DOCSLIB.ORG

Upper Egypt Gets Its First Ballet School Why Successive Illustrious Figures Had Been Keen to Hold That Post

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Upper Egypt Gets Its First Ballet School Why Successive Illustrious Figures Had Been Keen to Hold That Post Watani 14 August 2016 Chairman of the Board 8 Misra (Misra) 1732 and 11 Thul-Qeida 1437 Editor-in-chief Issue 809 Year 16 Youssef Sidhom Editorial Unprecedented swings in the Problems on hold Arab League: value of the Egyptian pound The far from against the dollar worries and possible unity? hurts Egyptians Youssef Sidhom Fady Labib Egyptian pound blues The Arab League (AL) has got a new secretary-general, the Egyptian eminent diplomat Ahmed Abul-Gheit. Mr Abul- The last two weeks in July saw Egyptians stunned at the havoc in happens, those who amass US dollars in fear of unexpected decline Gheit succeeds another prominent Egyptian the money markets owing to unprecedented swings in the Egyptian in the value of the Egyptian pound will inevitably attempt to get rid diplomat who held that post: Nabil al- Pound/US Dollar exchange rate. Even though the Central Bank of of the huge amounts of dollars in their possession, in order to avoid Araby. The Egyptian media celebrated Egypt (CBE) placed the exchange rate at EGP8.89 for the dollar, the large losses. This would in turn force the US dollar back against the the rise of yet another Egyptian to this shortage in hard currency drove the dollar up to EGP13.25 during Egyptian pound, he says. illustrious post, in an almost unbroken the third week in July. This was a full EGP2 higher than the week However, according to Mr Sharif there is another dimension to line of Egyptian secretary-generals since preceding it, and it drove a panic-stricken demand for more dollars as the crisis of the USD/EGP exchange rate. The huge swings it has the AL was founded in 1945. The string many Egyptians feared their national currency was close to crashing. The undergone over a short span of time point at speculation by traders who was only briefly interrupted in the 1980s following week, however, the pound gained in value, rising one pound profit from these swings. It was thus a good move by the government, when Egypt left the AL on account of against the dollar. No one seemed to understand the reason for the sharp he says, to combat the foreign exchange companies [mostly owned by Arab censure owing to Egypt’s 1979 peace swings in EGP/USD values, nor offer any prediction for the future. Islamists] which fuel the black market, now aptly labelled the parallel agreement with Israel. During that interval, market. It does not help, he explains, that Islamist jihadi terrorism in the Tunisian Chedli Klibi led the AL as Cause for optimism Sinai is promoting arms and drugs trafficking, increasing demand on secretary-general. It was not as though the Egyptian economy was crashing. Egypt is the dollar and placing further pressure upon the Egyptian pound. I received the news of the recent already on the path of economic reform, even though this constitutes a Egyptian-Egyptian change in the very bitter medicine. Last week, the government announced a partial Shrinking dollar resources topmost AL post with a sense of lift of the subsidy for electricity, raising prices for power consumption Banking expert Amir Alphonse explains that the huge recent drop suppressed bitterness, since I could not 40 per cent higher. The rise is bound to hurt all Egyptians, but must in the value of the Egyptian pound versus the USD is due to several help noting the meagre international ultimately serve to put the economy on the right track. reasons. Most prominent among them, he said, was the shrinkage of weight of the pan-Arab organisation on Egypt’s stock market index had been rising steadily during July, and the US dollar resources in Egypt, which are the Suez Canal revenue, the political, economic, commercial, and closed at a 13-month high on Thursday 28 July amid optimism over remittances from Egyptians working abroad, and income from military fronts. Did the AL succeed in Cairo’s talks with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). tourism and exports. “We thus need to create new US dollar resources uniting Arab ranks to render the Arabs Last May, according to a report by the Central Agency for Public in order to solve this crisis,” Mr Alphonse says. a force to be reckoned with in the world Mobilisation and Statistics, Egypt’s trade deficit shrunk 24.6 per “The question now is how can we direct the funds that will come of today? The hard answer is that no, it cent than a year earlier, with exports increasing by 9.1 per cent to from the IMF loan towards creating new investment projects in order did not. It actually never made it beyond 18.3 billion pounds, and imports decreasing by 13.3 per cent to 43.5 for these to generate new US dollar resources?” Mr Alphonse asks. acting as an ornamental umbrella that billion pounds. This was the outcome of the government policy to “It will be difficult to pay back the loan,” he pointed out, “if we use gathers under its shade all Arab States, promote exports and reduce imports in order to manage the shortage the IMF loan in any other direction.” He points to a series of very but with no impact whatsoever on the in hard currency from which Egypt has increasingly suffered since important meetings recently held between the government, the CBE international course of events or on world the Arab Spring uprising in January 2011. The consequent political and representatives of the industrial sector with the objective of getting issues. The AL failed to give the Arab and economic turmoil drove away tourists and foreign investors; the the production