39. Jahrestagung Der Deutschen Gesellschaft Für Sprachwissenschaft ---- 08.–10

0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 A 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 N 1 1 U 0 1 R 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 D 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 F 0 0 1 1 R U 0 O 0 0 A I 1 1 N 1 1 1 R 0 0 1 D 1 0 L 0 1 0 1 R T 1 U 1 R 0 N 1 0 1 F E 0 1 O F O A D 1 N 1 H N L R O 0 U 1 R 0 N H A 0 R T 1 N S 1 F E C M H U H 1 O F O A I D K N F E D K N 1 C M R O 0 H U N L R 0 D A U I H 1 1 0 R T O F O A I 1 N U I H C O F O A I I F E C M N L R G N D K N I D A O R T N N S H R O I O I A I I F E N N N S L R G T H R I H C O N D K N D A O U S C M N P P N U O I E N I F N D K O U R G O I A I H N S C T H R M N D A N S D I E R U N G O R M A I C H A C H L N S P H U N D N F O K O I T & K O D I E R U N G I N F O R M A T I O N L I C H S P R A C H K O D I E R U N G I N F O R M A T I O N S P R A C H L I C H E & & I N F O R M A T I O N K O D I E R U N G S P R A C H L I C H E I N F O R M A T I O N & S P R A C H L I C H E K O D I E R U N G

39. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft ---- 08.–10. März 2017 Universität des Saarlandes

I N F O R M A T I O N A N D L I N G U I S T I C E N C O D I N G A N D I N F O R M A T I O N E N C O D I N G L I N G U I S T I C E N C O D I N G I N F O R M A T I O N L I N G U I S T I C A N D A N D E N C O D I N G I N F O R M A T I O N T I C L I N G U I S D I N G A N G U R M A I C H A C H L N S P H U N D N F O K O I T G O I A I H P N U O I E N I F N D K O U R N S C T H R M N D A N S D A O U S O I A I I F E N N N S L R G T H R I H C O N D K N C M N P N L R G N D K N I D A O R U I H C O F O A I I F E C M T N N S H R O I 1 1 0 R T F D A U I H E D K N 1 C M R O 0 H U N L R 0 O F O A I 1 N N L R O 0 U 1 R 0 N H U H 1 O F O A I D K H A 0 R T 1 N S 1 F E C M N 1 U 1 R 0 N 1 0 1 0 1 D 1 0 L 0 1 0 1 R T F E 0 1 O F O A D 1 N 1 H 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 D F 0 A I 1 1 N 0 0 1 1 R U 0 O 0 1 1 1 R 0 1 1 U 0 1 R 0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 N 1 A 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 0

39. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft

Information & sprachliche Kodierung

8.–10. März 2017 Universität des Saarlandes Druck: COD Büroservice GmbH Bleichstraße 22–24 66111 Saarbrücken Tel. 0681/39353-0 E-Mail: [email protected]

Satz: Dieser Band wurde mit X LE ATEX und den Fonts Skolar (Sans) PE gesetzt.

Haftungsausschluss: Die digitale Version dieses Tagungsbandes enthält Hyperlinks, die auf exter- ne Internetangebote verweisen. Wir übernehmen keine Haftung für eventu- elle Datenschutz- und sonstige Rechtsverletzungen in anderen Internetange- boten, auf die wir einen Link gesetzt haben. Für die Inhalte der von uns verlinkten Fremdangebote sind die jeweiligen Herausgeber verantwortlich. Vor dem Einrichten von Links sind die Webseiten der anderen Anbieter mit gro- ßer Sorgfalt und nach bestem Wissen und Gewissen geprüft worden. Es kann jedoch keine Gewähr für die Vollständigkeit und Richtigkeit von Informatio- nen auf verlinkten Seiten übernommen werden. Federführende Organisation Ingo Reich & Augustin Speyer

Organisatorische Unterstützung Denise Mayer, WuT, Universität des Saarlandes

Organisationsteam Anne-Kathrin Balo, Vera Demberg Christoph Clodo, Luise Ehrmantraut Ellen Geibel-Stutz, Remus Gergel Peter Gluting, Stefanie Haberzettl Nele Hartung, Eva Horch Lucia Hubig, Natascha Immesberger Sergey Kulakov, Robin Lemke Helena Raber, Philipp Rauth Asad Sayeed, Lisa Schäfer Jessica Schmidt, Josef Schu Julia Schüler, Julia Stark Sophia Voigtmann, Jonathan Watkins Magdalena Wojtecka Mit freundlicher Unterstützung des SFB 1102 »Information Density and Linguistic Encoding« (Sprecherin: Elke Teich)

grußwort der organisatoren

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, das erste und bisher einzige Mal fand die Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesell- schaft für Sprachwissenschaft e.V. (DGfS) in Saarbrücken im Jahre 1990 statt, vom 28. Februar bis 02. März. Zu dieser Zeit gingen die meisten Mitglieder des diesjährigen Organisationsteams noch in die Schule (und manche sogar noch in den Kindergarten) und wussten mit Sprachwissenschaft vermutlich noch wenig bis nichts anzufangen. Nun, 27 Jahre später, hat sich die Situation zum Glück etwas geändert, und wir freuen uns alle sehr, Sie bei der 39. Auflage der Jahrestagung der DGfS in Saarbrücken begrüßen zu dürfen. Die Situation ist dabei nicht ganz unähnlich zu der in Konstanz vor einem Jahr. Wie die Konstanzer sind auch wir knapp an einem Jubiläumsjahr der DGfS vorbeigeschrammt. Wie die Konstanzer haben aber auch wir nicht ganz unbedeutende lokale Jubiläen vorzuweisen: So wurde exakt heute vor 70 Jah- ren (am 8. März 1947) die Vorläuferin der Universität des Saarlandes eröff- net, das Centre Universitaire d’Études Supérieures de Hombourg, eine medizini- sche Hochschule, damals noch institutionell angebunden an die französische Universität Nancy. Die Gründung der Universität des Saarlandes selbst, mit der Einrichtung des Campus Saarbrücken in den Räumlichkeiten der ehemaligen Below-Kaserne, ließ dann noch gut ein Jahr auf sich warten. Nochmal knapp 9 Jahre und eine Volksbefragung später wurde dann das Saarland als zehntes Bundesland Teil der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Aus diesem Grund freuen wir uns, dieses Jahr auch »60 Jahre Saarland« feiern zu dürfen. Noch eine Parallelität zu den Konstanzern besteht darin, dass sich auch das Saarland in einer Art Drei-Länder-Eck befindet, mit Frankreich im Südwes- ten und Luxemburg im Nordwesten. Darüber hinaus verläuft mitten durch das Saarland eine wichtige Dialektgrenze – die das/dat-Linie –, die insbesondere das Rheinfränkische vom Moselfränkischen trennt. Diese tagtäglich er- und gelebte sprachliche Vielfalt mag einer der Gründe sein, wieso die Universität des Saarlandes einen sprachwissenschaftlichen Schwerpunkt mit den Sprach- wissenschaften der Philologien, der Computerlinguistik, der Psycholinguistik, der Phonetik und den Übersetzungswissenschaften ausgebildet hat. Zeichen der Breite und Stärke dieses sprachwissenschaftlichen Schwerpunktes ist der 2014 eingeworbene SFB 1102 Information Density and Linguistic Encoding, in dessen Zentrum informationstheoretische Konzepte wie Surprisal oder Entropie

1 stehen sowie deren Relevanz für die Wahl zwischen alternativen sprachlichen Kodierungen. Das Rahmenthema der diesjährigen Jahrestagung Information und sprachliche Kodierung lehnt sich an diese Fragestellung an, hebt sie aber auf eine abstraktere Ebe- ne, um auch anderen theoretischen Ansätzen Raum zu geben. In diesem Rah- men werden in einer Postersession der Sektion Computerlinguistik und in dreizehn Arbeitsgruppen Fragestellungen diskutiert, die von der optimalen Verteilung von Information über einen sprachlichen Ausdruck hinweg über alternative sprachliche Realisierungsformen semantisch äquivalenter Aussa- gen bis hin zur Register-Abhängigkeit grammatischer Phänomene reicht. Wir freuen uns alle auf interessante Vorträge und lebhafte Diskussionen, auf ein Wiedersehen mit alten und das Kennenlernen von neuen Kolleginnen und Kol- legen. Genießen wir also die kommenden drei Tage!

Ingo Reich & Augustin Speyer (stellvertretend für das Organisationsteam)

2 danksagungen

Die Organisatorinnen und Organisatoren bedanken sich herzlich bei den folgenden Sponsoren für die Unterstützung bei der Finanzierung der Tagung (in alphabetischer Reihenfolge):

• John Benjamins Publishing Company db • Helmut Buske Verlag GmbH • Cornelsen Verlag GmbH • Walter de Gruyter GmbH • Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) • Dr. Ute Hempen Verlag • DUDEN Bibliographisches Institut GmbH • Frank & Timme GmbH Verlag für wissenschaftliche Literatur • ibidem-Verlag • SFB 1102: Information Density and Linguistic Encoding • IUDICIUM Verlag GmbH • Peter Lang GmbH • Lin|gu|is|tik Portal für Sprachwissenschaft • Liverpool University Press • J. B. Metzler Verlag • Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH • Philipp Reclam jun. Verlag GmbH • Saarländische Staatskanzlei • Saarländisches Landesinstitut für Pädagogik und Medien • Saarländisches Ministerium für Finanzen und Europa • Erich Schmidt Verlag GmbH & Co. KG • Stauffenburg Verlag GmbH • Franz Steiner Verlag • Universität des Saarlandes • Universitätsgesellschaft des Saarlandes • V&R unipress GmbH

3 • Volksbank Westliche Saar plus eG • Verlage Westermann Gruppe, Schöningh • Waxmann Verlag GmbH • Universitätsverlag Winter GmbH

(Stand bei Redaktionsschluss)

Die Organisatorinnen und Organisatoren der Lehramtsinitiative bedanken sich ganz herzlich für die Unterstützung des Landesinstituts für Pädagogik und Medien des Saarlandes. Das Team des Tagungsbandes bedankt sich ganz herzlich bei den Organi- satorinnen und Organisatoren der DGfS-Jahrestagung 2016 in Konstanz, die uns den LATEX-Code des Tagungsbandes 2016 zur Verfügung gestellt haben. Der Code dieses Bandes wird selbstverständlich auch allen Interessierten weiter- gegeben. Zu diesem Zweck einfach bei Philipp Rauth melden ([email protected]).

4 sponsoren

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Grußwort der Organisatoren ...... 1 Danksagungen ...... 3

Allgemeine Informationen 9 Informationen zur Tagung ...... 11 Anreise nach Saarbrücken ...... 16 Anfahrt zum Campus ...... 18 Campusplan und Gebäudepläne ...... 22 Raumübersicht ...... 26 Essen und Trinken auf dem Campus ...... 28 Gastronomie in der Stadt ...... 31 Sehenswürdigkeiten und Ausgehtipps ...... 41 Ausflüge in die Umgebung ...... 42

Programmübersicht 45 Allgemeines Programm ...... 47 AG-Programme ...... 49

Plenarvorträge 75

Arbeitsgruppen 87 AG 1 – Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext ...... 89 AG 2 – Information structuring in discourse ...... 106 AG 3 – Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche Kodierung ... 127 AG 4 – Encoding language and linguistic information in historical corpora ...... 145 AG 5 – Sprachliche Kodierungs-Asymmetrien, Gebrauchsfrequenz und Informativität ...... 156 AG 6 – Prosody in syntactic encoding ...... 187

7 AG 7 – Wen wurmt der Ohrwurm? – An interdisciplinary, cross- lingual perspective on the role of constituents in multi-word expressions ...... 207 AG 8 – Non-canonical verb positioning in main clauses ...... 221 AG 9 – Towards an ontology of modal flavors ...... 240 AG 10 – Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding predicates ... 253 AG 11 – Coercion Across Linguistic Fields (CALF) ...... 265 AG 12 – Morphologische Variation – Theorie und Empirie ...... 281 AG 13 – Register in linguistic theory: Modeling functional variation 301

Postersession der Sektion Computerlinguistik 319

Tutorium der Sektion Computerlinguistik 343

Doktorandenforum 347

Infotag der Lehramtsinitiative der DGfS 353

Tagung der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Linguistische Pragmatik 363

DFG-Informationsveranstaltung 369

Personenverzeichnis 383

Gesamtübersicht der Arbeitsgruppensitzungen 391

8 Allgemeine Informationen

Allgemeine Informationen i informationen zur tagung

Veranstalter Universität des Saarlandes, FR Germanistik Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft (DGfS)

Wissenschaftliche Leitung Prof. Dr. Ingo Reich (Neuere Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft) Prof. Dr. Augustin Speyer (Neuere Deutsche Sprachwissenschaft)

Organisatorische Unterstützung Denise Mayer, WuT, Universität des Saarlandes

Homepage dgfs2017.uni-saarland.de

Tagungsort Universität des Saarlandes Campus 66123 Saarbrücken www.uni-saarland.de

Tagungsbüro: Anmeldung und Information Die Anmeldung erfolgt ab Mittwoch, 08.03.2017 im Tagungsbüro, das sich in Raum 0.21 im Tagungsgebäude B4 1 befindet. Dort erhalten Sie Ihre Teilnahmeunterlagen und alle wichtigen Informationen zur Tagung. Das Tagungsbüro ist vom 08.03.–10.03.2017 besetzt und dient als zentrale An- laufstelle für alle Fragen. Hier finden Sie außerdem das Fundbüro und eine Ansprechperson für Notfälle (Erste Hilfe).

11 Allgemeine Informationen i Öffnungszeiten des Tagungsbüros Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017 08:00–18:00 Uhr Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017 08:00–18:00 Uhr Freitag, 10. 03. 2017 08:00–14:00 Uhr

Telefon In dringenden Fällen können Sie das Tagungsbüro während der oben genann- ten Öffnungszeiten unter folgender Telefonnummer erreichen:  0681 3024084

Internetzugang Für Hochschulangehörige besteht grundsätzlich der Internetzugang über Eduroam (www.eduroam.org). Sollten Sie keinen Zugriff auf Eduroam haben, können Sie beim Tagungsbüro einen individuellen Zugang über die Universi- tät des Saarlandes beantragen.

Uni Saar App Die „Uni Saar“ App für iPhones und alle Android-Geräte erlaubt einen schnel- len und übersichtlichen Zugang zu nützlichen Informationen rund um die Universität des Saarlandes, z. B. Speisepläne der Mensa, Busabfahrtszeiten (inkl. Verspätungsradar) oder einen interaktiven Lageplan des Campus mit Ortungsfunktion. www.st.cs.uni-saarland.de/uniapp/

Kopieren und drucken Für kurzfristige Ausdrucke oder Kopien Ihrer Unterlagen vor Ort steht Ihnen die Fotostelle der Saarländischen Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek (SULB), Gebäude B1 1, zur Verfügung. Sie ist von 09:00–16:00 Uhr geöffnet. www.sulb.uni-saarland.de/service/fotostelle/

Erste Hilfe Im Tagungsbüro (B4 1, 0.21) finden Sie stets eine Ansprechperson für Notfälle. Außerdem kann über das Konferenz-Personal jederzeit telefonisch Hilfe angefordert werden.

12 Allgemeine Informationen i Gepäck Während der Tagung besteht die Möglichkeit, Gepäck zu deponieren. Wenden Sie sich hierzu bitte an das Tagungsbüro.

Barrierefreiheit Die Räumlichkeiten der Konferenz in den Gebäuden B3 1, B3 2 und B4 1 sind barrierefrei zugänglich. Über den Standort von barrierefrei zugänglichen Eingängen, Toiletten, Parkplätzen und einen barrierearmen Weg zur Mensa können Sie sich auf dem Campusplan auf der Innenseite des hinteren Um- schlags des Tagungsbands informieren.

Kinderbetreuung Während der Tagung ist eine Kinderbetreuung verfügbar. Nehmen Sie dazu im Vorhinein bitte Kontakt mit der lokalen Organisation auf.

Anmeldung Die Online-Anmeldung zur DGfS 2017 erfolgt über die Internetseite der DGfS unter dem Menüpunkt „Anmeldung“. Vor Ort kann die Teilnahmegebühr außerdem noch in Barzahlung und per EC-/Kreditkarte entrichtet werden. Dort erhalten Sie weiterhin Ihre Teilnahmeunterlagen und alle wichtigen Informationen zur Tagung.

Teilnahmegebühren Der Frühbucherrabatt ist bei Registrierung bis zum 31.01.2017 gültig. Bei Re- gistrierung nach dem 31.01.2017 erhöht sich die Konferenzgebühr um 5,00 Eu- ro. Die Konferenzgebühr hängt darüber hinaus von der Mitgliedschaft in der DGfS und der Verfügbarkeit eines Einkommens ab.

Frühbucher regulär DGfS-Mitglieder – mit regulärem DGfS-Beitrag: 50,– EUR 55,– EUR DGfS-Mitglieder – mit reduziertem DGfS-Beitrag: 35,– EUR 40,– EUR Nicht-Mitglieder – mit Einkommen: 70,– EUR 75,– EUR Nicht-Mitglieder – ohne Einkommen: 40,– EUR 45,– EUR

13 Allgemeine Informationen i Bankverbindung Institut: Bank1Saar eG Kontoinhaber: Universität des Saarlandes Kontonummer: 977 180 08 Bankleitzahl: 591 900 00 IBAN: DE94 5919 0000 0097 7180 08 BIC: SABADE5S

Rahmenprogramm – Warming Up Das Warming Up findet am Dienstag, 07. 03. 2017,ab 19:00 Uhr im Stiefel- bräu (Am Stiefel 2, 66111 Saarbrücken) statt. Das traditionsreiche Saar- brücker Gasthaus bietet klassische saarländische Küche. www.der-stiefel.de/stiefelbraeu

– Empfang im Rathaus Am Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017, wird ab 19:00 Uhr im Rathaus der Stadt Saar- brücken ein Sektempfang stattfinden. Die Anzahl der Plätze beim Emp- fang ist auf ca. 200 begrenzt.

– Geselliger Abend / Conference Dinner Der Gesellige Abend findet am Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017, ab 19:30 Uhr in der Bar Celona statt. Die Bar Celona liegt in der Innenstadt an der Berliner Promenade mit Blick auf die Saar. Die Anzahl der Plätze beim Geselligen Abend ist auf ca. 300 begrenzt. Bitte geben Sie bei der Registrierung an, ob Sie an dem Geselligen Abend teilnehmen möchten. Sie erhalten bei der Registrierung ein Ticket, das beim Einlass kontrolliert werden wird. Für das leibliche Wohl wird es ein mediterranes Buffet geben (35,– EUR pro Person, Getränke auf eigene Rechnung). http://celona.de/mein-celona/details/cafe-bar-celona- saarbruecken

14 Allgemeine Informationen i Geldautomaten Auf dem Campusgelände befinden sich vier Geldautomaten, deren Standorte auch auf dem Campusplan auf der Innenseite des hinteren Umschlags des Ta- gungsbands verzeichnet sind (ec-Zeichen). Sparkasse, im Erdgeschoss der Mensa des Studentenwerks, Gebäude D4 1. Postbank, vor Gebäude A5 4 (gegenüber Campus Center, Gebäude A4 4). Volksbank (Bank 1 Saar), im Campus Center, Gebäude A4 4. Santander, im Campus Center, Gebäude A4 4.

Mobilfunknetz Durch die Nähe zu Frankreich kann es vorkommen, dass bei automatischer Netzwahl ein französischer Netzbetreiber ausgewählt wird, wodurch höhere Kosten entstehen können. Dies kann vermieden werden, indem die automatische Netzwahl deaktiviert und der Netzbetreiber manuell ausgewählt wird.

Fachausstellung Besuchen Sie auch die Fachausstellung der Verlage im Foyer des Tagungsge- bäudes B4 1.

