandson), was about to visit Rome follow the straight line of the ancient Roman Via Ostiense through the and surely no request would be refused him. Walls towards San Paolo fuori le Mura. To do this, the new road and In meetings with Bismarck, the German Chancellor, Mayor tram-line would have to cut across the Parte Antica, destroying the old Guiccioli declared that the road project had to go ahead but, as a graves in the Protestant Cemetery including the grave of Keats. -
The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
Eban Speech at the Special Assembly of the UN
Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban: Speech at the Special Assembly of the United Nations (June 19, 1967) http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/MFADocuments/Yearbook1/Pages/ 25%20Statement%20to%20the%20General%20Assembly%20by%20Foreign%20Mi.aspx In recent weeks the Middle East has passed through a crisis whose shadows darken the world. This crisis has many consequences but only one cause. Israel's rights to peace, security, sovereignty, economic development and maritime freedom - indeed its very right to exist - has been forcibly denied and aggressively attacked. This is the true origin of the tension which torments the Middle East. All the other elements of the conflict are the consequences of this single cause. There has been danger, there is still peril in the Middle East because Israel's existence, sovereignty and vital interests have been and are violently assailed. The threat to Israel's existence, its peace, security, sovereignty and development has been directed against her in the first instance by the neighbouring Arab States. But all the conditions of tension, all the impulses of aggression in the Middle East have been aggravated by the policy of one of the Great Powers which, under our Charter, bear primary responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security. I shall show how the Soviet Union has been unfaithful to that trust. The burden of responsibility lies heavy upon her. I come to this rostrum to speak for a united people which, having faced danger to the national survival, is unshakably resolved to resist any course which would renew the perils from which it has emerged. -
Israeli History
1 Ron’s Web Site • North Shore Flashpoints • http://northshoreflashpoints.blogspot.com/ 2 • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wb6IiSUx pgw 3 British Mandate 1920 4 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 5 Peel Commission Map 1937 6 British Mandate 1920 7 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 8 9 10 • Israel after 1973 (Yom Kippur War) 11 Israel 1982 12 2005 Gaza 2005 West Bank 13 Questions & Issues • What is Zionism? • History of Zionism. • Zionism today • Different Types of Zionism • Pros & Cons of Zionism • Should Israel have been set up as a Jewish State or a Secular State • Would Israel have been created if no Holocaust? 14 Definition • Jewish Nationalism • Land of Israel • Jewish Identity • Opposes Assimilation • Majority in Jewish Nation Israel • Liberation from antisemetic discrimination and persecution that has occurred in diaspora 15 History • 16th Century, Joseph Nasi Portuguese Jews to Tiberias • 17th Century Sabbati Zebi – Declared himself Messiah – Gaza Settlement – Converted to Islam • 1860 Sir Moses Montefiore • 1882-First Aliyah, BILU Group – From Russia – Due to pogroms 16 Initial Reform Jewish Rejection • 1845- Germany-deleted all prayers for a return to Zion • 1869- Philadelphia • 1885- Pittsburgh "we consider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community; and we therefore expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws concerning a Jewish state". 17 Theodore Herzl 18 Theodore Herzl 1860-1904 • Born in Pest, Hungary • Atheist, contempt for Judaism • Family moves to Vienna,1878 • Law student then Journalist • Paris correspondent for Neue Freie Presse 19 "The Traitor" Degradation of Alfred Dreyfus, 5th January 1895. -
Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS)
P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS) The purpose of the Jaffee Center is, first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel's national security as well as Middle East regional and international secu- rity affairs. The Center also aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are - or should be - at the top of Israel's national security agenda. The Jaffee Center seeks to address the strategic community in Israel and abroad, Israeli policymakers and opinion-makers and the general public. The Center relates to the concept of strategy in its broadest meaning, namely the complex of processes involved in the identification, mobili- zation and application of resources in peace and war, in order to solidify and strengthen national and international security. To Jasjit Singh with affection and gratitude P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Memorandum no. 55, March 2000 Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies 6 P. R. Kumaraswamy Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 69978 Tel Aviv, Israel Tel. 972 3 640-9926 Fax 972 3 642-2404 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.tau.ac.il/jcss/ ISBN: 965-459-041-7 © 2000 All rights reserved Graphic Design: Michal Semo Printed by: Kedem Ltd., Tel Aviv Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations 7 Contents Introduction .......................................................................................9 -