wheel to roll again to provide the needs of the local World a stature that matches its human, foreign currency reserves dropped from a pre-Arab Spring USD36 market and thus save on imports, and to promote exports. economic and geographic heft; Arabs billion to USD17.5 billion till July 2016 when it took another plunge are no active doers on the global scene to USD15.5 billion on account of recent payment of some of Egypt’s Possible devaluation but merely respond to or retaliate against debts. This drove the CBE to ration dollars, giving priority to imports The huge fluctuation in the value of the Egyptian pound took place international actions. of essential goods and to exporters who need to import raw material in the wake of talk by CBE Governor Tarek Amer that was taken by Egypt’s keenness to lead the AL comes for manufacturing. the media to hint at a possible devaluation of the EGP. It cannot be said as no surprise, given the country’s for certain whether or not Mr Amer’s remark led to the unprecedented prominent regional stature on the Investment fluctuation, but it did raise questions about the possibility and potential scale of human resources and political The fact that Egypt is currently holding talks with the IMF for a benefit of future devaluation or of floating the pound. and military heft, even if not on the USD12 billion, three-year lending programme has given rise to increase the economic burdens on mainstream Egyptians. Ahmed Shiha, head of the Importers Division of the Cairo economic or trade fronts; also given hope that the country is on its way out of the economic doldrums. The current exchange rate crisis, the ECES points out, is the Chamber of Commerce, says that devaluation of the pound will not that Egypt has endorsed the AL since its Premier Sherif Ismail pointed to the importance of cooperating with outcome of a number of factors on the fiscal and economic levels, all be as beneficial as some claim. It will not boost Egyptian exports, inception. Yet what did Egypt achieve the IMF in order to promote international confidence in the economy, of which ultimately lead to an inability of the economy to provide since more than 50 per cent of the inputs needed for manufacture are so far towards initiating a unified Arab thus attracting foreign investments and reaching fiscal stability. foreign currency resources. Since 2011 there has been a decline in themselves imported. Devaluation would thus only serve to increase entity? Was Egypt able to lead the Arabs The Egyptian public, however, still fears other rounds of EGP/USD tourism, foreign direct investments and exports. Local production prices and raise inflation rates. “Devaluing the Egyptian pound will along the path of Arab union same as the exchange rate swings, and wonders whether or not the success of the plunged, forcing the State to increase its imports to compensate for lead to more Egyptian pounds being required to pay for imports, Europeans did to establish the European IMF talks will ultimately stabilise that rate. More importantly, will it the lack of locally-produced goods. which would automatically raise prices and cause a rise in the USD/ Union? The answer is ‘No’ with all the stabilise the spiralling prices that are now the scourge of Egyptians? EGP exchange rate.” frustration and letdown this ‘No’ carries. According to the Egyptian Centre for Economic Studies (ECES), the Speculation and jihadi-sponsored activity According to Mr Sharif, the CBE Governor’s statement was taken I advise you to read two interviews IMF loan will reduce Egypt’s demand on external funding, estimated Economy expert Mukhtar al-Sharif told Watani that once Egypt out of context; Mr Amer, he explains, was talking about flexibility recently published by the Cairo State- at USD25 billion for the coming year. signs the agreement with the IMF, USD2 billion will enter the in dealing with the Egyptian pound, which was taken instead to owned daily Al-Ahram, with Mr Arabi The ECES stresses that the IMF loan, or any foreign loan for that Egyptian treasury, thus increasing the supply of US dollars.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • University Microfilms, a XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan
    MASTERS THESIS H-3321 KLETZIEN, Sharon Benge THE CHANGING STATUS OF TUNISIAN WOMEN. The American University» M.A., 1971 Sociology, general University Microfilms, A XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan © 1972 Sharon Benge Kletzlen ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE CHANGING STATUS OF TUNISIAN WOMEN by Sharon Benge Kletzlen Submitted to the School of International Service of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in International Studies Signatures of Committee:' Chairman: . f ) Dean of' the School Date; f 1 I_____ Date: I ^ JHÈ /lyiftjCAN UNIVERSITY Th^merlcan University y , __p . Washington, D.C, rCD o Valù PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as received. University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 1 The purpose of Che study ........................... L Justification of the study ......................... 1 Organization of the thesis . 2 II. EARLY HISTORY ........... ' ............................ 7 The Phoenicians and Carthage ......................... 7 Rome ............................................... 9 The Vandals 9 / / / The Byzantines ........................................ 10 /' y Summary 11 / / / . Ill. ISLAMIZATION AND THE STATUS OF WOMEN .................. ;4.' / Historical background .............................. / 12 /'■ Women in traditional Islam ...................... r. 17 /' ' IV. THE FRENCH PROTECTORATE / . 25 ( / V. INDEPENDENCE AND THE NEW EMANCIPATION.................