Taxiruf Taxi Saarbrücken e.G.  0681 33 0 33 Saarbrücker Taxigenossenschaft e.G.  0681 55 0 00

15 Allgemeine Informationen i anreise nach saarbrücken

Mit dem Flugzeug Flüge von Berlin oder Hamburg nach Saarbrücken dauern rund 1 Std. 15 Min. Der Flughafen Saarbrücken liegt ca. 12 km vom Uni-Campus entfernt. Die Bus- fahrt (Linie R10, Umstieg in der Innenstadt) zum Campus dauert zwischen 45 Min. und 1 Stunde und kostet 2,60 Euro. Die Fahrt mit dem Taxi dauert 15–20 Min. und kostet ca. 20 Euro. Nicht aus Deutschland anreisende Teilnehmer können eine Anreise über Frankfurt oder Paris in Betracht ziehen, die per ICE/TGV-Schnellzug nach Saarbrücken angebunden sind (Dauer ca. 2 Std.). Mit der Bahn Es bestehen direkte Verbindungen zum Saarbrücker Hauptbahnhof mit dem ICE/TGV aus Frankfurt/Mannheim und aus Paris. Einzelne Direktverbindun- gen gibt es auch aus Richtung Dresden/Leipzig und Salzburg/München nach Saarbrücken. Aus Richtung Mainz, Trier und Straßburg gelangen Sie mit dem Regionalverkehr nach Saarbrücken. Mit dem Auto Aus Richtung Mannheim/Karlsruhe: Autobahn A6 bis zur Ausfahrt „St. Ingbert West“, von dort der Beschilderung „Universität“ folgen. Aus Richtung Koblenz/Trier: A1 bis Autobahnkreuz Saarbrücken, dort auf A8 Richtung Karlsruhe wechseln, am Dreieck Friedrichsthal auf die A623 Rich- tung Saarbrücken/Frankreich bis zur Abfahrt Sulzbach. Durch Sulzbach fahren, an der großen Kreuzung geradeaus auf die L126, dann der Beschilderung „Universität“ folgen. Aus Paris/Metz bzw. Straßburg: Autobahn A4 bis zur Ausfahrt 40, dort auf die A320/E50 Richtung Saarbrücken wechseln, weiter geradeaus auf die A6 Rich- tung Mannheim bis zur Ausfahrt „St. Ingbert West“, von dort der Beschilde- rung „Universität“ folgen. Aus Luxemburg: Autobahn A620 Richtung Saarbrücken, am Dreieck Saarbrü- cken auf die A6 Richtung Mannheim. An der Ausfahrt „St. Ingbert West“ ab- fahren und der Beschilderung „Universität“ folgen. Das ist zwar ein Umweg, erspart Ihnen aber den recht komplizierten Weg durch die Innenstadt.

16 Allgemeine Informationen i Mit dem Auto – Parken Theoretisch können Sie im Campus-Innenbereich parken (Parkzone A). Tat- sächlich stehen hier nur sehr wenige Parkplätze zur Verfügung und die Park- gebühren sind sehr hoch. Wir empfehlen daher, in einem der Parkhäuser (siehe Campusplan) zu parken. Nach Ziehen eines Tickets an der Schrankenanlage können Sie im Campus- Innenbereich parken. Die Ausfahrt erfolgt nach vorheriger Bezahlung der Parkgebühr an einem der Kassenautomaten. Auch bei kostenlosem Parken oder Durchfahrt muss ein Parkticket gezogen und bei der Ausfahrt, ohne vorherige Bezahlung, wieder in die Schrankenan- lage eingeben werden. Sollte der Parkschein verloren gehen, müssen 15,– EUR bezahlt werden.

Parkgebühren für den Campus-Innenbereich (Parkzone A): Die ersten 60 Min. Kurzparken oder für eine Durchfahrt sind kostenlos. Die zweite Stunde kostet 4,– EUR, danach jede angefangene Stunde 2,– EUR. Die Maximalkosten belaufen sich auf 15,– EUR pro Tag.

Parken in den Parkhäusern P2 und P3 In den Parkhäusern P2 (Uni Mitte) und P3 (Uni Ost) sind die ersten 60 Min. kostenlos. Danach kostet jede angefangene Stunde 1,– EUR. Die Maximalkos- ten belaufen sich auf 3,– EUR pro Tag.

17 Allgemeine Informationen i anfahrt zum campus

Busanbindung des Campus Saarbrücken Die Konferenz wird auf dem Hauptcampus der Universität des Saarlandes stattfinden, der sich außerhalb des Stadtzentrums befindet. Der Campus ist vom Hauptbahnhof und vom Stadtzentrum („Wilhelm-Heinrich-Brücke“, „Rathaus“, „Haus der Zufkunft“) aus mit mehreren Buslinien in 10–15 Minu- ten zu erreichen. Kostenloses Konferenzticket Die Benutzung der öffentlichen Verkehrsmittel in Saarbrücken ist für alle Kon- ferenzteilnehmer über ein kostenloses Konferenzticket abgedeckt. Online re- gristrierte Teilnehmer erhalten bereits vor der Anreise einen Nachweis, den sie bei ihrer ersten Fahrt zum Campus vorlegen können. Bei der Anmeldung vor Ort erhalten Sie ein Namensschild mit dem Logo der Saarbahn. Dieses dient als Konferenzticket. Fußweg zum Tagungsgebäude Die Tagung wird in den Gebäuden B3 1 (Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaf- ten), B3 2 (Bibliothek Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften) und B4 1 (Rechts- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften) auf dem Campus stattfinden. Der Fußweg von der Bushaltestelle „Universität Campus“ zu den Konferenzgebäuden ist auf dem Campusplan auf der hinteren Umschlagsseite des Tagungsbandes verzeichnet. Fahrplanauskunft Alle Busverbindungen finden Sie auf der Internetseite des Saarländischen Verkehrsverbundes (SaarVV) www.saarfahrplan.de, bzw. in der Handy-App „Saarfahrplan“ oder über die App der Deutschen Bahn „DB Navigator“. Geben Sie „Universität Campus“ als Ziel an. Abfahrtszeiten in den Stoßzeiten Auf den folgenden Seiten finden Sie eine Auflistung der Busabfahrtszeiten zum Campus und zurück in die Innenstadt zu den Stoßzeiten der DGfS- Tagung. Außerhalb der Stoßzeiten verkehrt rund alle zehn Minuten ein Bus zum Campus bzw. zurück in die Innenstadt.

18 Allgemeine Informationen i Hauptbahnhof → Universität Campus Ab Hauptbahnhof verkehrt die Linie 124 direkt zum Campusgelände. Alterna- tiv können Sie auch mit der Saarbahn (S1, verkehrt alle 7,5 Min.) zwei Statio- nen zur Johanneskirche/zum Rathaus fahren und dort in die anderen Buslini- en (101, 102, 109) zum Campus umsteigen.

Linie Richtung Dauer 124 Universität Busterminal 0:14 S1 (Umstieg) Brebach, Kleinblittersdorf, 0:18-0:21 Sarreguemines

Abfahrt Linie Ankunft Dauer 08:01 124 08:15 00:14 08:03 S1, 101 08:21 00:18 08:16 124 08:30 00:14 08:18 S1, 102 08:39 00:21 08:31 124 08:45 00:14 08:33 S1, 101 08:51 00:18 08:46 124 09:00 00:14 08:48 S1, 102 09:09 00:21 09:03 S1, 101 09:21 00:18 09:16 124 09:30 00:14 09:18 S1, 102 09:39 00:21 09:33 S1, 101 09:51 00:18 09:46 124 10:00 00:14

19 Allgemeine Informationen i Rathaus (Johanneskirche) → Universität Campus An der Haltstelle „Rathaus“ verkehren drei Buslinien (101, 102, 109) direkt zum Campusgelände. In unmittelbarer Nähe (ca. 60 m) befindet sich die Saarbahn-Haltestelle „Johanneskirche“, wo Sie Anschluss aus Richtung Hauptbahnhof haben.

Linie Richtung Dauer 101 Dudweiler Dudoplatz 0:12 102 Dudweiler Dudoplatz 0:15 109 Universität Busterminal 0:15

Abfahrt Linie Ankunft Dauer 08:09 101 08:21 00:12 08:11 109 08:26 00:15 08:24 102 08:39 00:15 08:39 101 08:51 00:12 08:45 109 09:00 00:15 08:54 102 09:09 00:15 09:09 101 09:21 00:12 09:15 109 09:30 00:15 09:24 102 09:39 00:15 09:39 101 09:51 00:12 09:45 109 10:00 00:15

20 Allgemeine Informationen i Universität Campus → Innenstadt, Hauptbahnhof Von der Haltestelle „Universität Campus“ verkehren drei Buslinien (101, 102, 109) direkt in die Innenstadt zur Haltestelle „Johanneskirche“, von wo Sie An- schluss zur Saarbahn (S1, verkehrt alle 7,5 Min.) bzw. zu anderen Buslinien haben. Die Buslinie 124 fährt vom Campus direkt zum „Hauptbahnhof“, hält aber auch an der Haltestelle „Haus der Zukunft“, die nur ca. 200 m Fußweg von der Haltestelle „Johanneskirche“ entfernt ist. Sie können also mit allen vier Linien in die Innenstadt fahren.

Linie Richtung Dauer 101 Füllengarten Siedlung 0:13 102 Altenkessel Talstraße 0:15 109 Rabbiner-Rülf-Platz, 0:15 Goldene Bremm 124 Hauptbahnhof, Betriebshof 0:15

Abfahrt Linie Ankunft Dauer 17:07 109 17:22 00:15 17:17 102 17:32 00:15 17:20 124 17:35 (Hbf.) 00:15 17:27 101 17:40 00:13 17:35 124 17:50 (Hbf.) 00:15 17:37 109 17:52 00:15 17:47 102 18:02 00:15 17:53 124 18:08 (Hbf.) 00:15 17:57 101 18:10 00:13 18:05 124 18:20 (Hbf.) 00:15 18:07 109 18:22 00:15 18:17 102 18:32 00:15 18:20 124 18:35 (Hbf.) 00:15 18:27 101 18:40 00:13 18:35 124 18:50 (Hbf.) 00:15 18:37 109 18:52 00:15 18:47 102 19:02 00:15 18:50 124 19:05 (Hbf.) 00:15 18:57 101 19:10 00:13 19:05 124 19:20 (Hbf.) 00:15 19:07 109 19:22 00:15 19:17 102 19:32 00:15 19:20 124 19:35 (Hbf.) 00:15 19:27 101 19:40 00:13

21 Allgemeine Informationen i campusplan und gebäudepläne

Die DGfS-Jahrestagung 2017 findet auf dem Campus Saarbrücken der Universi- tät des Saarlandes statt. An der Universität werden die Gebäude mit einer Kom- bination aus Buchstaben (Bereich) und Zahlen (Gebäudeensemble, Gebäude) benannt. Die Tagungsgebäude tragen die Bezeichnungen B3 1 (Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften), B3 2 (Bibliothek Geschichts- und Kulturwissen- schaften) und B4 1 (Audimax; Rechts- und Wirtschaftswissenschaften). Die Gebäude befinden sich in unmittelbarer Nachbarschaft. Der Großteil derAr- beitsgruppen, das Tagungsbüro, die Kaffeepausen, die Plenarvorträge und die Verlagsausstellung befinden sich im Gebäude B4 1. Der Fußweg von der Bushaltestelle „Universität Campus“ vor dem Campus Center zum Tagungsgebäude ist auf der Übersichtskarte auf der nächsten Sei- te und noch einmal in Farbe auf der hinteren Umschlagsseite des Tagungs- bands verzeichnet.

22 Allgemeine Informationen i

23 Allgemeine Informationen i Übersicht Tagungsgebäude B4 1 Der folgende Plan zeigt eine Übersicht über das Tagungsgebäude B4 1. Das Tagungsbüro (Anmeldung, Gepäckaufbewahrung) befindet sich in Raum 0.21 im hinteren Bereich des Gebäudes. Die Plenarvorträge finden im Audimax (0.01), die AGs 5 bis 13 finden in den Seminarräumen 0.04 bis 0.07 bzw. 0.22 bis 0.26 statt. Die Verlagsausstellung, die Posterausstellung CL und die Pausenverpflegung befinden sich im Foyer des Gebäudes.

24 Allgemeine Informationen i Übersicht Tagungsgebäude B3 1 und B3 2 Der folgende Plan zeigt eine Übersicht über die beiden Tagungsgebäude B3 1 und B3 2. Die AGs 1 bis 4 finden in den Seminarräumen 0.12 bis 0.14 (B31) bzw. 0.03 (B3 2) statt. Die Verlagsausstellung, die Posterausstellung CL und die Pausenverpflegung befinden sich im Foyer des Gebäudes B41.

25 Allgemeine Informationen i raumübersicht

Anmeldung B4 1, 0.21

Tagungsbüro B4 1, 0.21

Kaffeepausen B4 1, Foyer

Gepäckaufbewahrung B4 1, 0.21

Verlagsausstellung B4 1, Foyer

Dienstag, 07. 03. 2017

Lehramtsinitiative C5 1–3

CL-Tutorium A2 2, 2.14

Doktorandenforum C9 3 (Jägerheim)

ALP-Tagung B3 2, 0.03

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017 bis Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

Plenarvorträge B4 1, 0.01 (Audimax)

AG 1 Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung B3 2, 0.03 sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

AG 2 Information structuring in discourse B3 1, 0.14

AG 3 Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche B3 1, 0.13 Kodierung

26 Allgemeine Informationen i AG 4 Encoding language and linguistic information B3 1, 0.12 in historical corpora

AG 5 Sprachliche Kodierungs-Asymmetrien, B4 1, 0.26 Gebrauchsfrequenz und Informativität

AG 6 Prosody in syntactic encoding B4 1, 0.25

AG 7 Wen wurmt der Ohrwurm? – An B4 1, 0.24 interdisciplinary, cross-lingual perspective on the role of constituents in multi-word expressions

AG 8 Non-canonical verb positioning in main clauses B4 1, 0.23

AG 9 Towards an ontology of modal flavors B4 1, 0.22

AG 10 Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding B4 1, 0.07 predicates

AG 11 Coercion Across Linguistic Fields B4 1, 0.06

AG 12 Morphologische Variation – Theorie und B4 1, 0.05 Empirie

AG 13 Register in linguistic theory: Modeling B4 1, 0.04 functional variation

DGfS-Mitgliederversammlung B4 1, 0.18

CL-Mitgliederversammlung B3 1, 0.11

Posterausstellung CL B4 1, Foyer

27 Allgemeine Informationen i essen und trinken auf dem campus

Verpflegung in den Kaffeepausen Während der Konferenz werden im Foyer des Tagungsgebäudes B4 1 verschiedene Erfrischungen (Kaffee, Tee, Kaltgetränke, kleiner Imbiss) angeboten. Mensa des Studentenwerks In der Mensa des Studentenwerks (Gebäude D4 1) erhalten Sie jeweils von 11:30–14:15 Uhr verschiedene Mittagsgerichte (Selbstzahler). Bei Aufgang A (rot) wird das Komplettmenü (Vorspeisensuppe, Beilagensalat, Hauptgericht, Nachspeise), bei Aufgang B (blau) das vegetarische Komplettme- nü (Beilagensalat, Hauptgericht, Nachspeise) angeboten. Ebenfalls über Auf- gang B erreichen Sie den Freeflow, wo Sie die Wahl haben zwischen einem Low-Fat Gericht, einem Fischgericht, einem preiswerten Tellergericht sowie vegetarischen und regionalen Gerichten. Außerdem befindet sich dort ein Sa- latbüffet. Aufgang C (gelb) ist in der vorlesungsfreien Zeit geschlossen. Die Gerichte von Freeflow können Sie an den Kassen bezahlen, die Barzah- lung akzeptieren. Für das Komplett- und vegetarische Menü müssen Sie zuerst an den Barkassen im Voraus bezahlen und erhalten dann einen Bon für die Es- sensausgabe, da dort nur bargeldlos mit dem Studentenausweis bezahlt werden kann. Den Speiseplan können Sie in der „Uni Saar“-App einsehen oder auf den In- ternetseiten des Studentenwerks www.studentenwerk-saarland.de (Essen > Mensa Saarbrücken). In der Tagungsmappe, die Sie bei der Anmeldung vor Ort erhalten, finden Sie zusätzlich ein Informationsblatt zu der Funktionsweise der Mensa des Studen- tenwerks. Gastronomie auf dem Campus Neben der Mensa gibt es noch zahlreiche weitere gastronomische Angebote auf dem Campus: – Mensacafé im Erdgeschoss der Mensa des Studentenwerks, Gebäude D4 1, Früh- stücksbüffet, Mittagessen (auch vegane Gerichte im Angebot), Heiß- und Kaltgetränke, Backwaren, Öffnungszeiten: 07:45–15:00 Uhr.

– Sportlertreff (Mensa des Landessportverbands) auf dem Gelände der Hermann-Neuberger-Sportschule (schließt im

28 Allgemeine Informationen i Südwesten an den Campus an), Frühstück (07:00–09:00 Uhr), Mittag- essen (11:30–13:30 Uhr), Abendessen (18:00–20:00 Uhr). www.lsvs.de

– Ausländer-Café (AC) in Gebäude A3 2, täglich zwei wechselnde Stammessen, feste Speisekar- te, auch vegetarische und vegane Gerichte. www.ac-bistro.de

– Juristen-Café in Gebäude B4 2, Frühstück, heiße Theke, Stammessen, Öffnungszeiten: 07:30–15:00 Uhr. www.juristen-cafe.de

– Philo-Café in Gebäude C5 2, persische und internationale Küche, Bio, Halal, vegan, vegetarisch, Öffnungszeiten: 07:30–17:00 Uhr.

– Canossa im Untergeschoss der Mensa des Studentenwerks, Gebäude D4 1, Pizza, Pasta, Salate, Öffnungszeiten: 10:30–22:00 Uhr. www.canossa.de

– Café Unique im Campus Center, Gebäude A4 4, Heiß- und Kaltgetränke, belegte Bröt- chen, Backwaren, Salate, Öffnungszeiten: 07:00–18:00 Uhr. www.unique-cafe.de

– Fastfood Heroes neben Uni-Markt, in Gebäude C5 5, Mittagessen, Fastfood, Gegrilltes (auch vegetarisch), Öffnungszeiten: ab 11:30.

Supermarkt Auf dem Campus (Gebäude C5 5) gibt es einen Supermarkt (Uni-Markt), in dem man sich neben Kosmetikartikeln, Schreibwaren, Briefmarken oder Zeit- schriften auch mit belegten Brötchen, Salaten, Backwaren, Heiß- und Kaltge- tränken, Milchprodukten oder Süßigkeiten eindecken kann. Öffnungszeiten: 08:00–17:00 Uhr.