Who Controls the IDF? Between an "Over-Subordinate Army" and "A Military That Has a State"
1 סדרת מאמרים לדיון Working paper series No. 23 – 2012 Who Controls the IDF? Between an "Over-Subordinate Army" and "a Military that has a State" Yagil Levy 142 מערכות מידע חשבונאיות ממוחשבות 1 Who Controls the IDF? Between an "Over-Subordinate Army" and "a Military that has a State" Yagil Levy Two opposite arguments are heard in political and academic discourse in Israel about the status of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF): One argument is that the IDF possesses too much power and that military thought governs political thought (see, for example, Barak & Sheffer, 2006; Ben-Eliezer, 1997; Grinberg, 2009; Michael, 2007; Peri, 2006). This argument is captured by the phrase "A Military that has a State" (Sheffer, Barak & Oren, 2008). Others, most prominent among whom is Stuart Cohen (2006), contend that the military is over- supervised by civilian groups, thereby limiting its space of operation. Can both these arguments be right at the same time? How can the contradiction between them be reconciled? To better illustrate this contradiction, let us look at recent developments in civil-military relations. There has been increasing civilian intrusion into the military domain, culminating in an overly subordinate military. Areas that were conventionally considered as falling within the military's sphere of professional competence became subject to civilian control. The impetus for this change came from social movements and interest groups (including parents) backed by the media, and focused on issues ranging from recruitment policies and the investigation of operational accidents to military operations themselves (Cohen, 2006). At the same time, during the 1980s, the political culture underwent militarization, generally attributed to the empowerment of a coalition of ethno-national groups composed mainly of religious groups and Russian immigrants. -
The Army and Society Forum the IDF and the PRESS DURING HOSTILITIES
The Army and Society Forum THE IDF AND THE PRESS DURING HOSTILITIES ��� ������ ������� ������ ��� ������ ��������� ��������� ��� ��� ��� ��� ����� ������ ����������� � ��������� ���� �� � ���� ���� �� ��� ������ ��������� ��������� ��� ���� ��� ������� ����� 5 Editor in Chief: Uri Dromi Administrative Director, Publications Dept.: Edna Granit English Publications Editor: Sari Sapir Translators: Miriam Weed Sari Sapir Editor: Susan Kennedy Production Coordinator: Nadav Shtechman Graphic Designer: Ron Haran Printed in Jerusalem by The Old City Press © 2003 The Israel Democracy Institute All rights reserved. ISBN 965-7091-67-5 Baruch Nevo heads The Army and Society Forum at The Israel Democracy Institute and is Professor of Psychology at Haifa University. Yael Shur is a research assistant at The Israel Democracy Institute. The views in this publication are entirely those of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Israel Democracy Institute. 5 Table of Contents PART ONE The IDF and the Press during Hostilities Baruch Nevo and Yael Shur Preface 6 Introduction 7 The Media as a Strategic Consideration in Preparation for War 13 The IDF and the Media: Reciprocal Relations 21 A Research Agenda 35 PART TWO Opening Plenary Session 37 Discussion Groups Group 1: The Media as a Strategic Consideration in Preparation for War 58 Group 2: The IDF's Approach to the Media 88 Group 3: The Media’s Stance towards the IDF 119 Closing Plenary Session 139 Group Reports 151 6 The IDF and the Press during Hostilities 7 PART ONE The IDF and the Press during Hostilities Baruch Nevo and Yael Shur PREFACE The fifth meeting of the Army and Society Forum, held in the summer of 2002, dealt with issues related to the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) and the media in wartime. -
Chapter 1 the Meaning of Detente
Notes CHAPTER 1 THE MEANING OF DETENTE I. Arthur M. Schlesinger,Jr., 'Detente: an American Perspective', in Detente in Historical Perspective, edited by G. Schwab and H. Friedlander (NY: Ciro Press, 1975) p. 125. From Hamlet, Act III, Scene 2. 2. Gustav Pollak Lecture at Harvard, 14 April 1976; reprinted in James Schlesinger, 'The Evolution of American Policy Towards the Soviet Union', International Security; Summer 1976, vol. I, no. I, pp. 46-7 . 3. Theodore Draper, 'Appeasement and Detente', Commentary, Feb . 1976, vol. 61, no. 8, p. 32. 4. Coral Bell, in her book, TheDiplomacy ofDitente (London: Martin Robertson, 1977), has written an extensive analysis of the triangular relationship but points out that, as of yet, no third side to the triangle - the detente between China and the USSR - exists, p. 5. 5. Seyom Brown, 'A Cooling-Off Period for U.S.-Soviet Relations', Foreign Policy , Fall 1977, no. 28, p. 12. See also 1. Aleksandrov, 'Peking: a Course Aimed at Disrupting International Detente Under Cover of Anti Sovietism', Pravda , 14 May 1977- translated in Current DigestofSovietPress . Hereafter, only the Soviet publication will be named. 6. Vladimir Petrov , U.S.-Soviet Detente: Past and Future (Wash ington D.C .: American Enterprise Institute for Publi c Policy Research, 1975) p. 2. 7. N. Kapcheko, 'Socialist Foreign Policy and the Reconstruction of Inter national Relations', International Affairs (Moscow), no. 4, Apr . 1975, p. 8. 8. L. Brezhnev, Report ofthe Tioenty-Fiftn Congress ofthe Communist Parry ofthe Soviet Union, 24 Feb. 1976. 9. Marshall Shulman, 'Toward a Western Philosophy of Coexistence',Foreign Affairs, vol.