    [Show full text]
  • 灨G'c Hu鬥乜gba犮gd帖 GŸ #402;… D∏橑e抨gch曤gg
    1 á©eÉ÷G ¢ù«FQ ádÉ°SQ 2 A É«°Uh’C G ¢ù∏› ¢ù«FQ ádÉ°SQ 3 á©eÉé∏d …ƒÄŸG ó«©dG ¥ÉaGB 1 7 ç GóM’C G RôHGC 2 4 á «dÉŸG èFÉàædG 2 8 ¿ ƒëfÉŸGh èeGÈdG ƒªYGO 4 2 A É«°Uh’C G ¢ù∏› 4 4 Ω ÉbQGC h ≥FÉ≤M Ω É©dG ‘ ÉgÉfó¡°T »àdG á«°SÉ«°ùdGh ájOÉ°üàb’G äÉHGô£°V’G ºZôH ô ªà°ùj å«M ,IôgOõe IôgÉ≤dÉH ᫵jôe’C G á©eÉ÷G âdGRÉe ,»°VÉŸG ‘ ‹hódG ôjó≤àdG ≈∏Y ∫ƒ°ü◊G ‘ ÜÓ£dGh ¢ùjQóàdG áÄ«g AÉ°†YGC ä GRÉ‚’E G øe OóY ≥«≤– ‘ á©eÉ÷G âë‚ Éªc ,IOó©àe ä’É› á «YÉæ°U ácô°T ∫hGC ¥ÓWGE äGRÉ‚’E G ∂∏J ºgGC øeh .áeÉ¡dG I AÉÑY øe êôîJ ájƒ«◊G É«LƒdƒæµàdG ∫É› ‘ ájô°üe á«LƒdƒæµJ ‹ hódG »KÓãdG OɪàY’G ≈∏Y ∫ɪY’C G IQGOGE á«∏c ∫ƒ°üMh ,á©eÉ÷G I QGOGE äÉ«∏c π°†a’C áFÉŸÉH óMGƒdG áÑ°ùf øª°V á«∏µdG π©L …òdG , á«Ä«ÑdG áeGóà°S’G ≥«≤ëàH ÉæeGõàdG QÉWGE ‘h .⁄É©dG ∫ƒM ∫ɪY’C G ≈ ∏Y ®ÉØ◊ÉH á«æ©ŸG äÉ©eÉ÷G ÚH IQGó°üdG ¿Éµe á©eÉ÷G â∏àMG É ªc ,É«≤jôaGC ∫ɪ°T á≤£æe ‘ á«Ä«ÑdG ÒjÉ©ŸGh ô°†N’C G ¿ƒ∏dG ä ÉKÉ©ÑfG áÑ°ùf ¢†ØîH ≥∏©àj ɪ«a Ωó≤àdG ≥«≤– á©eÉ÷G π°UGƒJ ™ ªà› ∞µ©j ,…ƒÄŸG Égó«©H á©eÉ÷G ∫ÉØàMG ÜGÎbG ™eh .¿ƒHôµdG π ªY ¬«LƒJ ¤GE ±ó¡J á«é«JGΰSG á£N áZÉ«°U ≈∏Y á©eÉ÷G , ᫪«∏©J á°ù°SƒD ªc Égõ«“ »àdG Iƒ≤dG •É≤f ≈∏Y RɵJQ’Gh á©eÉ÷G , ô°üŸ áeóÿG Ëó≤J øe É¡d ÊÉãdG ¿ô≤dG GC óÑJ »gh É¡à¡Lh ójó–h ø e OóY Ωɪ°†fG »°VÉŸG ΩÉ©dG ó¡°T .⁄É©dGh ,á«Hô©dG á≤£æŸGh Ö MQGC øjòdGh ,á©eÉ÷G AÉ«°UhGC ¢ù∏› ¤GE øjõ«ªàŸGh Oó÷G AÉ°†Y’C G ê QƒL á©eÉéH ΩÉ©dG QÉ°ûà°ùŸGh ¢ù«FôdG ÖFÉf ,¿hGôH É°ù«d :ºgh ,º¡H á ©eÉéH á«dhódG ¿ƒÄ°ûdGh á«°SÉ«°ùdG Ωƒ∏©dG PÉà°SGC ,¿hGôH ¿ÉãjÉfh ,¿hÉJ , …hÉeôa »∏Yh ,§°Sh’C G ¥ô°ûdG äÉ°SGQO á£HGQ ¢ù«FQh ø£æ°TGh êQƒL â aƒ°ShôµjÉe ácô°T ¢ù«FQh á«ŸÉ©dG âaƒ°ShôµjÉe ácô°T ¢ù«FQ ÖFÉf 1 00 ‹GƒM òæe á©eÉ÷G IÉC °ûf òæe
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
    The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control.
    [Show full text]
  • The Exodus of the Tunisian Jewish Population 1954-1967
    The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy SEEKING A PLACE IN A NATION: THE EXODUS OF THE TUNISIAN JEWISH POPULATION 1954-1967 A Thesis Submitted to: The Center for Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Sean Haley Table of Contents 1) Introduction and Theoretical Framework………………………………..3 2) Tunisian Jewry and the Birth of a Nation-State: The Independence of Tunisia 1954- 1957……………………………………………………………………...21 3) The State Takes Shape: The Reordering of the Jewish Community and Tunisian Constitution 1958-1959………………………………………………….35 4) Casualties of Colonialism? Tunisian Jews, Identity and the 1961 Bizerte Crisis……………………………………………………………………..54 5) A Far Away War and Self-Imposed Exile: 1967, Identity and the Tunisian Jews………………………………………………………………………70 6) Conclusion………………………………………………………………..82 7) Bibliography……………………………………………………………...90 2 Introduction In the eleven years after the independence and creation of the Republic of Tunisia, the population of the Jewish community declined by approximately 88.7% because of emigration to France, Israel, and other countries. This period, as will be shown, was critical in shaping the ethno-religious arrangement of peoples in Tunisia today. This occurred because a centralizing newly-independent state created a nation through identity based upon citizenship. Tunisia is a particularly good case study of homogenizing post-colonial nation-states because the government never sought to exclude any part of the population through direct action. Instead, domestic and international events that shook the nation and had an impact on the Jewish minority, such as independence, the reorganization of the Jewish community of 1958, the 1961 Bizerte Crisis and the Six Day War, made a solution such as exile palatable for the Jews.