29 Allgemeine Informationen i

30 Allgemeine Informationen i gastronomie in der stadt

€ = Preisspanne unter 10 EUR, €€ = Preisspanne 11–20 EUR, €€€ = Preisspanne 21–40 EUR, €€€€ = Preisspanne gehoben Französische und gesternte Küche

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis GästeHaus Klaus Erfort *** €€€€ Mainzer Str. 95, 66121 Saarbrücken  http://www.gaestehaus-erfort.de  0681 9582682 La Bastille €€ Kronenstr. 1b, 66111 Saarbrücken  https://www.restaurant-labastille.de  0681 31064 Tempelier €€ Kappenstr. 9, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 68894101 Tomate 2 €€ Schloßstr. 2, 66117 Saarbrücken  http://www.tomate2.de  0681 57846

Deutsche und saarländische Küche

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Haus Brück €€€ Mainzer Str. 6, 66111 Saarbrücken  haus-brueck.de  0681 9508800 Fürst Ludwig € Am Ludwigsplatz 13, 66117 Saarbrücken  http://www.fuerst-ludwig.de  0681 52573 Herzenslust €€€ Nauwieserplatz 5, 66111 Saarbrücken  herzenslust-saar.de  0681 68832126

31 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Die Kartoffel €€ St. Johanner Markt 32, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 36217 Café Kostbar €€ Nauwieserstr. 19, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.cafekostbar.de  0681 374360 Krottenschenke € Saarstraße 13, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 9101990 Odeon €€ St. Johanner Markt 33, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 372469 Oro €€€ St. Johanner Markt 7, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://oro-online.de  0681 9388663 Ratskeller €€ Rathausplatz 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.ratskeller-saarbruecken.de  0681 9101708 Schnokeloch €€ Kappenstr. 6, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.schnokeloch.de  0681 33397 Schwimmschiff €€€ Berliner Promenade 18, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 371498 Stiefel (Bräu & Restaurant) €€ Am Stiefel 2, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.der-stiefel.de  0681 936450 Tante Maja €€ St. Johanner Markt 8, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://tantemaja.de  0681 30589

32 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Tellerrand €€ Am Stiefel 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.facebook.com/tellerrand.saarbruecken/  0681 95813022 Gasthaus Zahm €€ Saarstr. 6, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 9591317

Mediterrane Küche

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Bar Celona € Berliner Promenade 5, 66111 Saarbrücken  https://celona.de/  0681 93866523 Dubrovnik €€€ Kupfergasse 5, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.dubrovnik-sb.de  0681 33752 Café Especial €€ Kronenstr. 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.cafe-especial.com  0681 3906619 Fruit de Mer €€ Bleichstr. 28, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.fruits-de-mer.online  0681 31416 Iguana €€ Mainzer Str. 2, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://iguana-restaurant.de  0681 397744 die konkrete Utopie €€ Hohenzollernstr. 79, 66117 Saarbrücken  http://www.diekonkreteutopie.de  0681 9385794 Langenfeld €€ St. Johanner Markt 5, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.langenfeld-cafe.de/  0681 5953669

33 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis L’Osteria €€ Trierer Str. 33, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://losteria.de/restaurant/saarbruecken/  0681 99274820 Roma €€€ Hafenstr. 12, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.roma-saarbruecken.de  0681 45470 s’Olivo €€€ Mainzer Str. 10, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.leidinger-saarbruecken.de/restaurants/ solivo/  0681 9327-0 Sur €€ Eisenbahnstr. 6, 66117 Saarbrücken  http://www.sur-picadas-bar.de  01516 5775437 To Steki €€ Am Kieselhumes 42b, 66123 Saarbrücken  http://to-steki.com/Willkommen  0681 36710 Trattoria Toskana €€€ Fröschengasse 18–20, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.original-trattoria-toscana.de/  0681 9101895 Viva Zapata €€ Mainzer Str. 8, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.vivazapata.info  0681 375647

34 Allgemeine Informationen i Asiatische Küche

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Café Bali €€ Rotenbergstr. 10, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://cafebali.de  0681 3799313 Hashimoto (Restaurant) €€€ Cecilienstr. 7, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://hashimoto-saar.de  0681 398034 Hashimoto (Brasserie) €€€€ Fröschengasse 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://hashimoto-saar.de  0681 3906563 Hokkaido €€ Mainzer Str. 152, 66121 Saarbrücken  http://www.hokkaido-sb.de/  0681 9681100 Kimdo €€€ Mainzer Str. 61, 66121 Saarbrücken  www.kimdo-restaurant.de  0681 9685343 Krua Thai €€€ Mainzer Str. 71, 66121 Saarbrücken  0681 64695 Mei Thai €€€ Kappenstr. 7, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://meithai-saar.de  0681 3908202 Oishii €€€ Berliner Promenade 17 - 19, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.okinii.de/standorte/saarbrucken/  0681 9066876 Osaka €€ Dudweilerstr. 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.sushi-saarbruecken.de  0681 3799066 Siam €€ Mainzer Str. 22, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.restaurant-siam.de  0681 68507001

35 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Tbilissi [Georgische Küche] €€ Saarstr. 13, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 91005645

Angloamerikanische Küche

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Baker Street €€€ Mainzer Str. 8, 66111 Saarbrücken www.bakerstreetsb.de  0681 95812454 Buffalo Steakhouse €€€ Betzenstr. 10, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.buffalo-saar.de/  0681 32772 Burgerei € Fröschengasse 2, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.dieburgerei.com  0681 50062400

Cafés

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Alex €€ Saarstr. 15, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.dein-alex.de/saarbruecken  0681 37995950 The Bakery €€ Gerberstr. 7, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 95818570 Gelümmel und Getümmel (Kindercafé) €€ Nauwieserstr. 35, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.geluemmel.de  0681 95123575 Kulturcafé €€ St. Johanner Markt 24, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.kulturcafe-saarbruecken.de/  0681 3799200

36 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Madame €€ Mainzer Str. 4, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 32963 Nauwies €€ Nauwieserstr. 22, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://nauwies.de/  0681 35743 Platanen-Café €€ Am Staden, 66121 Saarbrücken  http://www.derstaden.de/  0681 67757 Tesorito €€ Cecilienstraße 16, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.cafe-am-schloss.com  0681 582621 Café Thonet €€ Katholisch-Kirch-Str. 24, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.facebook.com/thonet.sb Ubu Roi €€ Cecilienstr. 15, 66111 Saarbrücken  01573 0141037 Café am Schloss €€ Schlossplatz, 66121 Saarbrücken  https://tesorito.de/  0681 9101655 Tante Anna €€ Türkenstr. 3, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 398178

37 Allgemeine Informationen i Cocktails und Longdrinks

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Arnie & Jules €€ Berliner Promenade 19, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://arnieandjules.de/  0176 31148365 Esplanade €€€ Nauwieserstr. 5, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.esplanade-sb.de  0681 8596566 Feinkost Schmitt €€ Nassauerstr. 14, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.feinkost-schmitt.de Green Buddha €€ Bleichstr. 7–9, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 9101543 Kurze Eck €€ Nauwieserstr. 15, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.unserviertel.de/KurzeEck/eck.htm  0681 36864 Manhattan €€ Türkenstr. 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.manhattan-sb.de/  0681 3798250 Milk €€ St. Johanner Markt 17–19, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 9101760 Mono €€ Nauwieserstr. 38, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 9066967 Nautilus €€ Försterstraße 17, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 76042110 Odeon €€ St. Johanner Markt 33, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 372469

38 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Ovid €€ Kaltenbachstr. 6, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 371317 Sankt J €€ St. Johanner Markt 3, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 371198 Tante Maja €€ St. Johanner Markt 8, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://tantemaja.de  0681 30589 Shotz € Fröschengasse 6, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://shotz-bar.com/locations/saarbruecken/

Weinlokale

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Hauck Alte Feuerwache €€ Am Landwehrplatz 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  https://fine-time.de/hauck  0681 9381640 Weinstube €€ Bleichstr. 32, 66111 Saarbrücken  0681 3908849 „Die Winzer“ – Kunst- und Kulturclub €€ Martin-Luther-Str. 5, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.diewinzer.com  0151 51146862

Pubs

Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Baker Street €€€ Mainzer Str. 8, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.bakerstreetsb.de  0681 95812454

39 Allgemeine Informationen i Name, Adresse & Kontakt Preis Old Murphy’s €€ St. Johanner Markt 11, 66111 Saarbrücken  http://www.oldmurphys.de/  0681 91032217

Wally’s Irish Pub €€ Katholisch-Kirch-Str. 1, 66111 Saarbrücken  www.wallys-irishpub.de/  0681 50060563

40 Allgemeine Informationen i sehenswürdigkeiten und ausgehtipps

St. Johanner Markt Der St. Johanner Markt mit seinen Boutiquen, Kneipen, Bistros und Restau- rants ist das Herzstück des Saarbrücker Lebens. Hier trifft man sich oder man bummelt durch die malerischen Gässchen rund um den Markplatz. Seit 1978 ist der Altstadtbereich Fußgängerzone. Vom barocken Marktbrunnen (1759 von Stengel entworfen) gibt es eine Sichtachse zum Schloss, früher eine weitere zur Ludwigskirche und von dieser aus eine zurück zum Schloss – das sog. „Stengelsche Dreieck“. Saarbrücker Schloss Aus der Burg „Castellum Sarrabrucca“ entwickelte sich im 17. Jahrhundert ein Renaissanceschloss, von dem heute noch unterirdische Anlagen vorhanden sind. Nach dessen Zerstörung ließ Fürst Wilhelm Heinrich im 18. Jahrhundert durch seinen Baumeister Stengel eine neue barocke Residenz errichten. Ludwigskirche Die Ludwigskirche, als Hauptstück einer „Place-Royale“-Architektur, ist die Krönung des unermüdlichen Schaffens von Baumeister Stengel. Sie gilt als eine der stilreinsten und schönsten evangelischen Barockkirchen in Deutsch- land, vergleichbar mit dem Michel in Hamburg oder der Frauenkirche in Dres- den. Zusammen mit dem Ludwigsplatz, den umliegenden Palais und Beam- tenhäusern bildet sie ein einzigartiges Barockensemble, das 1775 fertiggestellt wurde. Nauwieserviertel Die „Nauwies“ ist seit einiger Zeit das Ausgehviertel des Saarlandes. Die Grün- derzeitbauten beherbergen zahlreiche Studentenkneipen, Bierwirtschaften, Künstlerateliers und kleine Geschäfte. In den Abendstunden sind die Straßen bevölkert von Saarbrückern und Saarländern aus dem Umland, die hier ihr Feierabendbier trinken oder sich mit Freunden treffen. Ein Programmkino 1 (Kino 8 2 ), ein Kultur- und Werkhof (Nauwieser 19), eine Spielstätte des Staats- theaters (Alte Feuerwache) oder das freie Szenetheater „Theater im Viertel“ sorgen dafür, dass auch der kulturelle Aspekt nicht zu kurz kommt.

Weitere Informationen unter www.saarbruecken.de/tourismus.

Quelle: Internetauftritt der Landeshauptstadt Saarbrücken

41 Allgemeine Informationen i ausflüge in die umgebung

Weltkulturerbe Völklinger Hütte (ca. 13 km) 1986 stillgelegt und 1994 von der UNESCO zum Weltkulturerbe erhoben, ist die Völklinger Hütte das weltweit einzige authentisch erhaltene Eisenwerk aus der Blütezeit der Eisen- und Stahlindustrie. Ein 5000m langer Parcours führt die Besucher durch ein eindrucksvolles Zeugnis von Ingenieurskunst und In- dustriekultur des frühen 20. Jahrhunderts: gigantische Maschinen in der Ge- bläsehalle, die sechs Hochöfen im frei begehbaren Hüttenpark oder den ein- zigartigen Schräge-Aufzug. Saarschleife und Baumwipfelpfad (ca. 60 km) Die Saarschleife ist das wohl bekannteste Postkartenmotiv des Saarlandes. Die beste Sicht hat man vom Aussichtspunkt „Cloef“. Seit einigen Monaten kann man von hier aus auch in bis zu 23 Meter Höhe über dem Waldboden in unbe- rührter Natur auf dem Baumwipfelpfad spazieren gehen. An Lichtungen vor- bei führt der Weg hinauf in die mächtigen Wipfel, bevor er in den architekto- nisch einmaligen Aussichtsturm abzweigt. Kulturpark Bliesbruck-Reinheim (ca. 25 km) An der deutsch-französischen Grenze, im schönen Tal der Blies, ist ein einzigartiges Projekt grenzüberschreitender Zusammenarbeit entstanden. Lang- jährige archäologische Forschungen bezeugen eine über 8000-jährige wech- selvolle Geschichte. Unter anderem wird hier ein keltisches Fürstinnengrab ausgestellt, einer der bedeutendsten Grabfunde aus keltischer Zeit in Mittel- europa. Metz (ca. 70 km) Historisches Stadtbild; Centre Pompidou Metz (moderne und zeitgenössische Kunst) Trier (ca. 100 km) Weltkulturerbestätten aus römischer Zeit (Porta Nigra, Dom, Basilika, Kaiser- thermen, Amphitheater, Römerbrücke) Luxemburg (ca. 100 km) Historisches Stadtbild; europäische Institutionen Quelle: Internetauftritte der Stadt Saarbrücken und des Kulturparks Bliesbruck-Reinheim

42 Sprachwissenschaft Universitätsverlag bei Winter winter Heidelberg

ptashnyk, stefaniya girnth, heiko beckert, ronny hofmann, andy alexander wolf-farré, patrick Politolinguistik wolny, matthias (Hg.) 2016. 74 Seiten. (Literaturhinweise Gegenwärtige zur Linguistik, Band 4) E-Book: € 14,– Sprachkontakte im isbn 978-3-8253-7590-4 Kontext der Migration 2016. 344 Seiten. (Schriften des Europäischen Zentrums für Sprach- helmer, henrike wissenschaften (EZS), Band 5) Analepsen in Geb. € 45,– isbn 978-3-8253-6551-6 der Interaktion Semantische und sequenzielle Eigenschaften von Topik-Drop im gesprochenen Deutsch 2016. 274 Seiten, 35 Abbildungen. (OraLingua, Band 13) Geb. € 45,– isbn 978-3-8253-6577-6

petkova, marina Multiples Code-Switching: Ein Sprachkontaktphänomen

am Beispiel der Deutschschweiz www.winter-verlag.de Die Fernsehberichterstattung zur ‚Euro 08‘ und andere Vor- kommenskontexte aus inter- aktionsanalytischer Perspektive wendelstein, britta 2016. ca. 308 Seiten. (OraLingua, Band 14) Gesprochene Sprache im Geb. ca. € 48,– Vorfeld der Alzheimer- isbn 978-3-8253-6528-8 Demenz Linguistische Analysen im Ver- peterson, john lauf von präklinischen Stadien Sprache und Migration bis zur leichten Demenz 2015. x, 101 Seiten. (Kurze Ein- 2016. 200 Seiten, xv Seiten Anhang, führungen in die germanistische 38 Abbildungen, 9 Tabellen. Linguistik, KEGLI, Band 18) Kart. € 39,– Kart. € 13,– isbn 978-3-8253-6596-7 isbn 978-3-8253-6454-0

Programmübersicht

Programm

allgemeines programm

Programm

Dienstag, 07. 03. 2017

09:00–18:00 Tagung der Arbeitsgemeinschaft B3 2, 0.03 Linguistische Pragmatik 10:00–17:00 Computerlinguistik Tutorium A2 2, 2.14 09:00–17:30 Doktorandenforum C9 3 14:30–19:00 Lehramtsinitiative C5 1–3 ab 19:00 Warming Up Stiefelbräu

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

08:00–09:00 Anmeldung B4 1, 0.21 (Tagungsbüro) 09:00–09:30 Begrüßung mit einem Grußwort der B4 1, 0.01 Ministerpräsidentin des Saarlandes, (Audimax) Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer 09:30–10:30 Plenarvortrag: Manfred Krifka B4 1, 0.01 Focus in answers and questions in (Audimax) Commitment-Space Semantics 10:30–11:00 Verleihung des Wilhelm von B4 1, 0.01 Humboldt-Preises (Audimax) 11:00–11:30 Kaffeepause B4 1, Foyer 11:30–12:30 Plenarvortrag: B4 1, 0.01 Anthony Kroch & Beatrice Santorini (Audimax) Detecting grammatical properties in usage data 12:30–13:45 Mittagspause Mitgliederversammlung der Sektion B3 1, 0.11 Computerlinguistik 13:45–15:45 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen B3 1, B3 2, B4 1

47 Programm

15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause Postersession Computerlinguistik (Teil 1) B4 1, Foyer 16:30–18:00 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen B3 1, B3 2, B4 1 Programm 19:00 Sektempfang im Rathaus Rathausplatz 1, 66111 Saarbrücken (Haltestelle „Johanneskirche“)

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–10:30 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen B3 1, B3 2, B4 1 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause Postersession Computerlinguistik (Teil 2) B4 1, Foyer 11:15–12:45 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen B3 1, B3 2, B4 1 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause Postersession Computerlinguistik (Teil 3) B4 1, Foyer DFG-Informationsveranstaltung B3 1, 0.11 13:45–14:45 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen B3 1, B3 2, B4 1 15:00–18:00 Mitgliederversammlung der DGfS B4 1, 0.18 19:00 Geselliger Abend im „Café & Bar Celona“ Berliner Promenade 5, 66111 Saarbrücken

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

09:00–10:00 Plenarvortrag: John Goldsmith B4 1, 0.01 Learning morphology (Audimax) 10:00–11:00 Plenarvortrag: Matthew Crocker B4 1, 0.01 A neurocomputational model of surprisal in (Audimax) comprehension 11:00–11:30 Kaffeepause B4 1, Foyer 11:30–14:00 Arbeitsgruppensitzungen B3 1, B3 2, B4 1

48 Programm

ag-programme

Programm

Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung AG 1 sprachlicher Variation im Kontext Elke Teich, Bernd Möbius & Vera Demberg Raum: B3 2, 0.03

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:15 Elke Teich, Bernd Möbius & Vera Demberg Introduction 14:15–15:15 Hinrich Schütze Embeddings or visions of the future of the lexicon 15:15–15.45 Stefania Degaetano-Ortlieb, Merel Scholmann, Stefan Fischer, Elke Teich & Vera Demberg Saarbrücken An information-theoretic account on the diachronic development of discourse connectors in scientific writing 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Natalia Levshina Does information density help? A multifactorial Bayesian analysis of help + (to) Vinf in twenty varieties of English 17:00–17:30 Fabian Tomaschek & Benjamin V. Tucker Modeling segmental durations using the Naive Discriminative Learner 17:30–18:00 Jessie Nixon & Catherine Best High-variability distributions lower perceptual certainty during acoustic cue acquisition

49 Programm

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–09:30 Geertje van Bergen Programm Expectation management in interaction: Discourse particles signal surprisal of upcoming referents 09:30–10:00 Ekaterina Kravtchenko, Ashutosh Modi, Vera Demberg, Ivan Titov & Manfred Pinkal Does UID affect rate of pronominalization? 10:00–10:30 Olga Seminck & Pascal Amsill Predicting processing cost of anaphora resolution 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Ayush Jain, Vishal Singh, Sumeet Agarval & Rajakrishnan Raijkumar Uniform Information Density models for language production: A comparative study of Hindi and English 11:45–12:15 Elli Tourtouri, Francesca Delogu & Matthew Crocker Over-specifications efficiently manage referential entropy in situated communication 12:15–12:45 Eric Meinhardt Non-stationarity and other critical mathematical problems for channel coding-based explanations of variation in language production 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:45 Tal Linzen Entropy in language comprehension

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Maria Piñango, Ashwini Deo & Muye Zhang Accessing locative interpretations in ”have” sentences: Context-sensitive variability 12:00–12:30 Aaron Steven White & Kyle Rawlins Entropy predicts uncertainty in subcategorization frame distributions

50 Programm

12:30–13:00 Robin Lemke, Ingo Reich & Eva Horch Information density constrains article omission. An experimental approach 13:00–13:30 David Howcroft, Cynthia A. Johnson & Rory Turnbull Programm German morphosyntactic change is consistent with an optimal encoding hypothesis 13:30–14:00 Abschlussdiskussion

Information structuring in discourse AG 2 Anke Holler, Katja Suckow, Barbara Hemforth & Israel de la Fuente Raum: B3 1, 0.14

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:15 Arndt Riester, Lisa Brunetti & Kordula De Kuthy Principles of information-structure and discourse-structure analysis 14:15–14:45 Jet Hoek, Jacqueline Evers-Vermeul & Ted J.M. Sanders Complete and independent? Reconsidering discourse segmentation basics 14:45–15:45 Nicholas Asher Goals, coherence and information structure in dialogue 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Daniel Altshuler & Dag Haug The semantics of provisional, temporal anaphors and cataphors 17:00–17:30 Sophia Döring Modal particles and their influence on discourse structure 17:30–18:00 Manfred Stede Segmentation and topic annotation of German newspaper editorials

51 Programm

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–09:30 Ciro Greco & Liliane Haegeman Programm Discourse frame setters and the syntax of subject-initial V2 in Standard Dutch and West Flemish 09:30–10:00 Rosemarie Lühr Zum Ausdruck von (non-)at-issueness in alten Sprachen 10:00–10:30 Cassandra Freiberg Identifying basic units of discourse structure in corpus languages: The case of Ancient Greek 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Marco Coniglio, Roland Hinterhölzl Discourse structure of relative constructions: a crosslinguistic and diachronic study on the interaction between mood, syntax and event structure 11:45–12:15 Claudia Poschmann Embedded NRRCs and discourse structure 12:15–12:45 Clare Patterson & Claudia Felser Cleft focus and accessibility: Online vs. offline differences 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:45 Hannah Rohde Small building blocks, multiple threads, and large repercussions

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Sofiana Chiriacescu Script knowledge effects on information structuring 12:00–12:30 Merel Scholman & Vera Demberg The influence of context on the interpretation of the segments in a discourse relation 12:30–13:00 Umut Özge & Klaus von Heusinger Inferrable and partitive indefinites in topic position

52 Programm

13:00–13:30 Tommaso Raso, Maryualê Malvessi Mittmann & Frederico Amorim Cavalcante A Cross-Linguistic study on Topic within the framework of the Language into Act Theory Programm 13:30–14:00 Matthijs Westera How the symmetry problem solves the symmetry problem