    [Show full text]
  • Forgotten in the Diaspora: the Palestinian Refugees in Egypt
    Forgotten in the Diaspora: The Palestinian Refugees in Egypt, 1948-2011 Lubna Ahmady Abdel Aziz Yassin Middle East Studies Center (MEST) Spring, 2013 Thesis Advisor: Dr. Sherene Seikaly Thesis First Reader: Dr. Pascale Ghazaleh Thesis Second Reader: Dr. Hani Sayed 1 Table of Contents I. CHAPTER ONE: PART ONE: INTRODUCTION……………………………………………...…….4 A. PART TWO: THE RISE OF THE PALESTINIAN REFUGEE PROBLEM…………………………………………………………………………………..……………..13 B. AL-NAKBA BETWEEN MYTH AND REALITY…………………………………………………14 C. EGYPTIAN OFFICIAL RESPONSE TO THE PALESTINE CAUSE DURING THE MONARCHAL ERA………………………………………………………………………………………25 D. PALESTINE IN THE EGYPTIAN PRESS DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD………………………………………………………………………………………………..…….38 E. THE PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN EGYPT, 1948-1952………………………….……….41 II. CHAPTER TWO: THE NASSER ERA, 1954-1970 A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND…………………………………………………………………….…45 B. THE EGYPTIAN-PALESTINIAN RELATIONS, 1954-1970……………..………………..49 C. PALESTINIANS AND THE NASEERIST PRESS………………………………………………..71 D. PALESTINIAN SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS………………………………………………..…..77 E. LEGAL STATUS OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN EGYPT………………………….…...81 III. CHAPTER THREE: THE SADAT ERA, 1970-1981 A. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND……………………………………………………………………….95 B. EGYPTIAN-PALESTINIAN RELATIONS DURING THE SADAT ERA…………………102 C. THE PRESS DURING THE SADAT ERA…………………………………………….……………108 D. PALESTINE IN THE EGYPTIAN PRESS DURING THE SADAT ERA……………….…122 E. THE LEGAL STATUS OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES DURING THE SADAT ERA……………………………………………………………………………………………………….…129 IV. CHAPTER FOUR:
    [Show full text]
  • The Propaganda War in Nasser's Egypt, 1952–1967
    DEFINING THE ENEMY AS ISRAEL, ZIONIST, NEO-NAZI, OR JEWISH: THE PROPAGANDA WAR IN NASSER’S EGYPT, 1952–1967 Michael Sharnoff President Gamal Abdel Nasser‘s repudiation that Egypt‘s conflict with Israel should be viewed in the context of Egypt‘s aversion to Zionism — not the Jewish people — requires a greater examination of the declarations and actions under Nasser‘s Egypt. To gain a more cogent understanding of Nasser‘s perception of Israel and Jews, it is necessary first to define anti-Zionism and antisemitism. Zionism is a political and nationalist movement which claims that Jews have the right to self-determination. Most Jews consider the manifestation of Zionism as the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 — the rebirth of their nation after nearly 2,000 years in exile. Anti- Zionists claim they do not have specific grievances against the Jewish people per se, but rather they do not believe that Jews constitute a distinct nation requiring a homeland in Israel. Many anti-Zionists espouse radical views such as calling for the liquidation of the state of Israel and the expulsion of the Jews living there. The European Union Agency for Human Rights defines antisemitism as a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of anti-Semitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, towards Jewish community institutions and religious facilities. This includes calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing of Jews; dehumanizing Jews; holding Jews collectively responsible for real or imagined events; denying or trivializing the Holocaust; and accusing Jews of dual loyalties or being more sympathetic to Israel than their own nations.
    [Show full text]
  • 11 BAB II DINAMIKA ORGANISASI LIGA ARAB Dalam Bab Ini Penulis
    BAB II DINAMIKA ORGANISASI LIGA ARAB Dalam bab ini penulis memaparkan deskripsi umum tentang Liga Arab dan bagaimana hubungan Liga Arab dengan Palestina terkait topik bahasan ini. selain itu penulis juga memaparkan tentang bagaimana tujuan serta prinsip Liga Arab, keanggotaan Liga Arab serta struktur organisasi yang dimiliki oleh Liga Arab. A. Sejarah Terbentuknya Liga Arab Ketika Perang Dunia II masih berlangsung, terdapat keinginan yang muncul diantara negara-negara Arab di Timur Tengah untuk mendirikan sebuah organisasi. Organisasi tersebut diharapkan dapat memberikan wadah dalam berbagai aspek dan dapat menjadi penengah atau mediator ketika terjadi perselisihan di antara sesama negara Arab ataupun dengan negara non-Arab. Keinginan ini kemudian didukung oleh Inggris pada tahun 1942 dikarenakan Inggris memiliki motif untuk negara-negara Arab agar bergabung dengan pihak Sekutu. Namun pada saat itu negara-negara Arab tidak memiliki ketertarikan untuk bergabung (Firman, 2019). Alasan negara-negara Arab enggan untuk bergabung dikarenakan pada saat itu juga turut berkembang semangat anti-kolonialisme di sebagian besar ngara-negara Arab. Pada saat itu dapat dikatakan Mesir masih menjadi negara boneka imperialis Protektorat Britania. Sedangkan Yordania, Bahrain, Irak, Qatar dan Uni Emirat Arab dijajah Inggris. Maroko, Tunisia, Suriah dan Aljazair dijajah Perancis. Menurut catatan Council of Foreign Relation Liga Arab, dukungan dari Inggris ini dinilai sebagai motivasi untuk segera membentuk sebuah kesatuan nasionalis Arab yang nantinya akan meningkatkan dukungan bagi orang-orang Arab Palestina. Puncak dari proses 11 ini ialah pada tanggal 7 Oktober tahun 1944 yang mana ditandatangani sebuah perjanjian yaitu Protokol Alexandria yang berlokasi di Alexandria. Perjanjian ini ditandatangani oleh lima negara Arab yang menjadi awal dari dibentuknya Liga Arab satu tahun setelahnya (Masters & Sergie, 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Le Iugurtha, Qui a Reussi
    thersites 1 (2015) = Caesar’s Salad: Antikerezeption im 20. und 21. Jh. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ STEFAN ARDELEANU, Vom Jugurtha qui a réussi zum Zivilisationendialog Ben Alis. Die Rolle der Antike in der Repräsentation tunesischer Autokraten nach 1956, in: Christine Walde/Christian Stoffel (Hrsgg.), Caesar’s Salad: Antikerezeption im 20. und 21. Jahrhundert = thersites 1 (2015) 203–248. KEYWORDS Tunisia, Classical Reception, Authoritarian Representation, Bourguiba, Ben Ali, Identity Discourse, Classical Iconography ABSTRACT (German) Der Beitrag behandelt die Funktionalisierung der Antike in der Reprä- sentation der beiden tunesischen Präsidenten Habib Bourguiba (1956–1987) und Zine el Abidine Ben Ali (1987–2011). Anhand einer bemerkenswert reichen, bisher aber noch nicht synoptisch erfassten Befundlage wird diskutiert, welche Rolle der Antike bei autokratisch initiierten Identitäts- diskursen dieser Zeitspanne zukam. Untersucht werden Antikenrekurse im Rahmen öffentlicher Auftritte, Reden, nationaler Gedenktage sowie ihre Bedeutung in Programmen tunesischer Pavillons auf Weltausstellungen. Die Analyse antikisierender Ikonographie von zeitgenössischen Münzen, Geld- scheinen, Briefmarken, Architektur und Bauvorhaben, die einen klaren Kon- nex zu Bourguiba oder Ben Ali aufweisen, ist zentral für das Verständnis von Teilen des in diesen Jahren geschaffenen „Tunesienbildes“. Die Insze- nierung der Autokraten im tunesischen Kulturerbe, ihre Eingriffe in die Kulturpolitik