Alternate speakers

Markus Bader & Yvonne Portele German pronouns in discourse: Information structure versus surface properties Jennifer S. Cole & Stefan Baumann Accounting for context and variability in a prominence-based model of discourse meaning

Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche AG 3 Kodierung Daniel Gutzmann, Katharina Turgay Raum: B3 1, 0.13

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:15 Daniel Gutzmann & Katharina Turgay Secondary information and linguistic encoding – an introduction 14:15–14.45 Stefan Hinterwimmer The Bavarian discourse particle fei as a marker of non-at-issueness 14:45–15:15 Holden Härtl The name-informing and the distancing use of sogenannt (‘so-called’). A pragmatic account 15:15–15:45 Laura Dörre & Josef Bayer The processing of secondary information conveyed by German modal particles

53 Programm

15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Elena Castroviejo Miró & Berit Gehrke Non-truth-conditional intensification. The case of ‘good’ Programm 17:00–17:30 Osamu Sawada Interpretations of the embedded expressive motto in Japanese: Varieties of meaning and projectivity 17:30–18:00 Claudia Borgonovo Though as a marker of humbleness

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–09:30 Dirk Kindermann Fragmented Contexts 09:30–10:00 Ana Aguilar Guevara Literal and enriched meaning of sentences with weak definites and bare singulars 10:00–10:30 Patricia Amaral Full NPs as personal pronouns: Reference, truth-conditional meaning, and use-conditional content 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–12:15 Judith Tonhauser Relating not-at-issueness to the question under discussion 12:15–12:45 Mira Grubic Additives and accommodation 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:15 Elsi Kaiser (Un)expected secondary content in Finnish: additives and scalars 14:15–14:45 Agata Renans, Nadine Bade & Joseph P. DeVeaugh-Geiss Presupposition triggers in a cross-linguistic perspective: maximize presupposition vs. obligatory implicatures in Ga(Kwa)

54 Programm

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:30 Robert Henderson & Eric McCready Dog-whistles and the at-issue/non-at-issue distinction Programm 12:30–13:00 Corinna Trabandt, Alex Thiel, Emanuela Sanfelici & Petra Schulz Appositive interpretation of relative clauses – Is prosody the cue? 13:00–13:30 Alexander Haselow Ad-hoc shifts from primary to secondary information in spontaneous speech 13:30–14:00 Mikaela Petkova-Kessanlis Parenthesen und ihre Funktionen in didaktisch aufbereiteten linguistischen Texten

Alternate speakers

Kalle Müller Satzadverbiale und (non-)at-issueness

Encoding language and linguistic information in AG 4 historical corpora Kerstin Eckart, Carolin Odebrecht Raum: B3 1, 0.12

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

11:15–12:15 Mathilde Hennig Basic categories in multi layered grammatical annotation 12:15–12:45 Svetlana Petrova Particle verb constructions in historical German and what corpus studies reveal about them 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause

55 Programm

13:45–14:15 Lisa Dücker, Stefan Hartmann & Renata Szczepaniak Annotating a multiregional diachronic corpus of Early New High German handwritten texts Programm

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Maarten Janssen TEITOK: Combining language and linguistic information without compromise 12:00–12:30 Zarah Weiß & Gohar Schnelle Annotation of an Early New High German Corpus: The LangBank Pipeline 12:30–13:00 Cătălina Mărănduc, Cenel-Augusto Perez, Ludmila Malahov & Alexandru Colesnicov A diachronic corpus for Romanian (RoDia) 13:00–13:30 Vera Faßhauer & Henry Seidel Limitations and possibilities of Early New High German text annotation:private ducal correspondences in Early Modern Germany 13:30–14:00 Nicoletta Puddu Encoding sociolinguistic variables in a corpus of Medieval Sardinian texts

56 Programm

Sprachliche Kodierungs-Asymmetrien, AG 5 Gebrauchsfrequenz und Informativität Martin Haspelmath, MPI-SHH Jena & Universität Leipzig Programm Raum: B4 1, 0.26

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:45 Gertraud Fenk-Oczlon Frequency, coding asymmetries, and the constant flow of linguistic information 14:45–15.15 Laura Becker & Matías Guzmán Naranjo Coding asymmetries, frequency and predictability: The case of to vs from 15:15–15:45 Alice Blumenthal-Dramé & Bernd Kortmann Causal and concessive relations: Typology meets cognition 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Livio Gaeta Diachrony as a source of coding asymmetries 17:00–17:30 Geoffrey Khan Asymmetry in the historical development of the copula in Neo-Aramaic 17:30–18:00 Simon Kasper The asymmetry between morphology and word order with respect to informativity

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–09:30 Sander Lestrade Simulating the development of encoding asymmetries in argument marking 09:30–10:00 Natalia Levshina Explaining coding asymmetries: Frequency or informativity? 10:00–10:30 Matti Miestamo Making sense of the asymmetry between affirmation and negation

57 Programm

10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Na’ama Pat-El The Semitic Perfect and the problem of zero subjects Programm 11:45–12:15 Dirk Pijpops & Freek Van de Velde Processing shapes grammar: But whose processing are we talking about? 12:15–12:45 Ulrike Schneider & Britta Mondorf Why bring is doing the splits: Exploring transitivity as an explanatory factor for coding asymmetries 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:15 Martin Haspelmath On the scope of the form-frequency correspondence principle 14:15–14:45 Karsten Schmidtke-Bode On the optionality of boundary markers (and pro-forms) of subordinate clauses

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Ilja Seržant Towards functional motivation for the reduced third person indexing 12:00–12:30 Helen Sims-Williams A diachronic mechanism for form-frequency asymmetries in inflectional paradigms 12:30–13:00 Eva van Lier & Marlou van Rijn Differential possessive marking of arguments in action nominalizations: A typological survey 13:00–13:30 Jingting Ye Coding asymmetry between independent and dependent pronominal possessors: A cross-linguistic study 13:30–14:00 Natalia Zaika Markedness disharmony in Basque

58 Programm

Prosody in syntactic encoding AG 6 Gerrit Kentner, Joost Kremers Raum: B4 1, 0.25 Programm

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:15 Gerrit Kentner & Joost Kremers Introduction to „prosody in syntactic encoding“ 14:15–14.45 Katy Carlson Comparative constructions are strongly affected by focus structure 14:45–15:15 Tina Bögel Ambiguities at the interface: production and comprehension 15:15–15:45 Anna Dannenberg, Stefan Werner, Vainio Martti & Suni Antti Prosodic and syntactic structures in spontaneous speech: a wavelet-based approach to prosodic modelling 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Luciana Lucente Prosodic boundaries constraints by discursive elements 17:00–17:30 Laetitia Leonarduzzi & Sophie Herment How Prosody and syntax interact: the case of english it-clefts 17:30–18:00 Daniela Kolbe-Hanna & Judith Manzoni Prosody as a determinant of the syntactic status of „I think“

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–10:00 Arto Anttila Sentence stress in presidential speeches 10:00–10:30 Stavros Skopeteas Clitic placement and implications for the syntax-prosody mapping 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause

59 Programm

11:15–11:45 Elyse Jamieson Prosody and tag question forms in Glasgow Scots 11:45–12:15 Johannes Heim Programm Syntactic integration of sentential intonation 12:15–12:45 Marta Wierzba The ordering of syntax-prosody-interpretation mapping rules 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:15 Volker Struckmeier Towards a non-centralized, subtractive architecture of grammar 14:15–14:45 Manuela Korth Syntax and prosody in parallel systems

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Hisao Tokizaki & Jiro Inaba Prosodic constraint on prenominal modification 12:00–12:30 Nomi Erteschik-Shir, Gunlög Josefsson & Björn Köhnlein Prosody determines word order: the case of Mainland Scandinavian object shift 12:30–13:00 Farhat Jabeen & Miriam Butt Urdu/Hindi Polar kya at the syntax-pragmatics-prosody interface 13:00–13:30 Emmanuel Schang, François Nemo & Fanny Krimou Uttered sentences, prosody and word order 13:30–14:00 Janina Reinhardt The place of où: where’s the difference?

60 Programm

Wen wurmt der Ohrwurm? – An interdisciplinary, AG 7 cross-lingual perspective on the role of constituents in multi-word expressions Sabine Schulte im Walde, Eva Smolka Programm Raum: B4 1, 0.24

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:45 Gary Libben Morphological superposition and the nature of the mental lexicon 14:45–15:15 Stefanie Rößler, Thomas Weskott & Anke Holler N1-accessibility as a matter of compound processing 15:15–15:45 Serkan Uygun & Ayse Gürel Factors affecting the processing of compounds in the second language 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Anna Hätty & Michael Dorna Exploring the impact of transparency and productivity of multiword term constituents on single-word term identification 17:00–17:30 Saskia E. Lensink & Harald Baayen Multi-word units in a discriminative framework 17:30–18:00 Melanie Bell & Martin Schäfer Semantic entropy measures and the semantic transparency of noun-noun compounds

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

9:00–9:30 Giannina Iordachioaia, Lonneke van der Plas & Glorianna Jagfeld The role of the head in the interpretation of deverbal compounds

61 Programm

9:30–10:00 Inga Henneke Semantic transparency and variation in nominal syntagmatic compounds in Romance languages Programm 10:00–10:30 Sandro Pezzele, Maria Silvia Micheli & Elisabetta Jezek The different meanings of ‚a‘: Capturing qualia relations of Italian complex nominals with distributional semantics 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Fabienne Cap Approximating compound compositionality based on word alignments 11:45–12:15 Marco S. G. Senaldi, Gianluca E. Lebani & Alessandro Lenci Exploring idiomaticity with distributional semantics and entropy 12:15–12:45 Corina Dima, Jianqiang Ma & Erhard Hinrichs Evaluating semantic composition of German compounds 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:45 Marco Marelli Understanding compound words: A new perspective from compositional systems in distributional semantics

Non-canonical verb positioning in main clauses AG 8 Mailin Antomo, Sonja Müller Raum: B4 1, 0.23

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:15 Mailin Antomo & Sonja Müller Introduction 14:15–15.15 Hubert Truckenbrodt Verb position and speech acts in German 15:15–15:45 Volker Struckmeier & Sebastian Kaiser Only just CP? Rethinking classification criteria for sentence types theories

62 Programm

15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Imke Driemel Variable verb positions in German exclamatives Programm 17:00–17:30 Rita Finkbeiner Verb-final w-clauses in headlines 17:30–18:00 Nathalie Staratschek Non-canonic verb positioning in disintegrated verb-final weil-clauses in German

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–09:30 Sonja Müller On the role of doch in V1- and Wo-VE-clauses in German 09:30–10:00 Janina Beutler V1-declaratives and assertion 10:00–10:30 Ulrike Demske The brief history of V-final root clauses in Early New High German 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 N. N. wird noch bekanntgegeben 11:45–12:15 Katja Barnickel Obligatory V1-order in German SLF-coordination 12:15–12:45 Julia Bacskai-Atkari Clause typing in main clauses and V1 conditionals in Germanic 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:45 Heike Wiese The hidden life of V3: an overlooked word order optionin Germanic „V2 languages“

63 Programm

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Gereon Müller Programm Structure removal in complex prefields 12:00–12:30 Werner Frey A syntactic condition for supposed multiple fronting in German 12:30–13:00 Oliver Bunk Insights into the processing of non-canonical sentence structures in German: The case of V3 matrix declaratives in informal Standard German 13:00–13:30 Liliane Haegeman & Ciro Greco Frame setters and V3 patterns in West Flemish 13:30–14:00 Artemis Alexiadou & Terje Lohndal V3 in Germanic: A comparison of urban vernaculars and heritage languages

Towards an ontology of modal flavors AG 9 Ryan Bochnak, Anne Mucha, Kilu von Prince Raum: B4 1, 0.22

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:45 Aynat Rubinstein Flavors of existential / possessive modals 14:45–15:15 Matthew Mandelkern & Jonathan Philipps Force: topicalization, context-sensitivity, and morality 15:15–15:45 Eva Csipak The early production of conditionals 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Jakob Maché Decomposing modal flavours

64 Programm

17:00–17:30 Vera Hohaus & Jozina Vander Klok Weak necessity modals and modal flavor: The view from Paciran Javanese 17:30–18:00 Lisa Matthewson & Hubert Truckenbrodt Programm Modal flavor/modal force interactions in German

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

9:00–9:30 Fabian Bross & Daniel Hole Swabian, German, Chinese and German Sign Language: multi-source convergence on a cartographic array of modal flavors 9:30–10:00 Dana Kratochvílová The (in)stability of modal flavors: The case of English modals and their Spanish equivalents 10:00–10:30 Ana Werkmann Horvat Modal force and flavor as semantic restrictors of possible double modal combinations in Croatian 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Lavi Wolf Modal concord is not modal concord 11:45–12:15 Adam Marushak Veritic semantics for epistemic modals 12:15–12:45 Dietmar Zaefferer The ontological cookbook of modal categories: There aremore flavors than you think

65 Programm

Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding AG 10 predicates Marie-Luise Popp, Barbara Stiebels Programm Raum: B4 1, 0.07

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:45 Marie Luise Popp & Barbara Stiebels Introduction: The role of polysemy and coercion in clause-embedding predicates (with aspecial focus on NEG-Raising) 14:45–15.45 Elizabeth Bogal-Allbritten Basic pieces, complex meanings: Building attitudes in Navajo and beyond 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:30 Alda Mari Systematic polysemy of non-factive epistemic and fiction verbs in Italian: evidence from mood variation 17:30–18:00 Michelle Li Mood selection of two visual perception verbs in Hong Kong Cantonese

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–10:00 A. Marlijn Meijer How believe so is different from believing it 10:00–10:30 Julian Rentzsch & Liljana Mitkovska Complementation strategies with the verb ‘know’ in Balkan Turkish compared to Standard Turkish and Macedonian 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–12:15 Stephen Wechsler Clause embedding sound emission verbs 12:15–12:45 Natalia Serdobolskaya Against classification of complement-taking predicates: the case for mental verbs

66 Programm

12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:45 Kerstin Schwabe ‘Chameleon predicates’: variation in argument realization Programm

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:30 Itamar Kastner Coercing propositional anaphora 12:30–13:30 Marie-Louise Lind Sørensen & Kasper Boye Utterance-predicate complementation 13:30–14:00 Final discussion

Coercion Across Linguistic Fields (CALF) AG 11 Hana Filip, Laura Kallmeyer Raum: B4 1, 0.06

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13.45–14.15 Hana Filip & Laura Kallmeyer Introduction 14.15–14.45 Paul Dekker Coercion as a Methodological Tool 14.45–15.45 Margaret Grant, Sonia Michniewicz & Jessica Rett Immediate commitment, but no evidence for a coercion cost, in individual/degree polysemy 16.30–17.00 Maria Victoria Escandell-Vidal Evidential effects and mismatch resolution 17.00–17.30 Silvia Gumiel-Molina, Norberto Moreno-Quibén & Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Interpreting quantifiers: the case of ’ligeramente’ + Ain Spanish 17.30–18.00 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin & Marta Donazzan Mass-Count Meaning Shifts and the Mass-Count Distinction

67 Programm

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

9.00–10.00 Nicholas Asher Programm Two takes on coercion and co-composition: combining distributional and formal semantics 10.00–10.30 Peter Sutton & Hana Filip Mass- to-count coercion in ‘granular’ nouns 10.30–11.15 Kaffeepause 11.15–11.45 Andreas Blümel & Hans-Joachim Particke Revisiting German wieder: A restitutive prefix and its coerced object 11.45–12.45 Eva Csipak & Sarah Zobel, Postnominal temporal adverbs in the German prefield 12.45–13.45 Mittagspause 13.45–14.15 Masanori Deguchi Phonological Coercion in Pawnee 14.15–14.45 Ruben van de Vijver, Vicky Tsouni & Kim Strütjen Coercion in loanword adaptation

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11.30–12.00 William Babonnaud, Laura Kallmeyer & Rainer Osswald Polysemy and Coercion – A Frame-based Approach Using LTAG and Hybrid Logic 12.00–12.30 Elisabetta Jezek Empirical evidence for the study of coercion mechanisms in predicate-argument composition 12.30–13.00 José Manuel Igoa & María del Carmen Horno An Experimental Study on Coercion in Spanish Adjectival Phrases 13.00–14.00 Final discussion

68 Programm

Morphologische Variation – Theorie und Empirie AG 12 Antje Dammel, Oliver Schallert Raum: B4 1, 0.05 Programm

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:45 Hans-Olav Enger Thoughts on morphemes and variation in a Scandinavian perspective 14:45–15:15 Anja Hasse The interaction of morphological and phonological variation. A case study on Zurich German 15:15–15:45 Alfred Lameli & Alexander Werth Phonotaktik jenseits der Silbe – Quantitative Analysen zur Relevanz phonotaktischer Strukturen für die Morphologie 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Pia Bergmann /t/-Realisierungen in komplexen Wörtern im Deutschen – Ein Fall für hybride Modelle? 17:00–17:30 Lars Bülow, Hannes Scheutz & Dominik Wallner Zum Wandel des Drei-Formen-Plurals im salzburgisch-bayerischen Grenzgebiet? Eine Pilotstudie zur intraindividuellen morphologischen Variation 17:30–18:00 Hanna Fischer Veni, vidi, vici − Ich bin gekommen, habe gesehen und gesiegt? Perfektexpansion und Präteritumschwund im Deutschen

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

9:00–9:30 Christian Zimmer Das No Blur Principle und nominalmorphologische Variation im Deutschen 9:30–10:00 Arjen Versloot, Elzbieta Adamczyk & Eric Hoekstra A dynamic Systems Approach to Morphological irregularity

69 Programm

10:00–10:30 Dankmar Enke & Roland Mühlenbernd Case marking variation – an evolutionary perspective 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause Programm 11:15–11:45 Sophie Ellsäßer Content and form of Upper German case paradigms. A formalist approach to usage-based data? 11:45–12:15 Tanja Ackermann Das possessive -s im Deutschen: Entwicklung, Variation und theoretischer Status 12:15–12:45 Astrid Niebuhr Mit einem stetigem Anstieg – Variation in der Adjektivflexion 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:15 Helmut Weiß & Seyna Maria Carlucci-Dirani Stark oder schwach? – Oder: wie die Informationsstruktur morpho-syntaktische Variationen steuert 14:15–14:45 Stephanie Leser-Cronau Variation of agreement forms: investigations on lexical hybrids in German dialects

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:00 Göz Kaufmann Complex heads in Pomeranian: Some morphosysntactic considerations 12:00–12:30 Caroline Döhmer Dat hätt kéinten anescht gemaach ginn – IPP und supinale Formen bei luxemburgischen Modalverben 12:30–13:00 Ann-Marie Moser Negative concord im Alemannischen: Eine morphologische Erklärung 13:00–14:00 Michele Loporcaro Concurrent gender systems in Europe: a new look at the Asturian neuter

70 Programm

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

13:45–14:15 Anke Lüdeling & Aria Adli Register and variation: An introduction 14:15–15:15 Elisabeth Verhoeven & Nico Lehmann Recursive embedding and register variation 15:15–15.45 Jason Grafmiller Register specificity in the English genitive alternation. Do variable cues reflect different grammars? 15:45–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–17:00 Stella Neumann, Stefan Evert & Gert De Sutter Register-specific interference in translation 17:00–17:30 Kerstin Kunz, Erich Steiner, Ekaterina Lapshinova-Koltunski, José Martinez & Katrin Menzel Patterns of cohesion as dependent variables in a contrastive study of registers in English and German

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017

09:00–10:00 Felix Bildhauer & Roland Schäfer Automatic register annotation for linguistic research? 10:00–10:30 Thomas Haider A functional stylistics for genre and register 10:30–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Jürgen Trouvain & Friederike Kern Prosodic aspects of style and register of live sports commentaries in radio and television 11:45–12:15 Johanna Stahnke Prosodic variation in French: self-repairs in conceptual distance and proximity

71 Programm

12:15–12:45 Markus Egg Register dependency of deliberate metaphor 12:45–13:45 Mittagspause Programm 13:45–14:15 Richard Waltereit Assessing the role of intra-speaker variation for language change 14:15–14:45 Gohar Schnelle & Karin Donhauser Register variation in OHG: evidence for register-based variation in the recordings of OHG

Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

11:30–12:30 Benedikt Szmrecsanyi The register-specificity of variation grammars 12:30–13:00 Ines Rehbein Register variation in the use of DRDs in argumentative texts 13:00–13:30 Tatjana Scheffler Register variation across social media 13:30–14:00 Roland Meyer & Luka Szusich Functional style categories vs. bottom-up corpus analysis: Empirical adequacy and usefulness of register ascriptions in contemporary Russian

72 PAPERBACKS OF SELECT TITLES

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Plenarvorträge

Focus in answers and questions in Commitment-Space Semantics Mittwoch 08.03.2017 09:30 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.01 Manfred Krifka Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, ZAS [email protected] PV Focus has long been seen as one of the dimensions of information structure, used to identify parts of an utterance that come with non-realized alternatives that are relevant for the interpretation of the whole utterance. The classical use of focus is in answers to constituent questions, where the focus of the answer corresponds to the wh-constituent of the question, as in Which flower did Mary give to John? — Mary gave the ROSE to John. But focus also occurs in polarity questions, cf. Did Mary give the TULIP to John?, which may be answered by a simple Yes, or by a combination of No and another sentence, e.g. Mary gave the ROSE to John. In this talk, I will show how both focus in answers and focus in polarity questions can be interpreted as indicating alternatives. For polarity questions, it will be essential to couch the proposal in the framework of Commitment-Space Semantics, developed by the author in recent work. Commitment Spaces are common grounds with their possible continuations; a question does not add information to the common ground but restricts the possible continuations to those that answer the question. This allows for the notion of a monopolar question, a polarity questions that propose just one proposition, not two or more, as in other semantic frameworks. I argue that Did Mary give the TULIP to John? is such a biased monopolar question that wants to elicit from the addressee the assertion of Mary gave the tulip to John. Focus indicates that there are alternative elicitations of assertions of the form Mary gave X to John. I will show that the disjunction of these alternative elicitations are identical to the meaning of the constituent question What / Which flower did Mary give to John? If the addressee negates the intended assertion proposed by Did Mary give the TULIP to John?, the discourse state falls back to the disjunction of the alternative elicited assertions, i.e. the meaning of the constituent question, and the answer carries focus, as predicted. I will also consider focus in wh-questions, as in What did MARY give to John?, arguing that focus indicates alternative wh-questions here. This focus is typical of contrastive topics, which indicate a partial answer to a complex question under discussion.