    [Show full text]
  • Aspects of Education in the Maghreb Countries of Algeria, Libya. Morocco
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 029 527 72 FL 001 283 By- Azzouz. Azzedine: And Others Selected Bibliography of Educational Materials: Algeria. Libya. Morocco. Tunisia.Volume 2. Numbers 1. 2. 3. 1968. Agence Tunisienne de Public Relations. Tunis (Tunisia). Spons Agency-National Science Foundation. Washington. D.C.: Office ofEducation (DHEW). Washington. D.C. Repor t No- TT-68-50081-1-2-3 Pub Date 68 Note-147p. EDRS Price MF-$0.75 HC-S7.45 Descriptors- Annotated Bibliographies.Arabic. Cultural Differences. *Education. Educational Philosophy. *EducationalProblems. Educational Theories. Elementary Schools.English.Foreign Countries. Foreign Relations.French,HigherEducation.InstructionalMaterials.InternationalEducation.Italian.School Administration. Secondary Schools. Teacher Education. Vocational Education Identifiers-Algeria. Libya. *Maghreb Countries. Morocco. Tunisia Three volumes comprise a 375-item bibliographywith abstracts of books and articles in English. French. Italian. and Arabic that providesinformation on various aspects of education in the Maghreb countriesof Algeria, Libya. Morocco. and Tunisia. Each entry identifies the country with which it isconcerned, and foreign language titles are translated into English. Special attention is given tothe subiect of educational organization, with listings covering primary.secondary. vocational, higher. and adult education. Along with entries dealingwith the administration of the educationalsystem.the bibliographyplacesconsiderable emphasis on items concerning educational philosophy andtheory. statistics. and cooperation. Sublects also treated are North African (1) educational structure. (2)teacher training. (3) teaching aids. (4) religious, art, and special education, and (5) specialproblem areas. For related documents see FL 001 056 and FL 001 170. (AF) ,st N. 're-63-6 6efl/ LeNt CE--7.1:2T-4 ON SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OFEDUCATIONAL MATERIALa v r\I cD 11 3 cp ALGERIA U-1 LIBYA MOROCCO TUNISIA Vol.a N°11968 U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • SOUTHCOM), Joint Task Force Guantanamo, (JTF-GTMO) GTMO Inmate Library Catalogue of Videos/Films/Books/Magazines, 2017
    Description of document: U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), Joint Task Force Guantanamo, (JTF-GTMO) GTMO inmate library catalogue of videos/films/books/magazines, 2017 Requested date: 25-July-2015 Released date: 11-July-2017 Posted date: 14-August-2017 Source of document: FOIA Request U.S. Southern Command Attn: SCSJA-FOIA 9301 NW 33rd St. Doral, FL 3317-1202 Fax: (305) 437-1320 Email: [email protected] The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE UNITED STATES SOUTHERN COMMAND 9301 NW 33rd STREET DORAL, FL 33172 REPLY TO ATIENTION OF July 11 , 2017 Office of the Staff Judge Advocate, Ref: SC 15-092-S Office of Freedom of Information Act This is our Agency's final response to your electronic Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request dated July 25, 2015.