77 Plenarvorträge

Mittwoch Detecting grammatical properties in usage data 08.03.2017 11:30 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.01 Anthony Kroch Beatrice Santorini University of Pennsylvania University of Pennsylvania [email protected] [email protected] PV A well-known limitation on the utility of corpus data for linguistic research is the absence of negative evidence, just the evidence that is readily available in the data of acceptability judgments. Of course, in the case of historical investigations, judgment data is simply unavailable. In this situation, it is tempt- ing but dangerous to assume that non-occurring configurations are ungrammatical. A better approach, widely adopted with the growing availability of digital corpora, especially annotated ones, is to make use of the frequency information in the corpora to infer properties of the grammars underlying observed usage patterns. The most obvious patterns are diachronic developments in which a form either arises from nothing or disappears, and it has always been assumed that these cases reflect grammatical change. A more ambi- tious use of frequency information has been work in the spirit of Kroch’s “Con- stant Rate Effect” (Kroch 1989). In such work, evidence is assembled toshow that distinct linguistic environments sharing a common innovative grammatical feature will evolve together over time. The CRE has by now been replicated sufficiently often to be accepted as reliable. Most recently, for example, Zim- mermann (2015) has carried out a large scale replication involving a dataset of more than 50K instances of the English do-support environment. Less well-known than the CRE is the pattern reported in Santorini (1993), Taylor (1994) and elsewhere where we see that grammatical options (for example, “extraposition”) that are not undergoing change tend to be stable in their frequency of use in corpus data. This work also reports that grammatically independent options, like the extraposition of one XP or another or both in a clause that contains two such phrases, tend to be statistically independent; that is to say, if the probability of one occurrence of extraposition is p, then the probability of two occurrences will be approximately p · p. Largely ignored in the literature, however, is the contrapositive implication that when options are statistically linked, we have evidence of grammatical linkage. In this paper, we present evidence from four languages for which we have parsed historical corpora: English, French, Icelandic and Yiddish (Kroch and Taylor 2000, Martineau and et al. 2009, Wallenberg et al. 2011, Santorini 2008)

78 Plenarvorträge of statistical linkage with grammatical implications and also of the loss of such linkage over the course of time. The data on which we rely is word order inside VP, where we find that these languages undergo a shift from XVtoVXin multiple stages, two of which can only be distinguished by the presence versus absence of statistical linkage between different word order options. The pattern we have found, stated within the framework of antisymmetric syntax, is that XV surface word order has sources in leftward movements of two distinct types: (1) remnant scrambling of VP with the verb itself stranded in v and (2) scrambling of an XP argument/adjunct with VP remaining in situ. Since, PV under option 2, more than one XP may scramble and since, under option 1, XPs can be stranded after the verb via a sequence of XP scrambling followed by remnant VP scrambling, an identical range of surface orders is produced by the two options. Only quantitative evidence allows us to distinguish them. Concretely, we find the following quantitative patterns in our languages: 1. From their earliest attested periods, the languages exhibit leftward movement of single XPs across the verb, as expected under the XP scrambling option.

2. At the same time, in the earlier periods, the frequency of verb-final order in clauses with multiple XPs in pre-verbal position is much higher than expected, given the frequencies of single XP movement.

3. As reported for Ancient Greek in Taylor (1994), the frequencies of leftward movement of single XPs of a given syntactic type are largely independent of the presence of other XPs in the clause.

4. After initial periods with an excess of multiple XP in pre-verbal position, the frequency of XP>V orders declines in all four languages to that predicted by the rates of single XP scrambling. From these results, we conclude that the loss of surface OV order in our languages proceeds in three stages. In the first, which antecedes our earliest records, the remnant scrambling of VP begins to be lost, leading to an alternation between XP>V and V>XP surface orders. At this time, XP>V order in clauses with one VP- internal constituent becomes ambiguous between a VP- movement derivation and one in which single XPs scramble leftward. In the second stage, the VP-movement option disappears so that XP>V order is always derived by XP scrambling. Finally, XP scrambling itself disappears or becomes restricted to quantificational expressions.

References: • Theresa Biberauer. 2003. Reconsidering the EPP and Spec-TP in Germanic. InLuisa Astruc and Marc Richards, editors, Cambridge Occasional Papers in Linguistics (COPiL), number 1, pp.

79 Plenarvorträge

100–120. Department of Linguistics, University of Cambridge. • Roland Hinterhöltzl. 2006. Scram- bling, Remnant Movement, and Restructuring in West Germanic. Oxford University Press, Oxford and Cambridge, MA. • Anthony Kroch. 1989. Reflexes of grammar in patterns of language change. Lan- guage Variation and Change, 1:199–244. • Anthony Kroch and Ann Taylor. 2000. Penn-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Middle English. http://www.ling.upenn.edu/hist-corpora/, second edition. • France Mar- tineau and Anthony Kroch et al. 2009. Corpus MCVF,Modéliser le changement: les voies du français. Uni- versity of Ottawa, first edition. • Beatrice Santorini. 1993. The rate of phrase structure change inthe history of Yiddish. Language Variation and Change, 5:257–283. • Beatrice Santorini. 2008. Penn Yid- dish Corpus. Contact author for access. • Ann Taylor. 1994. The change from SOV to SVO in Ancient Greek. Language Variation and Change, 6: 1–37. • Joel C. Wallenberg, Anton Karl Ingason, Einar Freyr PV Sigurðsson, and Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson. 2011. Icelandic Parsed Historical Corpus (IcePaHC). University of Iceland. version 9. • Richard Zimmermann. November 2015. A syntactic change with lots of data: The rise of ‘do’-support with possessive ‘have’ in American english. Manchester LEL research seminar.

80 Plenarvorträge

Learning morphology Freitag 10.03.2017 09:00 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.01 John Goldsmith University of Chicago [email protected] PV All linguists are familiar with the experience of explaining to non-linguists that the goal of linguistics is to make explicit what native speakers know implicitly. We understand that this task (the task of turning the implicit into something that is both formal and explicit) is anything but trivial. Tacit or implicit knowledge is wonderful and of great value (the knowledge of language that native speakers have), but it is not easy to subject it to analysis—though we linguists believe that there is a great reward that comes from the analysis. The same thing can be said, I believe, about the linguist’s knowledge ofhowto construct grammars, and the task of making this process explicit and open to public scrutiny. My goal in this talk is to illustrate what can be learned from the effort to develop algorithms for producing grammars from data. I will begin with a brief introduction to word discovery based on Minimum Description Length (MDL) analysis (Rissanen 1989, de Marcken 1996), and show how the errors we observe there lead to the study of the automatic learning of morphological structure. The first steps of morphological analysis are segmentation and classification, and these steps are followed by building a morphological grammar (such as a phrase-structure grammar, for example). Each step we take to build an algorithm to embody our analytic knowledge as linguists teaches us in two ways: on the one hand, it reassures us that we do succeed in important ways in analyzing even languages we have never seen, but on the other, it makes us very aware of how difficult it is to analyze one part of a language without assuming other parts of the language to have already been successfully analyzed. There are three very difficult questions that emerge from this effort: 1. How do we evaluate how well a grammar models a particular set of data?

2. How do we evaluate and compare two different grammars that handle the same data?

3. How is it possible for an algorithm to seek a better analysis than its current analysis?

81 Plenarvorträge

That question has three subparts: What does it even mean for an algorithm to propose something new? How can an algorithm “look at” part of its analysis and recognize that it should be dissatisfied with it? And how can it tell ifa change in its analysis is an improvement or not? These questions relate very directly to the question of what kind ofinnate knowledge linguists’ work supports. Is the knowledge that the learning algorithm (or the child) must be endowed with of the same sort as the knowledge that she will be learning as she learns her grammar? If the answer is yes, then PV this kind of innate knowledge fits Leibniz’s picture of innate knowledge asen- thymeme, whereby the discovery of innate knowledge is just like discovering implicit major premises in people’s arguments. If the answer is no (and the answer is no), then this kind of knowledge is akin to Kant’s notion of a category (though it is not static in the way Kant’s is): the knowledge that is needed in order to answer the 3 questions above all involve serious questions regarding information and complexity, notions that are preconditions for any kind of concrete knowledge about the world. Much of the relevant work in this area has been done under the rubric of machine learning, most notably the subdomain referred to as unsupervised learning. Among the most important elements found there is the ability to quantify the amount of information that is left unexplained in an analysis. This is important not because we wish to leave information unexplained, but because it allows us to compare two different analyses of the same data, and determine which one leaves less information unexplained. These lofty ideas will be illustrated in concrete problems of learning themor- phology of English, French, and Swahili. Review articles can be found in Gold- smith 2010 and Goldsmith, Lee, and Xanthos 2017. Chater et al (2015) presents a different aspect of this concern.

References: • Rissanen, Jorma (1989): Stochastic Complexity in Statistical Analysis. World Scientific Publishing. • de Marcken, Carl. (1996): Unsupervised Language Acquisition. PhD dissertation, MIT. arXiv:cmp-lg/9611002. • Goldsmith, John (2010): Segmentation and morphology. The Handbook of Computational Linguistics and Natural Language Processing, 364-393. Wiley-Blackwell. • Gold- smith, John, Jackson Lee, and Aris Xanthos. (2017): Computational approaches to morphology. An- nual Review of Linguistics. • Chater, Nick, Alex Clark, John Goldsmith, and Amy Perfors (2015): Em- piricism and Language Learnability. OUP.

82 Plenarvorträge

A neurocomputational model of surprisal in comprehension Freitag 10.03.2017 10:00 – 11:00 B4 1, 0.01 Matthew Crocker Universität des Saarlandes [email protected] PV People continuously assign meaning to the linguistic signal on a more or less word-by-word basis, building rich semantic representations of what has been encountered so far, which in turn conditions expectations about what is likely—or not—to follow. Surprisal Theory (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008) has been particularly successful in offering a broad account of word-by-word processing difficulty. The theory asserts that the processing difficulty incurred bya word is inversely proportional to the expectancy (or surprisal) of a word, as estimated by probabilistic language models. Such models are limited, however, in that they assume expectancy is determined by linguistic experience alone, making it difficult to accommodate the influence of world and situational knowledge. To address this issue, we1 present a neurocomputational model of language processing that seamlessly integrates linguistic experience and probabilistic world knowledge in online comprehension. The model is a simple recurrent network (SRN) that is trained to map sentences onto rich probabilistic meaning representations that are derived from a Distributed Situation-state Space (DSS: Frank et al, 2003). Crucially, these meaning representations go beyond literal propositional content and capture inferences driven by knowledge about the world (cf. a mental model (Johnson-Laird, 1983), or situation model (Zwaan, 1998)). The model is trained to construct the DSS representation for a sentence on an incremental, word-by-word basis, which results in the model being inherently sensitive to the frequency with which sentences are mapped onto specific DSSs (cf. Mayberry et al, 2009). Furthermore, thein- cremental construction of DSS representations allows for the computation of online surprisal based on the likelihood of the sentence meaning for the just processed word, given the sentence meaning up until before the word was encountered. We demonstrate that our online surprisal metric integrates both the likelihood of a situation model (DSS)—thereby reflecting world knowledge—as well as linguistic experience. This ‘comprehension-centric’ characterisation

1This abstract presents joint work with Harm Brouwer and Noortje Venhuizen.

83 Plenarvorträge

of surprisal thus provides a more general index of the effort involved in mapping from the linguistic signal to rich and knowledge-driven situation models: Not only can this sentence-to-meaning mapping capture established surprisal phenomena reflecting linguistic experience, it also offers the potential for surprisal-based explanations of a range of findings that have demonstrated the importance of knowledge-, discourse-, and script-driven influences on processing difficulty. Moreover, we will outline how our model can be related to neurophysiolog- PV ical indices of processing difficulty. Previous work has linked word-induced surprisal to the N400 component of the ERP signal (e.g., Frank et al. 2015). Our meaning-based notion of surprisal, however, reflects how unexpected an update is for the unfolding interpretation. This suggests a close link to the P600, which has been argued to index of the effort involved in updating the interpretation (Brouwer et al, in press). By supporting the straight-forward computation of meaning-based surprisal, as well as providing a direct linking hypothesis to ERP correlates, this work sheds much needed light on the neural mechanisms that underlie the otherwise still abstract notion of surprisal.

References: • Brouwer, H., Crocker, M.W., Venhuizen, N., Hoeks, J. (in press): A Neurocomputa- tional Model of the N400 and the P600 in Language Processing. Cognitive Science. • Frank, S., Kop- pen, M., Noordman, L., Vonk, W. (2003): Modeling knowledge-based inferences in story comprehension. Cognitive Science 27(6):875–910. • Frank, S., Otten, L., Galli, G., Vigliocco, G. (2015): The ERP response to the amount of information conveyed by words in sentences. Brain and language 140:1–11. • Hale, J. (2001): A probabilistic Earley parser as a psycholinguistic model. In: Proc. of the ACL 1–8. • Johnson-Laird, P.N. (1983): Mental Models. • Levy, R. (2008): Expectation-based syntactic comprehension. Cognition 106(3):1126–1177. • Mayberry, M., Crocker, M.W., Knoeferle, P. (2009). Learning to Attend: A Connectionist Model of Situated Language Comprehension. Cognitive Science 33(1):449–496. • Zwaan, R., Radvansky, G. (1998): Situation models in language comprehension and memory. Psych. Bul. 123:162–185.

84 e-book 978 90 272 6688 0 EUR 95.00New / 978 90 272 6688 0 USD 143.00 Journals The Agenda Setting Journal Theory, Practice, Critique Editor: Salma I. Ghanem DePaul University The Agenda Setting Journal: Theory, Practice, Critique focuses on the theoretical developments that continue in agenda setting and how the theory is applied to areas outside of mass communication. The journal also represents the growth and maturity of the communication field as it is also the first and only to-date theory-based journal in the communication discipline. ISSN 2452-0063 | e-ISSN 2452-0071 Language and Linguistics Editor-in-Chief: Jo-wang Lin Academia Sinica This is an academic publication of the Institute of Linguistics at Academia Sinica. Established in 2000, it publishes research in general and theoretical linguistics on the languages of East Asia and the Pacific region, including Sino-Tibetan, Austronesian, and the Austroasiatic and Altaic language families. John Benjamins Publishing Company is the official publisher as of Volume 18 (2017). issn 1606-822X | e-issn 2309-5067 Language Ecology General Editors: Umberto Ansaldo and Lisa Lim University of Hong Kong The ecology of language is a framework for the study of language as conceptualised primarily in Einar Haugen’s 1971/72 work, where he defines language ecology as “the study of interactions between any given language and its environment”. issn 2452-1949 | e-issn 2452-2147 Pragmatics Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) Editor-in-Chief: Helmut Gruber University of Vienna Pragmatics is the peer-reviewed quarterly journal of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA), which was established in 1986 to represent the field of linguistic pragmatics, broadly conceived as the interdisciplinary (cognitive, social, cultural) science of language use. John Benjamins Publishing Company is the official publisher as of Volume 27 (2017). ISSN 1018-2101 | E-ISSN 2406-4238 JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY www.benjamins.com [email protected]

Arbeitsgruppen

AG1

Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Elke Teich, Bernd Möbius & Vera Demberg Universität des Saarlandes, Universität des Saarlandes & Universität des Saarlandes [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B3 2, 0.03

Short description Sprache approximiert eine für die Kommunikation optimale Kodierung, indem sie Anpassungen an kontextuelle Bedingungen (Kontext, Situation- skontext) ermöglicht. Wir fokussieren informationstheoretisch-basierte An- sätze zur Modellierung von unterschiedlichen sprachlichen Prozessen (men- schliches Sprachverstehen, maschinelle Sprachverarbeitung, Sprachwandel u. –evolution) auf allen linguistischen Ebenen (Phonetik, Lexik, Syntax, Se- mantik, Diskurs) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Beziehung von sprachlicher Variation im Kontext.

89 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Mittwoch Embeddings or visions of the future of the lexicon 08.03.2017 14:15 – 15:15 B3 2, 0.03 Hinrich Schütze LMU München [email protected]

One way to model the predictability of a linguistic unit alpha in context gamma is to represent alpha and gamma as vectors a and c in high-dimensional space and estimate P(alpha|gamma) based on a and c. These types of vector repre- AG1 sentations are commonly referred to as embeddings. I will give a general talk about embeddings – covering issues like learning, granularity and compositionality – and how they relate to the traditional lexicon in computational linguistics. At the end, I will turn to the question of what the implications are for models of predictability.

90 AG 1 · Gebäude B3 2, Raum 0.03

An information-theoretic account on the diachronic development of Mittwoch discourse connectors in scientific writing 08.03.2017 15:15 – 15:45 B3 2, 0.03 Stefania Degaetano-Ortlieb, Merel Scholman, Stefan Fischer, Elke Teich, Vera Demberg (Universität des Saarlandes) [email protected]

We investigate the diachronic development of discourse connectors (DC) in scientific writing, considering their linguistic encoding and looking at whether AG1 there is a change with respect to shorter vs. longer encodings over time driven by information-theoretic effects. Our theoretical framework is based on register theory (cf. Quirk et al. 1985): a register being characterized by distributions of lexico-grammatical features according to field (discourse topic), tenor (relation between participants) and mode of discourse (text-forming function). As DCs create cohesive ties between units in a discourse, they contribute to mode. Given psycholinguistic evidence on the correlation between variation in linguistic encoding and information density (cf. Aylett and Turk 2004), we assume that in scientific writing, features related to mode are more likely to be realized in less dense encodings than field features (assumed to be realized in denser encodings (cf. Halliday 1988)) to balance information density in the discourse. Thus, we expect DCs with a short linguistic encoding (e.g. but) to decrease over time, while those with longer encodings will increase (e.g. on the other hand). We analyze diachronic tendencies of DCs in scientific and general language corpora from 1650 to present. Preliminary results indicate a decrease of short DCs in scientific writing, while longer ones increase.

References: • Aylett, Matthew and Alice Turk (2004). The Smooth Signal Redundancy Hypothesis: A Functional Explanation for Relationships between Redundancy, Prosodic Prominence and Duration in Spontaneous Speech. Language and Speech 47 (1): 31–56. • Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik (1985). A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. • Halliday, M. A. K. (1988). On the Language of Physical Science. In Registers of Written En- glish: Situational Factors and Linguistic Features, edited by Ghadessy, Mohsen, 162–177. London: Pinter.

91 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Mittwoch Does information density help? A Bayesian analysis of 08.03.2017 help + (to)Vinf in varieties of English 16:30 – 17:00 B3 2, 0.03 Natalia Levshina Leipzig University [email protected]

This study deals with the constructional variants help + (to) Vinf, as exemplified by the sentences (1a) and (1b): AG1 (1) a. Mary helped John write the letter. b. Mary helped John to write the letter.

In many previous accounts, the choice between the variants was explained semantically. For example, the use of the bare or marked infinitive is assumed to be related to the degree of the subject’s involvement in the event represented by the infinitive (Dixon 1991). In addition, such factors as cognitive complexity, avoidance of identity (horror aequi) and the inflectional form of help, have been shown to constrain the choice between the bare or marked infinitive (Lohrmann 2011). In this study, I test an alternative explanation based on the principles of economy (e.g. Haiman 1983) and Uniform Information Density (UID) (Jaeger 2010). The higher the predictability of the infinitive inagiven context, the higher are the chances of the bare infinitive being used. The analyses are based on Davies’ (2013) corpus of Global Web-based English, which represents twenty countries where English is spoken. I fit Bayesian mixed-effects binomial regression models, with the type of thein- finitive as the response variable, the above-mentioned contextual variables as fixed effects and the infinitives and text IDs as random intercepts.

References: • Davies, M. (2013): Corpus of Global Web-Based English: 1.9 billion words from speakers in 20 countries. • Dixon, R.M.W. (1991): A New Approach to English Grammar, on Semantic Princi- ples. Oxford: Clarendon Press. • Jaeger, T.F. (2010): Redundancy and reduction: speakers manage syntactic information density. Cognitive Psychology 61: 23–62. • Haiman, J. (1983): Iconic and eco- nomic motivation. Language 59(4): 781–819. • Lohmann, A. (2011): Help vs. help to – a multifactorial, mixed-effects account of infinitive marker omission. English Language and Linguistics 15(3): 499–521.

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Modeling segmental durations using the Naive Discriminative Mittwoch Learner 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B3 2, 0.03 Fabian Tomaschek Benjamin V. Tucker Universität Tübingen University of Alberta [email protected] [email protected]

It is well known that acoustic durations of words and segments are co- determined by lexical properties such as frequency of occurrence (Zipf 1935, Bell et al. 2003, Gahl, 2008; Cohen Priva, 2015). The current study explores the AG1 use of a predictor measuring learning for modeling segment durations in Ger- man: weights and activations from the Naive Discriminative Learner Model (NDL: Baayen et al., 2011). Given a set of input units (diphones and triphones), the network estimates their connection or association strengths to a set of output units (word forms), providing a measure of how well word forms are associated with their phonetic markup. The project investigates how the goodness of fit of the learning measures provided by NDL varies with the complexity of the cue-to-outcome structure. Also, we intend to investigate how multi-collinearities present in the data affect the results and how to cope with them. Finally, we will compare the goodness of fit of learning measures with traditional predictors such as frequencies and transitional probabilities.

References: • Baayen, R. Harald et al. (2011): An amorphous model for morphological processing in visual comprehension based on naive discriminative learning. Psychological review, 118 (3). p.438–481 • Gahl, S. (2008): ”Thyme” and ”Time” are not homophones. Word durations in spontaneous speech. Language, 84 (3): p. 474–496. • Cohen Priva, U. (2015): Informativity affects consonant duration and deletion rates. Laboratory Phonology, 6 (2). p. 243–278. • Zipf, G. (1935): The psycho-biology of language. An introduction to dynamic philology. Cambridge: MIT Press.

93 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Mittwoch High-variability distributions increase perceptual uncertainty during 08.03.2017 acoustic cue acquisition 17:30 – 18:00 B3 2, 0.03 Jessie S. Nixon Catherine T. Best University of Potsdam Western Sydney University [email protected] [email protected]

Much statistical learning research has focused on effects of the number of peaks in input distributions. Recent research has examined how statistical AG1 variance in acoustic cue distributions affects perceptual uncertainty in native speech perception (Clayards, Tanenhaus, Aslin & Jacobs, 2008; Nixon, van Rij, Mok, Baayen & Chen, 2016). The present study investigates how statistical variance affects acquisition of a non-native cue, namely tone. In a visual world eyetracking experiment, participants saw four pictures of common objects and heard a Cantonese word. Auditory stimuli consisted of a 12-step continuum of increasing pitch, presented in a bimodal distribution. Distribution peaks corresponded to prototypical high and mid tones, respectively. Statistical variance (the width of the distribution) varied between participants: high- vs. low-variance. Eye movements (Euclidean distance from target) were analysed with generalised additive mixed models (GAMMs). Models showed a significant condition-by-pitch nonlinear interaction over time (p < 0.001); and a significant condition-by-pitch nonlinear interaction over the experiment (i.e. trial; p < 0.001). Over the course of the experiment, and over the trial, fixations became closer to the target in the low-variance condition. With more distinctive pitch cues in the low-variance condition, participants were better able to distinguish between tones. In early trials, distance from target was actually larger in the low-variance condition, especially for the high tone. However, by the second half of the experiment, participants were already closer to the target than those in the high-variance condition. These results provide evidence that in implicit statistical learning of new acoustic dimensions, within-category acoustic variation hinders acquisition; learning is enhanced by low within-category variability.

References: • Clayards, M. et al. (2008): Perception of speech reflects optimal use of probabilistic speech cues. Cognition. 108(3), 804–809. • Nixon, J.S., van Rij, J., Mok, P., Baayen, R.H. and Chen, Y. (2016): The temporal dynamics of perceptual uncertainty: eye movement evidence from Cantonese segment and tone perception. Journal of Memory and Language. 90, 103–125.

94 AG 1 · Gebäude B3 2, Raum 0.03

Expectation management in interaction: Discourse particles signal Donnerstag surprisal of upcoming referents 09.03.2017 09:00 – 09:30 B3 2, 0.03

Geertje van Bergen Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics [email protected]

This study focuses on expectation management in conversation via high- level discourse cues, namely the Dutch common-ground managing discourse particles (DPs) eigenlijk (‘actually’,‘in fact’) and inderdaad (‘indeed’). In a vi- AG1 sual world eye-tracking experiment, I investigate whether and when listeners integrate the complex interpersonal information encoded in expectation- managing DPs during incremental language understanding. It is hypothesized that inderdaad signals upcoming low surprisal, whereas eigenlijk signals upcoming high surprisal. As such, DPs are expected to modulate the listener’s predictions about upcoming referents. Dutch participants were exposed to short conversations, consisting of a constraining context followed by a question and an answer in which a critical word was replaced by a beep. They were instructed to click on the picture that best fit the answer. Displays included a Target (low surprisal given the context), a Competitor (high surprisal but related to the context) and two Distractors (unrelated to the context); answers contained a discourse particle (inderdaad vs. eigenlijk) or a control word. Targets were clicked more often and faster in the inderdaad-condition compared to the control condition; in the eigenlijk-condition, Target clicks were less frequent and responses were slower. Gaze patterns show that immediately upon encountering the discourse particle, Target fixations significantly increased in the inderdaad-condition and decreased in the eigenlijk-condition compared to the control condition. Findings suggest that expectation-managing DPs can modulate context-based linguistic expectations during incremental language understanding, and hence improve communicative efficiency. From a methodological perspective, DPs provide ause- ful means to further investigate the nature of discourse-based expectations.

95 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Donnerstag Does UID affect rate of pronominalization? 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 B3 2, 0.03 Ekaterina Kravtchenko1, Ashutosh Modi1, Vera Demberg1, Ivan Titov2, Manfred Pinkal1 (1Universität des Saarlandes, 2University of Amsterdam) {eskrav|ashutosh|vera|pinkal}@coli.uni-sb.de; [email protected]

A large body of experimental evidence supports the Uniform Information Den- sity hypothesis (UID), which shows that high predictability of linguistic units AG1 leads to use of shorter variants, while low predictability is correlated with longer variants (Jaeger & Buz, 2016). However, the range of linguistic phenomena that UID extends to remains unclear. UID predicts that pronouns should be used for more predictable referents, while longer expressions (names or complex NPs) should be used for those less predictable. Existing experimental evidence is mixed. Some studies report an effect of referent predictability on referring expression (RE) type: Tily & Piantadosi (2009) and Kravtchenko (2014), both corpus studies, found that shorter REs are favored over longer ones in more predictable contexts. Rohde & Kehler (2014) manipulated RE predictability in sequences like ”Peter admired / im- pressed Mary. __”, by choosing subject- vs. object-biased verbs, and seeing how discourse participants were referred to in prompted continuations. They found no effect of predictability on RE choice. Here we report two new studies addressing this question. Our first study attempts to replicate Tily & Piantadosi (2009), but with a significantly larger corpus from a more colloquial data register. We find no significant effect of predictability on RE type, after accounting for structural biases. Our second study attempts to replicate Rohde & Kehler (2014), but looks at a broader range of REs. In our sequences we alternated names with long NPs, as people may be more motivated to reduce the latter. We successfully replicate Rohde & Kehler, but find no effect of predictability with long NPs. These experiments suggest that UID may not affect RE choice, and mayex- tend to limited phenomena beyond the level of surface form predictability.

References: • Jaeger, T. F. & E. Buz (2016): Signal reduction and linguistic encoding. Handbook of psycholinguistics. • Kravtchenko, E. (2014): Predictability and syntactic production: Evidence from subject omission in Russian. Proceedings of CogSci 2014, 785–790. • Rohde, H. & A. Kehler (2014): Gram- matical and Information-Structural Influences on Pronoun Production. Language, Cognition, and Neu- roscience 29(8), 912–927. • Tily, H. & S. T. Piantadosi (2009): Refer efficiently: Use less informative expressions for more predictable meanings. In PRE-CogSci 2009.

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Predicting processing cost of anaphora resolution Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B3 2, 0.03 Olga Seminck Pascal Amsili Université Paris Diderot Université Paris Diderot [email protected] [email protected]

Anaphora resolution, for human speakers, can be more or less costly depending on various factors like ambiguity, syntactic complexity and semantic plausibility. The variation of cost has been measured by many studies in psycholinguistics, through experimental paradigms like self-paced reading, AG1 or eye-tracking. Our project aims at devising a system, inspired by current NLP coreference resolution systems, that can predict a processing cost for anaphora resolution, which can be evaluated by running our system on human data coming from psycholinguistic experiments, or eye-tracking corpora e.g. the Dundee Corpus (Kennedy 2003). Inspired by surprisal theory (Hale 2001) and the entropy reduction hypothesis (Hale 2006), we propose a continuous, incremental measure that assigns processing cost to anaphora. Our measure reflects how certain a probabilistic anaphora resolution system is about itsde- cisions. To do so, with a simple anaphora resolution tool, we compute a probability distribution over all antecedent candidates of an anaphor and calculate entropy over it. We hypothesize that the entropy over this distribution can be seen as the processing cost of the resolution of the anaphor. So the smaller the entropy, the less processing cost that is predicted. A first study we conducted on two biases that were discovered by psycholinguists (Subject Assignment Strategy and Parallel Function Hypothesis (e.g. Crawley 1990)) showed that our model was able to simulate human performance in these matters: it assigned the pronouns in a way comparable to human participants and the cost it predicted corresponded to reading times recorded in self-paced reading experiments.

References: • Rosalind A Crawley et al. (1990). The use of heuristic strategies in the interpretation of pronouns. In: Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 19.4, 245–264. • John Hale (2001). A probabilistic Earley parser as a psycholinguistic model. In: Proceedings of the second meeting of the North American Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics on Language technologies. Association for Com- putational Linguistics, 1–8. • John Hale (2006). Uncertainty about the rest of the sentence. In: Cogni- tive Science 30.4, 643–672. • Alan Kennedy et al. (2003). The dundee corpus. In: Proceedings of the 12th European conference on eye movement.

97 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Donnerstag Uniform Information Density models for language production: 09.03.2017 A comparative study of Hindi and English 11:15 – 11:45 B3 2, 0.03

Ayush Jain, Vishal Singh, Sumeet Agarwal, Rajakrishnan Rajkumar (Indian Institute of Technology Delhi) {ee1120439, ee1120493, sumeet, raja}@iitd.ac.in

In this paper, the extent to which language production is governed by the Uni- form Information Density (UID) hypothesis (Jaeger 2010) is analysed for Hindi AG1 and English. The hypothesis states that a speaker tries distributing the information across a sentence in the most uniform fashion possible so as to communicate efficiently, analogously to communication in a noisy channel (Shannon 1948). We examine the effect of word-order change on the information distribution of a sentence and its effect on production choice. Several quantitative UID models were defined, based on the variation of lexical N-gram scores within a sentence. As alternatives, the UID measures were also estimated using syntactic data (part-of-speech tags) instead of lexical data, and only at chunk boundaries rather than at all words. In order to assess the validity of the UID hypothesis for language production, the information orthogonal to that captured by a basic N-gram score was estimated by performing a binary classification (reference corpus sentences vs. variants) and comparing the classification accuracy in the presence and absence ofUID scores. While using lexical UID measures, segregation of corpus and non-corpus sentences was poor for both English and Hindi. However for syntactic UID measures, the segregation was much better for English, though for Hindi it was still poor. On addition of normalized UID measures to a baseline feature set consisting of N-gram scores, the classification accuracy for the Hindi sentences increased slightly, suggesting that perhaps the notion of UID might in some cases be informative about production choices even for Hindi. The difference in the results obtained for Hindi and English is possibly because of greater flexibility of word order in Hindi.

References: • T. Florian Jaeger. Redundancy and reduction: Speakers manage syntactic information density. Cognitive Psychology, 61(1):23–62, 2010. • C. E. Shannon. A mathematical theory of communication. The Bell System Technical Journal, 27(3):379–423, July 1948. • C. E. Shannon. A mathematical theory of communication. The Bell System Technical Journal, 27(4):623–656, Oct 1948.

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Over-specifications efficiently manage referential entropy in Donnerstag situated communication 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B3 2, 0.03

Elli N. Tourtouri Francesca Delogu Matthew Crocker Universität des Universität des Universität des Saarlandes Saarlandes Saarlandes [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

When referring to objects in their visual environment, speakers often use more information than required for referent identification, thereby violat- AG1 ing Grice’s Quantity maxim [1]. Previous research provided contradicting evidence suggesting either that such over-specifications (OS) hinder referential processing [2, 3], or that their processing does not differ from that of minimal specifications (MS) [4]. We provide evidence that OS in fact aids listeners in their effort to identify the visual target, especially when the number ofrefer- ential candidates is increased. In an eye-tracking experiment, participants were presented with arrays of objects and heard OS or MS descriptions of a target, reducing referential entropy more or less gradually. We hypothesised that OS would result in faster and easier target identification than MS, especially when referential candidates are eliminated more gradually. We find that, when referential entropy is reduced less gradually, OS results in equally fast and easy target identification as MS, while OS facilitates reference resolution when more visual search is required. From these results we conclude, firstly, that situated comprehension is sensitive to the distributional properties of the visual environment, as well as the encoding of the referring expression. Secondly, we argue that the prime determinant of processing effort in situated communication is the efficient modulation of visual search complexity through the gradual reduction of referential entropy across the utterance, even when this results in violations of the gricean maxim.

References: • [1] Grice (1975). In Cole & Morgan (Eds.), 41–58. • [2] Engelhardt et al. (2011). Brain Cogn, 77, 304–331. • [3] Davies & Katsos (2013). J pragmat, 49, 78–106. • [4] Arts et al. (2011). J pragmat, 43, 361–374.

99 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Donnerstag Mathematical barriers to channel coding-based explanations of 09.03.2017 variation in language production 12:15 – 12:45 B3 2, 0.03 Eric Meinhardt University of California, San Diego [email protected]

In the pursuit of computational-level analyses of language production, three influential theories (Genzel & Charniak, 2002; Aylett & Turk, 2004; Jaeger, AG1 2010) have offered information theoretic explanations of variation. Thecom- mon eponymous idea of all three theories is roughly that, from timestep to timestep the amount of information transmitted in natural language signal sequences should be approximately constant, ceteris paribus. They claim this property of language is implied by a rationality assumption about human communication and the noisy channel coding theorem (‘NCCT’) of Shannon (1948). I demonstrate that this property is not, in fact, a consequence of the NCCT through two lines of reasoning. First, these theories have not appreciated ways in which natural language represents a channel with significantly different mathematical properties from Shannon’s, or that these differences require much more sophisticated and possibly novel proofs. Second, Shannon’s results and the component mathematical objects do not (presently) have clear relevance to incremental online choices in a language-like encoding. For example, entropy rates are asymptotic in the length of the signal sequence, whereas natural language features relatively short signals. As well, in Shannon’s channel, there are no choice points for senders – each message maps to one signal. Finally, channel capacity is a maximum over all possible distributions on the source. This is of clear interest to an engineer without knowledge of the future source distribution, but it is not immediately obvious why or how which alternative distributions over word or sound sequences are a relevant part of an upper bound on the performance of a speaker in a particular situation.

References: • Aylett, M. & Turk, A. (2004). The smooth signal redundancy hypothesis. Language and Speech, 47 (Pt 1), 31-56. • Genzel, D. & Charniak, E. (2002). Entropy Rate Constancy in Text. Proceed- ings of the 40th Annual Meeting of the ACL, 199–206. • Jaeger, T.F. (2010). Redundancy and reduction: Speakers manage syntactic information density. Cognitive Psychology, 61 (1), 23–62. • Shannon, C. (1948). A Mathematical Theory of Communication. Bell System Technical Journal, 27 (3), 379–423.

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Entropy in language comprehension Donnerstag 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B3 2, 0.03 Tal Linzen Ecole Normale Supérieure, Paris [email protected]

Predictability effects are pervasive in language comprehension. These effects support the view that language users maintain probability distributions over potential representations and use those distributions to allocate more resources to process likely upcoming representations. While it is fairly estab- AG1 lished that language comprehension is modulated by the probability of the incoming linguistic unit, it is unclear if it is also affected by the way in which probability mass is distributed among potential outcomes. This talk will investigate whether this question can be addressed using the entropy of the distribution over representations. I will explore implications of existing proposals that have largely been overlooked, and suggest new linking hypotheses that use entropy to predict psycholinguistic measurements. These entropy-based linking hypotheses will be used to analyse empirical data drawn from two domains: reading times in sentence comprehension and elec- tromagnetic recordings during spoken word recognition. I will show that entropy can be profitably used to predict responses in both areas, though not necessarily using the same linking hypotheses; surprisal cannot be subsumed under entropy in either case. In summary, entropy can be a useful component of linking hypotheses in studying language comprehension, but only when its properties and potential limitations are taken into consideration.

101 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Freitag Locative have and context modulation 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:00 B3 2, 0.03 Maria M. Piñango Ashwini Deo Muye Zhang Yale University Ohio State University Yale University [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

It’s been claimed that in the absence of a preposisional phrase, have sentences are said to be either ungrammatical ((1a) vs. (1b)) or receive a non-locative interpretation ((1c) vs. (1d)). AG1 (1) a. *The tree has a nest. b. [The tree]i has a nest in iti. (locative) c. The mall has a children’s park (only non-loc. reading possible) d. [The mall]i has a children’s park near iti. (locative)

We test the hypothesis that have lexically captures lexico-conceptual space that ranges from pure incidental proximity to inalienable possession. Ac- cordingly, have sentences are semantically compatible with locative and non- locative (possessive) interpretations. The alleged unacceptability of sentences like (1a) arises not from grammatical constraints but from (a) the competing salience of the possessive meaning of have, and (b) the absence of supportive context for the possible (though not frequent) locative interpretation. If this is correct then we expect speaker responses to PP-less locative have sentences to be when supported by (local) linguistic locative context. An acceptability study (N=100) bears this prediction out: when presented with PP-less have sentences like (1a) with a prior location-invoking context, subjects rate them significantly higher (within the acceptable range) than when presented with the same sentence in isolation or in possession-supporting contexts. We interpret the upward shift in acceptability ratings in the presence of the right contextual conditions to signal an increase in certainty (decrease in surprisal) on part of the hearer. Thus, in the semantic domain, reduction in surprisal canbe understood as the increase in the speaker’s confidence (measurable in acceptability ratings) that communication is succeeding.