    [Show full text]
  • The Inter-Arab System and the Gulf War: Continuity and Change Bruce Maddy-Weitzman the Carter Center November 1991
    The Inter-Arab System and the Gulf War: Continuity and Change Bruce Maddy-Weitzman The Carter Center November 1991 Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary 2. Background to the Crisis 3. The Guns of August: Challenge and Response 4. The Denoument and Beyond 5. Endnotes 6. About the Author Executive Summary (A somewhat different version of this paper will be appearing in After the Storm: The Gulf War and Its Consequences, Aharon Kleiman, Gad Barzilai, and Gil Shidlo, editors, Routledge, Chapman and Sons, Inc., forthcoming. Thanks to the editors and publisher for permission to use the material here. The description of events during 1990 draws heavily on my chapter, "Inter-Arab Relations," Middle East Contemporary Survey, Vol. XIV, 1990, Ami Ayalon, ed., Westview Press, Boulder, San Francisco and London, forthcoming). Special thanks to Ken Stein, Director of The Carter Center's Middle East Program for his incisive input into this paper, and for his gracious hospitality during my academic year as a Visiting Middle East Fellow. For decades to come, declared Morocco's King Hasan in the fall of 1990, Iraq's invasion, subjugation and attempted incorporation of Kuwait as Iraq's "19th province" will be a dividing line in modern Arab history. 1 Indeed, never in the checkered and conflict-ridden 45-year history of the Arab League had the tenets of Arab solidarity and good neighborliness embodied in the League's founding charter and Joint Defense Pact of 1950 been so blatantly violated. Moreover, the decision to invade was preceded by months of diplomatic activity culminating in a frenzy of mediation efforts, the kinds which had scored considerable successes in past inter-Arab wrangles.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics & Economics Bulletin
    PPoolliittiiccss && EEccoonnoommiiccss BBuulllleettiinn ► 11.03.2016 Turkish PM asks for opposition support for visa liberalization Hurriyet Daily News, 10.03.2016 Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu has called on the country’s opposition parties to help adopt the legal arrangements required for visa liberalization for Turkish citizens in the European Union. “Inshallah [God willing], visa exemption will be provided in June. I want to make a call to the opposition leaders from here; we need to get legal arrangements adopted by parliament by May 1 so that processes within the European Union will also be completed by June. We need the opposition’s support. We, at least, need them to not cut our water off,” Davutoğlu said late. “We would pass these [arrangements] with 317 votes anyhow but let them not obstruct it,” he said, referring to the fact that his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) holds a majority of the 550- seated national assembly with 317 deputies. “Let them not block parliament with an obstructive stance and let’s pass these laws. This is a 50-60- year-old dream. We will make it real for our citizens,” he said, while delivering a speech at a reception hosted by the International Investors Association of Turkey (YASED). At a special summit on the migration crisis held in Brussels, the Turkish government and the EU agreed on a deal due to be finalized on March 17-18 which would see Turkey take back all illegal migrants landing in Greece. Ankara proposed an arrangement under which the EU would legally resettle one Syrian refugee from camps in Turkey in exchange for every illegal Syrian that Turkey takes from Greece, in a bid to reduce the incentive for people to board boats for Europe.
    [Show full text]