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Entropy predicts uncertainty in subcategorization frame Freitag distributions 10.03.2017 12:00 – 12:30 B3 2, 0.03

Aaron Steven White Kyle Rawlins Johns Hopkins University Johns Hopkins University [email protected] [email protected]

Syntactic bootstrapping approaches to verb-learning posit that learners use a verb’s subcategorization frame (SCF) distribution to learn its meaning (Lan- dau & Gleitman 1985). Most computational models of syntactic bootstrapping AG1 assume that this is carried out via some form of verb clustering based on by- verb SCF distribution entropy (Alishahi & Stevenson 2008, White 2015). Re- cent work in online sentence processing raises a potential problem for this view: while comprehenders are sensitive to surprisal (Hale 2001) and entropy reduction (Hale 2006) in online processing, they are not sensitive to a verb’s SCF distribution entropy (Linzen & Jaeger 2015). We show that, while SCF distribution entropy is not deployed online, it is nonetheless encoded, yielding traces in the variability found across participants’ responses on offline measures. To establish this, we derive a measure of SCF uncertainty using White & Rawlins’s (2016) large-scale acceptability judgment dataset and a measure of SCF entropy using Korhonen et al.’s (2006) VALEX dataset for 1000 different verbs. We show that, controlling for frequency, there is a reliable positive relationship between uncertainty and entropy, suggesting that computational models of syntactic bootstrapping are licensed in assuming access to SCF entropy.

References: • Alishahi, A., and S. Stevenson. 2008. A computational model of early argument structure acquisition. Cognitive Science 32:789–834. • Hale, J. 2001. A Probabilistic Earley Parser As a Psy- cholinguistic Model. In Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the North American Chapter of the Association for Computational Linguistics on Language Technologies. • Hale, J. 2006. Uncertainty about the rest of the sentence. Cognitive Science 30:643–672. • Korhonen, A., Y. Krymolowski, and T. Briscoe. 2006. A large subcategorization lexicon for natural language processing applications. In Proceedings of LREC. • Landau, B., and L.R. Gleitman. 1985. Language and experience: Evidence from the blind child. Harvard University Press. • Linzen, T., and T.F. Jaeger. 2016. Uncertainty and expectation in sentence processing: evidence from subcategorization distributions. Cognitive science 40(6): 1382–1411. • White, A.S. 2015. Information and incrementality in syntactic bootstrapping. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Maryland. • White, A.S., and K. Rawlins. 2016. A computational model of S-selection. In Semantics and Linguistic Theory 26.

103 AG 1 · Informationstheoretisch basierte Modellierung sprachlicher Variation im Kontext

Freitag Information density constrains article omission 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B3 2, 0.03 Eva Horch Robin Lemke Ingo Reich Universität des Universität des Universität des Saarlandes Saarlandes Saarlandes [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Article omission (AO) can be observed in specific text types, e.g in newspaper headlines (1a), while in standard (written) German the article before the NP AG1 Elfmeterschießen needs to be realized. AO is not obligatory in headlines though, so what drives the choice for or against AO?

(1) Portugal nach ∅ Elfmeterschießen im Halbfinale ‘Portugal after ∅ penalty shoot-out in semi-finals’

We pursue the hypothesis that, AO is guided by Uniform Information Density (UID, Jaeger, 2010) where it is allowed by grammar (Reich, to appear). UID im- plements a preference for distributing information uniformly across the utterance: As articles lower the information on the head noun, UID predicts a stronger preference for AO the more predictable the noun is.

(2) Franziskus unterstützt (das/∅) (Projekt/Klage) gegen Kinderarbeit ‘Franziskus supports (the/∅) (project/action) against child.labor’

We investigated the effect of surprisal on AO with an acceptability rating study on postverbal nouns in constructed headlines as (2). Items appeared either with a predictable (Projekt, S = 4.27) or an unpredictable noun (Klage, S = 11.12) preceded by an article in 50% of the trials. Noun surprisal was computed from verb-noun pairs extracted from DeReKo (Kupietz & Keibel, 2009). A significant interaction between Surprisal and AO (z = 2.9, p < .01) indicates that AO is preferred more strongly the less predictable the noun is. This confirms our hypothesis and is in line with previous research by Jaeger (2010) on complementizer deletion.

References: • Jaeger, Florian (2010): Redundancy and reduction: Speakers manage syntactic information density, Cognitive Psychology 61, 23–62. • Reich, Ingo (to appear): On the omission of articles and copulae in German newspaper headlines. Linguistic Variation 17(2).

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German morphosyntactic change is consistent with an optimal Freitag encoding hypothesis 10.03.2017 13:00 – 13:30 B3 2, 0.03

David M. Howcroft Cynthia A. Johnson Rory Turnbull Universität des Universiteit Gent École Normale Supérieure Saarlandes [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

The assumption that language approximates an optimal code for human communication has implications for diachronic linguistics, predicting that the dis- ruptions due to language change result in pressure to re-optimize the code. We examine these implications in the context of morphosyntactic change between Middle High German (MHG) and New High German (NHG). The adjectival paradigm of MHG was bipartite (strong, weak) but developed into a tripartite system in NHG (strong, weak, mixed). The choice of adjective form depends on the morphosyntactic context; e.g., the weak form is used with the definite article, but after an indefinite article the strong form is used in MHGand the mixed form in NHG. Introducing a new paradigm looks like an increase in systemic complexity, but the novel distinctions re-optimize the code such that overall complexity need not increase in successive stages of the language. We examine the relative entropy of the adjectival systems in MHG and NHG, using the predictability of adjective forms given their preceding context and the predictability of the context forms given the adjective form. These measures allow us to examine the balance of information within the noun phrase before and after the shift to the tripartite system, showing how the distribution of information across the words of the noun phrase changes while situat- ing our findings in terms of the optimality of the resulting code. Our results provide information theoretic support for claiming that strong forms ‘compensate’ for the lack of information from articles (synchronically; cf. Durrell 2002) and, furthermore, suggest that the morphosyntactic changes observed between MHG and NHG, far from being a process of increasing complexity, are consistent with an optimal encoding hypothesis.

References: • Durrell, M. (2002): Hammer’s German Grammar and Usage. London: McGraw-Hill.

105 AG2

Information structuring in discourse

Anke Holler, Katja Suckow, Barbara Hemforth & Israel de la Fuente Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Université Paris Diderot / CNRS, University of Lille [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B3 1, 0.14

Short description Although the need to model the relation between linguistic features of utterances and discourse structure is commonly acknowledged, there is still much debate about what ought to be the appropriate level of analysis of discourse segmentation and what the criteria to identify units of discourse structure are. This working session investigates the interplay of linguistic cues and discourse segmentation empirically and theoretically; taking historic, cross-linguistic, experimental and computational perspectives into account.

106 AG 2 · Gebäude B3 1, Raum 0.14

Principles of information-structure and discourse analysis Mittwoch 08.03.2017 13:45 – 14:15 B3 1, 0.14 Lisa Brunetti Kordula De Kuthy Arndt Riester Université Universität Tübingen Universität Stuttgart Paris-Diderot/CNRS [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] stuttgart.de paris-diderot.fr

We present a pragmatic, i.e. meaning-based, method for the information- structural analysis of corpus data, which is built on the idea that for any assertion contained in a text there is an implicit Question under Discussion (QUD) that determines which parts of the assertion are focused or backgrounded. The discussed method is largely in accordance with Alternative Semantics (e.g. Rooth 1992). At the same time, the method makes strong predictions concerning the structure of discourse. In our discourse trees – which structurally dif- AG2 fer in a systematic way from analyses of SDRT or RST – the terminal nodes of a tree represent (A)ssertions and non-terminal nodes represent (Q)uestions. An annotated corpus example is given in (1) (for space reasons, the tree is represented by > symbols). (1) (Snowden interview, ARD TV, Jan 2014)

A14: When you are on the inside and you go into work everyday and you the power you have. Q15: {What power do [employees of the NSA] have?} > Q15.1: {Whom can you wire tap?} > > A15.1: [YouT can wire tap [the President of the United States]F]∼, ∼ > > A15.1′′ : [youT can wire tap [a Federal Judge]F]

QUD identification, which has often been waived as arbitrary or circular, is shown to be a highly constrained process. Principles (derived from Schwarzschild 1999 and Büring 2008) involve, among others: (i) Q-A-Congruence (QUDs must be answerable by their respective answers in the text). (ii) Q-Givenness (implicit QUDs may only consist of given material). (iii) Maximize-Q-Anaphoricity (QUDs should contain as much given material as possible). Further constraints govern the treatment of simple parallelisms (contrastive focus) and complex parallelisms (contrastive topic + focus; Büring 2003).

References: • D. Büring (2003). On D-trees, beans, and B-accents. Linguistics & Philosophy 26(5) • D. Büring (2008). What’s New (and what’s Given) in the theory of focus? In Berkeley Linguistics

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Society • M. Rooth (1992). A Theory of focus interpretation. Natural Language Semantics 1(1) • R. Schwarzschild (1999). GIVENness, AvoidF, and other constraints on the placement of accent. Natural Language Semantics 7(2).

Mittwoch Complete and independent? Reconsidering discourse segmentation 08.03.2017 basics 14:15 – 14:45 B3 1, 0.14 Jet Hoek Jacqueline Evers- Ted J.M. Sanders Utrecht University Vermeul Utrecht University [email protected] Utrecht University [email protected] [email protected]

This paper theoretically approaches discourse segmentation and focuses on two issues concerning segmentation that were proposed by Mann and Thomp- AG2 son (1988) in their introduction of RST, but that have been implemented in many other discourse annotation approaches as well: 1) the treatment of segmentation and annotation as a two-step process, which prevents the circularity of a process in which annotation and segmentation are intertwined (Taboada & Mann 2006), and 2) the completeness constraint, which poses that the segmentation of a text has to include all elements of that text. Taking the clause as the syntactic basis for the identification of discourse segments, we discuss English fragments, mainly from the Europarl corpus (Koehn 2005), that present segmentation difficulties. We propose that accurate segmentation is at least in part dependent on the propositional content of text fragments, and that completely separating segmentation and annotation can be at the expense of the quality of the segmentation. For fragments with embedded clauses, e.g., clausal complements, multiple segmentation options should be considered. Using the interpretation of a text fragment can help to distinguish between distinct syntactic constructions that have identical surface structures. We argue in favor of amending Mann and Thompson’s (1988) completeness constraint to pertain only to the propositional content of a discourse. Stance markers, which are not part of the propositional content of the text (Biber & Finegan 1989), may for instance be left out. Determining whether a stance marker should be included in a text segment can be done by considering the interpretation of the text.

References: • Biber, D. & Finegan, E. (1989). Styles of stance in English: Lexical and grammatical marking of evidentiality and affect.Text 9(1),93-124. • Koehn, P. (2005). Europarl: A parallel cor-

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pus for statistical machine translation. MT Summit X. • Mann, W.C. & Thompson, S.A. (1988). RST: Toward a functional theory of text organization. Text 8(3), 243-281. • Taboada, M. & Mann, W.C., (2006). RST: Looking back and moving ahead. Discourse Studies 8(3), 423-459.

Goals, coherence and information structure in dialogue Mittwoch 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:45 B3 1, 0.14 Nicholas Asher Université Paul Sabatier Toulouse [email protected]

While information structure is often conceived as a sentence local phenomenon, in my talk I am going to take a look at some more global influences on information structuring in dialogue. I will review how theories of discourse structure approach this topic and then talk about how speakers’ ideas about how they want the conversation to go might contribute to particular informa- AG2 tion structuring devices. The use of presupposition and appositions are one such device, but there are others.

The semantics of provisional, temporal anaphors and cataphors Mittwoch 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B3 1, 0.14 Daniel Altshuler Dag Trygve Truslew Haug Hampshire College University of Oslo [email protected] [email protected]

Intro: A holistic theory of discourse interpretation should provide: (i) a way of segmenting discourse units (DUs) and (ii) relating them, as well as (iii) a semantics for both the linguistic expressions making up the DUs and their relations. Ever since Hobbs (1979), anaphora resolution has been a key guide for what (i)-(iii) should be like. For example, SDRT addresses many of the challenges imposed by (i)-(iii) by modeling anaphoric dependencies. The goal of this talk is to investigate an outstanding issue noted by Asher and Lascarides (2003): given a discourse context C and two DUs π1, π2 to be related by a relation R, it may be that C makes R(π1, π2) the most plausible inference, but ′ an extension of C may make it more plausible that a distinct R (π1, π2) is pre-

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ferred. That is, inferring relations between DUs is non-monotonic. And since these relations entail temporal constraints, anaphoric connections between eventualities often undergo revision. This is especially apparent in the French novella, Sylvie, where, famously, the reader chooses a resolution strategy that she later finds to be wrong. Modeling this revision is both complicated and important. The complication can be summed up as follows: What semantics should we posit for temporal anaphors and cataphors found in Sylvie such that we could model their resolution as being provisional? This question is important because it is at the heart of (iii). To the best of our knowledge, however, it has not been addressed. The goal of the talk is to provide an answer. We adopt SDRT for analyzing the discourse structure of the key passages in Sylvie and extend Haug’s (2014) PCDRT to deal with the temporal anaphors and cataphors. While our analysis is a long shot from what the systematic analysis of texts like Sylvie requires, we nevertheless motivate a future project to merge SDRT and PCDRT, which would enrich our understanding of how (iii) relates to (i) and (ii). AG2 References: • Asher, N. & Lascarides, A. (2003): Logics of conversation • Hobbs, J. (1979), Coher- ence and coreference. Cognitive Science 3, 67–90. • Haug, D. (2014), Partial dynamic semantics for anaphora: Compositionality with syntactic coindexation. Journal of Semantics 31, 457–511.

Mittwoch Modal particles and their influence on discourse structure 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B3 1, 0.14 Sophia Döring Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected]

In the present work, the interaction of modal particles (MPs) and discourse structure (as it is modelled in Rhetorical Structure Theory in Mann & Thomp- son 1988) is investigated, which – despite the intensive research on MPs in the last decades – has been mainly neglected so far. For a number of MPs, it is claimed that they have a function with respect to common ground management (cf. Karagjosova 2004, Repp 2013), but it is never spelled out what influence this has on the structure of discourse. The talk presents two quantitative studies. In a corpus of German parliament speeches, all sentences containing a MP (ja, doch, eben, halt, wohl and schon) were annotated for their discourse relations (DRs). The corpus study revealed that – for instance – ja occurred significantly more often than would be expected (on the basis of the general distribu-

110 AG 2 · Gebäude B3 1, Raum 0.14 tion of DRs in this text type) in discourse units that constitute Background relations. It occurred significantly less often than expected in Elaboration relations. With ja, a speaker indicates that a proposition should be already known to the addressee. By using ja in Background, the speaker can mark information as not new and therefore increase the effect the DR has. More than that, the analysis also shows that ja can trigger the reading of information as backgrounded – even when no Background relation is present. The finding that ja hardly occurs in Elaboration is in line with this argumentation: In Elabora- tion, a speaker usually introduces new information. Therefore, the meaning of ja is not compatible with the function of this DR. This new perspective on MPs show how speakers can make use of MPs to advise the addressee how to file incoming information. They can be used to indicate how a proposition is related to (an)other proposition(s) and anchor information in discourse structure in a certain way.

References: • Karagjosova, E. (2004): The meaning and function of German modal particles. DKFI; Saarland University 10, 31–36. • Mann, W.,Thompson, S. (1988): Rhetorical Structure Theory: A theory of text organisation. Text. 8(3), 243–281. • Repp, S. (2013): Common ground management: modal AG2 particles, illocutionary negation and VERUM. In: Beyond Expressives–Explorations in Use-Conditional Meaning, 231–274.

Segmentation and topic annotation of German newspaper editorials Mittwoch 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 B3 1, 0.14 Manfred Stede Universität Potsdam [email protected]

Attempts to reliably identify aboutness topics in authentic language have shown that this task is notoriously difficult (Cook/Bildhauer 2013). We recently presented an annotation study (Stede/Mamprin 2016) where the annotator agreement shows some improvement over the state of the art, and we released a new annotation layer of aboutness topic on the Potsdam Commentary Corpus (Stede/Neumann 2014). In the present work, we use that data for an initial qualitative study, which looks at the relationships between topics and subjects. A crucial factor here is segmentation, which in our approach consists of a largely structure-driven “generic” discourse segmentation, followed by a task-specific one (here: information structure) that filters for certain segment types. E.g., for subordinate

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clauses, we follow Matic et al (2014) in distinguishing between d-subordination (one complex proposition with the matrix clause) and ad-subordination (two distinct propositions). Studying 20 texts with 316 discourse segments and 169 aboutness topics, we find that 119 (70%) coincide with subjects. The reasons for disjoint topics/subjects sometimes are structural (40%), while for the majority, there appears to be an underlying pragmatic choice (e.g., change of discourse topic). Almost half of the discourse segments in the data are thetic (topicless), and we provide a classification of the reasons.

References: • Cook, P.and Bildhauer, F. (2013): Annotating information structure. The case of ”topic”. In: Dialogue and Discourse 4(2):118–141. • Matic, D., van Gijn, R. and van Valin, R. (2014): Overview. In: van Gijn, R., Hammond, J., Matic, D., van Putten, S. and Galucio, A.V. (eds.): Information structure and reference tracking in complex sentences. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Stede, M. and Neumann, A. (2014): Potsdam Commentary Corpus 2.0: Annotation for discourse research. In: Proc. of LREC, Reykjavik. • Stede, M. and Mamprin, S. (2016): Information structure in the Potsdam Commentary Corpus: Topics. In: Proc. of LREC, Portoroz.

AG2 Discourse frame setters and the syntax of subject initial V2 in Dutch Donnerstag 09.03.2017 09:00 – 09:30 B3 1, 0.14 Ciro Greco Liliane Haegeman Ghent University Ghent University [email protected] [email protected]

This paper examines the relation between clause internal syntax, in particular the syntax of subject initial V2 patterns in Dutch and its dialects, and its effect on V3 patterns. Both Standard Dutch (StD) and West Flemish (WF) allow a range of V3 patterns in which a ‘main clause external’ constituent (Broekhuis and Corver 2016) combines with a bona fide V2 clause. Relevance conditionals (1) are one example:

(1) Als je honger hebt, er ligt brood in de kast. If you hunger have, there is bread in the cupboard ‘If you are hungry there is bread in the cupboard.’

However, an unexpected asymmetry arises between WF and StD with respect to the compatibility of a clause external frame setter with subject-initial declaratives.

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√ (2) Als mijn tekst klaar is, ik zal je hem opsturen. *StD/ WF when my text ready is, I will you it up-send ‘When my text is ready, I’ll send it to you.’

Based on a general proposal for the syntax of discourse frame setters, we will account for the micro-variation observed in (2) and in so doing shed light on the interface between syntax, semantics and discourse. Our account uses two core ingredients: (i) we develop a syntax-to-discourse mapping for frame setters (esp. temporal and conditional clauses); (ii) we argue that StD and WF differ with respect to the derivation of subject initial V2 declaratives, which interacts with frame setters at the interface (as also shown in Mikkelsen 2015).

References: • Broekhuis, H. and N. Corver (2016): Dutch Syntax. Verb phrases. Amsterdam University Press • Mikkelsen, L (2015): VP anaphora and verb second order in Danish. Journal of Linguistics 51, 595–643.

Zum Ausdruck von (non-)at-issueness in alten Sprachen AG2

Rosemarie Lühr Donnerstag Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 rosemarie.lü[email protected] B3 1, 0.14

Nach Koev (o.J.) hängt der informationstrukturelle Status von appositiven Rel- ativsätzen von der linearen Anordnung im Satz ab. Wenn solche Sätze in der Satzmitte erscheinen, sind sie not-at-issue, am Ende aber können sie at-issue sein. So kann der Hörer den appositiven Inhalt nur in (1b) bestreiten:

(1) a. Messi, who once scored a goal with his hand, won the Ballon d’Or. b. Everybody admires Messi, who once scored a goal with his hand.

Dass derartige Strukturen “sensitive to linear position” sind, bestätigen die al- tindogermanischen Sprachen. Vgl. Sallust, Catilina 48:

(2) avaritia pecuniae studium habet quam nemo Habgier Geld Streben hat welches kein sapiens concupivit Weiser begehrt ‘Die Habgier beinhaltet das Streben nach Geld, das kein Weiser begehrt’

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Gleiches gilt für weitere “Subordinating Relations”: Partizipialkonstruk- tionen, dass-Sätze (Explikativsätze) und Parenthesen. Untersucht werden die syntaktischen Merkmale dieser “Subordinating Relations” und ihre Anordnung im Satz. Die Beschreibung ist korpusbasiert. Das Datenmaterial stammt aus dem Hethitischen, Altindischen, Altgriechischen und Lateinis- chen. Für die Deutung der (not-)at-issue-Fälle wird auf den “Common Ground” Bezug genommen, auf vorherige Äußerungen, den situativen Kontext und Weltwissen.

References: • Antomo, M. I. (2012): Abhängige Sätze in einem fragebasierten Diskursmodell. Phil. Diss. Göttingen. • Koev,T.(2016): Appositive Relative Clauses, At-issueness, and Timing in Discourse. Handout.

Identifying basic discourse units in ancient Greek

AG2 Cassandra Freiberg VU Amsterdam, FSU Jena, MPI SHH Jena [email protected] Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 The aim of this paper is to discuss whether the Intonation Unit (IU) is a valid B3 1, 0.14 basic discourse unit for the corpus language Ancient Greek. To this end the linguistic cues heretofore adduced in favour of IU-segmentation will be critically reviewed. These most prominently include particles and other clitic elements which are held to have an inherent P2-tendency within the IU. This view, however, has recently been challenged by Goldstein 2015, who proposes to integrate the clitic elements into a clause-based syntactico-semantic framework with the internal order phrasal (PH) > sentential (S) > clausal (C) clitic, cf. (1), thus potentially reducing the IU to a mere epiphenomenal and only descrip- tively adequate rather than basic element of Ancient Greek discourse structure.

(1) [t¯en menPH garS proter¯en h¯emer¯en] panta sphiC kaka ekhein. [t¯en [the while for previous day] all them bad to have [the

dePH tote pareousan] panta agatha. whereas then being present] all good ‘[For on the previous day], everythying was bad for them. [During the present (day)], however, everything (has been) good.’

(Hdt. 1.126.4; analysis and translation by Goldstein 2015: 88 (4.1))

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References: • Allan, R.J. (2006): Herodotus’ historiën als sprekend leesboek: Herodotus tussen oraliteit en geletterdheid. In: Lampas 39, 19–32. • Bakker, E.J. (1997): Poetry in Speech. Orality and Homeric Discourse. Cornell University Press. • Dik, H. (1995): Word Order in Ancient Greek. A Pragmatic Account of Word Order Variation in Herodotus. Gieben. • Goldstein, D.M. (2015): Classical Greek Syntax. Wackernagel’s Law in Herodotus. Brill. • Lühr, R. (2007): Information Structure in Ancient Greek. In: Anita Steube (ed.): The Discourse Potential of Underspecified Structures. de Gruyter, 487–512. • Matić, D. (2003): Topic, Focus, and Discourse Structure. Ancient Greek Word Order. In: Studies in Language 27, 573–633. • Scheppers, F. (2011): The Colon Hypothesis. Word Order, Discourse Segmentation and Dis- course Coherence in Ancient Greek. VUBPRESS. • Slings, S.R. (1992): Written and Spoken Language: An Exercise in the Pragmatics of the Greek Sentence. In: Classical Philology 87, 95–109.

Discourse structure of relative constructions Donnerstag 09.03.2017 11:15 – 11:45 B3 1, 0.14 Marco Coniglio Roland Hinterhölzl University of Göttingen University of Venice [email protected] [email protected] AG2 In Romance languages, mood distinctions are paired with differences in the interpretation of the head noun of relative clauses (RCs). In (1a) – for Italian – Gianni is looking for a specific woman, while in (1b) a speaker- and hearer-new discourse referent is established. In Modern German, the same distinction can be expressed with Vfinal (Vf-RCs) and V2-RCs, respectively (Ebert et al. 2007). While the Vf-RC in (2a) is ambiguous between a de re and a de dicto reading, the V2-RC in (2b) is only compatible with a de re interpretation of the head noun:

(1) a. Gianni cerca una donna che ha gli occhi blu. (de re) Gianni looks.for a woman that has.Ind the eyes blue b. Gianni cerca una donna che abbia gli occhi blu. (de dicto) Gianni looks.for a woman that has.Sub the eyes blue

(2) a. Hans sucht eine Frau, die blaue Augen hat. (de re/de dicto) Hans looks.for a woman who blue eyes has b. Hans sucht eine Frau, die hat blaue Augen. (de re/*de dicto) Hans looks.for a woman who has blue eyes

German lost mood distinctions in RCs in the course of its history.However, Old High German (OHG) not only allowed for V2 as well as for Vf orders, but also productively used the relevant mood distinctions:

(3) Huuer ist dher dhiz al ni chisehe […]? (I, De Fide, 8, 3) who is who this all Neg sees.Sub

This paper will tackle the question how verb position and mood distinctions

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interact in OHG RCs and will present a study on the syntax, IS and discourse- structural interpretation of OHG RCs and their diachronic development.

References: • Ebert, C., C. Endriss & H.-M. Gärtner (2007): An Information Structural Account of German Integrated Verb Second Clauses. In Semantic Compositionality, ed. Frank Richter & Manfred Sailer, 415–434.

Donnerstag Embedded NRRCs and discourse structure 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B3 1, 0.14 Claudia Poschmann Goethe Universität Frankfurt a.M. [email protected]

Contrary to standard assumptions (McCawley 1982, Potts 2005), Schlenker AG2 (2013) argues that non-restrictive relative clauses (NRRCs) in English can be embedded semantically under operators of their matrix clause. In a wide scope reading of the NRRC in (1), Gerd is saved as soon as he reaches Dr. Meier. In an embedded reading scenario, however, Gerd is saved only if he reaches Dr. Meier and Dr. Meier happens to give him the right anti-dot.

(1) Wenn Gerd rechtzeitig Dr. Meier erreicht, der ihm das passende Gegengift verabreicht, kann er gerettet werden. If Gerd reaches Dr. Meier in time, who gives him the right anti-dote, can he be saved

In two experiments, we tested the availability of these embedded readings in German depending on the clause-type of the embedded construction (NR- RCs, and-conjunctions, V2-parenthesis, postponed matrix clauses) and the predicate type (event vs. state). The results of both experiments indicate that NRRCs, unlike the corresponding V2-constructions, indeed can be interpreted as embedded in German. This embeddability, however, is dependent on the predicate type. Only NRRCs with event predicate rated significantly higher than the V2-constructions. We will discuss several explanations why the predicate-type of an NRRC might affect its embeddability. One option: Event predicates allow the NRRC to stand in a coordinating discourse relation (Asher & Lascarides 2003) to the proposition expressed by its host-clause (Holler 2005) and are thus more easily conjoinable to the host’s proposition than NRRCs with subordinating discourse relations.

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References: • Asher, N. & Lascarides, A. (2003): Logics of Conversation. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. • Holler, A. (2005): Weiterführende Relativsätze. Akademie Verlag, Berlin. • McCawley, J.D.(1982): Parentheticals and discontinuous Constituent Structure. In: Linguistic Inquiry, 13(1), 91 –106. • Poschmann, Claudia (2013): Attaching NRRCs to plural quantificational Heads. In: Proceedings of Amsterdam Colloquium, 171–183. • Potts, Chris (2005): The Logic of Conventional Implicatures. Oxford University Press, Oxford. • Schlenker, Philippe (2013): Supplements without Bidimensionalism [ex- panded version]. Manuscript, www.semanticsarchive.net.

Cleft focus and accessibility: Online vs. offline differences Donnerstag 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B3 1, 0.14 Clare Patterson Claudia Felser Universität Potsdam Universität Potsdam [email protected] [email protected]

Clefting makes a noun more accessible for pronoun reference, but this effect is critically dependent on discourse units (DUs). When the clefted noun ap- AG2 pears in the same DU as the pronoun, the boost in accessibility is reversed. This reversal has been dubbed the anti-focus effect [1; 2]. This study investigates whether and how the anti-focus effect emerges during online processing. An eye-tracking experiment was carried out, manipulating the focus type of the first noun phrase (NP1), see (1).

(1) a. Herr Müller erklärte der Lehrerin am Freitag, dass er nicht mit- fahren könne. ‘Mr Müller explained to the teacher (fem.) on Friday that he could not come along.’ b. Es war Herr Müller, der der Lehrerin am Freitag erklärte… ‘It was Mr Müller who explained to the teacher (fem.) on Friday…’ c. Ausgerechnet Herr Müller erklärte der Lehrerin am Freitag… ‘Of all people Mr Müller explained to the teacher (fem.) on Friday…’

There was an early advantage for NP1 reference when the pronoun refers to the clefted antecedent, in line with memory accounts of easier retrieval for focused NPs. Later measures, however, did not show a reversal of this pattern. The contrast with the previous offline results and participants’ ownpost- experiment ratings suggests that the anti-focus effect, which is necessary to override the initial advantage for the clefted antecedent, may emerge at a late stage, well after the whole DU has been processed.

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References: • [1] Colonna, S., Schimke, S., & Hemforth, B. (2012). Information structure effects on anaphora resolution in German and French: A crosslinguistic study of pronoun resolution. Linguis- tics, 50(5), 991–1013. • [2] de la Fuente, I. (2015, December). Putting pronoun resolution in context: The role of syntax, semantics, and pragmatics in pronoun interpretation. Université Sorbonne-Paris Cité and Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7, Paris, France.

Donnerstag Small building blocks, multiple threads, and large repercussions 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B3 1, 0.14 Hannah Rohde University of Edinburgh [email protected]

In this talk, I ask two fundamental questions about where discourse relations can hold: First, within sentences, can small subsentential elements stand in AG2 a discourse relation with other elements of the sentence? Second, across sentences, can multiple relations be inferred to hold between the same pair of sentences? These questions and their repercussions extend beyond the analysis of discourse structure itself into syntactic parsing, pronoun interpretation, and the meaning of particular discourse connectives. The studies I report draw on a range of methodologies, from story continuations to reading time to eye- tracking to large-scale crowd-sourced annotation. When we point to examples of discourse relations, we typically point to relations that hold between sentences. These intersentential connections include a(n admittedly controversial) number of different types: Some relations rely on causal reasoning; others depend on the inference of parallelism; still others describe a sequence of events, etc. However, the size of the segments between which relations can be inferred need not be restricted to full sentences. If a discourse relation operates within the sentence—for example, between a matrix and relative clause—this creates an opportunity for structural factors to interact with pragmatics in a way that is not possible for intersentential relations. The studies reported here draw attention to the interdependence of syntactic parsing and discourse parsing. In a parallel vein, when we talk about discourse relations, we typically divide the space of possibilities into cases in which the relation is marked explicitly and cases in which the relation is left to inference. Based on a new large- scale dataset with over 50 discourse adverbials, I show that this is not an ex- clusive or: A conjunction can often be inferred alongside an explicit discourse adverbial, revealing in some cases multiple concurrent relations.

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Lastly, I consider different discourse frameworks and the parallels that can be drawn between models that rely on an inventory of relevance relations and models that posit the inference of questions under discussion. As an example, I test how intonation can help signal that a particular question is being addressed, thereby changing expectations about the operative discourse relation and indirectly influencing other pragmatic phenomena.

Script knowledge effects on information structuring Freitag 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:00 B3 1, 0.14 Sofiana Chiriacescu Transilvania Universität aus Brasov [email protected]

The knowledge that humans possess about the world is not randomly storedin AG2 memory, but is packed into units or scripts, which include information about objects, situations and sequences of situations (Bartlett 1932, Schank & Abel- son 1977, Alba & Hasher 1983). Situations can be more or less structured and are organized into variables, each of which can contain values. In the present study we used a multi-sentence story-continuation task to explore to what extend script knowledge activated by different verb types impacts referential continuity and the structure of events. Results show that discourses have both local and global coherence structures and that language has different means to give structure to both. First, participants build expectations about who will be mentioned next based on the verb introduced in the target sentence (Rohde 2008). Second, script knowledge gives rise to various probabilistic expectations with respect to event sequences and who will be mentioned next in the global discourse. Upon reading a story introducing a superordinate event (e.g. a rescuing event), hearers acti- vate the subevents belonging to the superordinate event (e.g. cause of rescue). However, superordinate or general events differ with respect to how specified they are. Results show that the more particularized in terms of containing subevents an event is, the more similar participants’ continuations are, as participants fill out the activated and missing subevents. On the contrary, if participants are not bound to filling out particular subevents, their continuations are more heterogeneous.

References: • Alba, J.W.,& Hasher, L. (1983): Is memory schematic? Psychological Bulletin 93, 203–231.

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• Bartlett, F.C. (1932): Remembering. Cambridge UP. • Rohde, H. (2008): Coherence-driven effects in sentence and discourse processing. University of California, San Diego. • Schank, R.C., & Abelson, R.P. (1977): Scripts, plans, goals and understanding. Psychology Press.

Freitag The influence of context on the interpretation of the segments ina 10.03.2017 discourse relation 12:00 – 12:30 B3 1, 0.14 Merel Scholman Vera Demberg Universität des Saarlandes Universität des Saarlandes [email protected] [email protected]

Discourse annotation frameworks stipulate different segmentation rules, but the basic notion is the same: the segments of a relation should convey sufficient information for the intended discourse relation to be inferred. This as- AG2 sumption is also implemented in most automatic discourse relation classifiers. However, there is also a general consensus in the field that annotators need to take into account the context of a relation during discourse annotation (see Lascarides, Asher & Oberlander, 1992; Song, 2010). The current contribution experimentally examines the influence ofcon- text on the interpretation of a discourse relation, with a specific focus on whether there is an interaction between characteristics of the segment and the presence of context. In the experiment, participants were asked to insert a connective from a predefined list between two segments. One group only saw the two segments of the relation, while the other group saw the two segments including two preceding and one following context sentence. Distributions of inserted connectives differed between the conditions for 8% of all items. Manual inspection of these items revealed that presence of context lead to higher annotator agreement when • the first segment of a relation refers to an entity or event in the context, or introduces important background information • the first segment consists of a deranked subordinate clause attaching to the context • the context sentence following the relation expands on the second. We plan to present a more detailed discussion of the results, using examples to illustrate the findings. We will also discuss possible explanations for the lack of effect of context, and the implications for discourse annotation.

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References: • Lascarides, A., Asher, N., & Oberlander, J. (1992, June). Inferring discourse relations in context. In ACL Proceedings. • Song, L. (2010). The Role of Context in Discourse Analysis. Journal of Language Teaching and Research, 1(6), 876-879.

Inferrable and partitive indefinites in topic position Freitag 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B3 1, 0.14 Umut Özge Klaus von Heusinger Middle East Technical University University of Cologne [email protected] [email protected]

Indefinite noun phrases can appear in topic position only when theyare strong, specific, or discourse linked (Portner and Yabushita 2001). Weargue that the type of discourse linking itself also influences the acceptability. We distinguish two types of linking: (i) inferential or conceptual linking, the defining property of inferrable indefinites, and (ii) contextual linking, the defining AG2 property for partitives. Both parameters have two values (+/–), which yields four conditions:

(1) a. -concept (none) The police started an investigation -concept after the scandal. A car dealer… b. +concept (infr) The government started a support -concept scheme for art. A sculptor… c. -concept (part) There was a group of people standing +concept near the entrance. A boy… d. +concept (both) There was a staff meeting in the +concept newspaper. A reporter…

We used Turkish as our target language, due to its clear indication of topi- chood and indefiniteness. We tested the acceptability of an indefnite direct object in contexts like (1a-d) in topic, i.e. sentence-initial, position and compared it to the acceptability of that indefinite in the canonical, i.e. immediately pre-verbal, position. Our results demonstrated that partitive indefinites (PART) are accepted in topic position, while unlinked indefinites (NONE) and inferrable indefinites (INFR) are not. Surprisingly, when the partitive relation was also coupled by an inference (BOTH), the indefinite behaves like an inferrable indefinite, rather than a partitive, i.e. it was not accepted intopicpo-

121 AG 2 · Information structuring in discourse

sition. We account for this observation by proposing that the conceptual relation that licenses the inference overrides the contextually given part-whole relation expressed by a partitive.

References: • Portner, P.and Yabushita, K. (2001): Specific indefinites and the information structure theory of topics. Journal of Semantics. 18, 271–297.

Freitag A cross-linguistic study on Topic within the framework of the 10.03.2017 language into Act Theory 13:00 – 13:30 B3 1, 0.14 Tommaso Raso Maryualê Federico Universidade Federal de Malvessi Mittmann Amorim Cavalcante Minas Gerais Univ.do Vale do Itajaí Universidade Federal de [email protected] Centro Univ. FACVEST Minas Gerais AG2 [email protected] [email protected]

This paper aims to show how: (i) Utterances and information units canbe parsed through prosodic criteria, and (ii) Topic function, defined with functional, prosodic and distributional criteria, can be consistently identified and compared across languages, namely, Italian (IT), Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and American English (AE). For cross-linguistic comparison we selected language samples of approximately 30.000 words and 20 texts. The IT sample is derived from the C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti & Moneglia 2005), the BP sample is derived from C-ORAL-BRASIL (Raso & Mello 2012) and the AE sample comes from a re-segmentation of parts of the Santa Barbara Corpus of Spoken Amer- ican English (Du Bois et al 2005). Prosodic boundaries signal the segmentation of spontaneous speech into tone units and utterances (the minimal stretch of speech that is autonomously interpretable both pragmatically and prosodically in discourse). Each tone unit correlates with one Information Unit (IU). IUs are identified through three criteria: function, prosodic profile anddis- tribution (Cresti 2000; Moneglia & Raso 2014). The cross-linguistic analysis shows that the concept of Topic applied in the study is consistent across different languages. That is, TOP IUs were identified in the 3 samples using thesame operational criteria described by Cavalcante (2016).

References: • Cresti, E. (2000): Corpus di Italiano parlato. Accademia della Crusca. • Cresti, E. & Moneglia, M. (2005): C-ORAL-ROM. John Benjamins. • Du Bois, J. et al (2005): Santa Barbara corpus of spoken American English, Parts 1–4. Linguistic Data Consortium. • Raso, T. & Mello, H. (2012): C-ORAL-BRASIL I. UFMG. • Moneglia, M. & Raso, T. (2014): Notes on Language into Act

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Theory. In: Raso, T. & Mello, H: Spoken Corpora and Linguistic Studies. John Benjamins, 468–94. • Cavalcante, F. (2016): The topic unit in spontaneous american english. UFMG. Available from .

How the Symmetry Problem solves the Symmetry Problem Freitag 10.03.2017 13:30 – 14:00 B3 1, 0.14 Matthijs Westera University of Amsterdam, ILLC [email protected]

A well-known challenge for accounts of exhaustivity (or “scalar”) implications is the Symmetry Problem (for an early statement see Kroch 1972): • Symmetry Problem: if relevance is closed under negation, then excluding all relevant, stronger alternatives leads to a contradiction. AG2 What would make this a problem can be understood in two ways: I. Foundational: Relevance is necessarily, fundamentally symmetrical.

II. Empirical: Relevance is sometimes symmetrical in cases where exhaustivity is implied. The first understanding is the most common, but, following Horn (1989),we argue the contrary: relevance is quite typically asymmetrical. Instead, the Sym- metry Problem must be approached as an empirical puzzle – namely that exhaustivity occurs despite explicitly symmetrical interests, e.g.:

(1) a. A: I need to know, for each of these five individuals, whether they were present or absent. b. B: John was there, and Bill was there. c. A: Wow, only two! That’s disappointing!

I present a new, precise explanation of what is going on here, thereby solv- ing the empirical Symmetry Problem. Its central component is the assumption that speakers can implicitly raise new questions under discussion, provided these are part of a discourse strategy for a previous question (Roberts, 1996). I show that the explanation is superior to existing complexity-based or scale- based attempts to break the symmetry. Surprisingly, it works for any account of exhaustivity (pragmatic or grammatical) that runs into the symmetry problem – the problem, in a sense, solves itself.

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References: • Horn, L.R. (1989). A natural history of negation. University of Chicago Press. • Kroch, A. (1972). Lexical and Inferred Meanings for Some Time Adverbs. Quarterly Progress Report of the MIT Research Laboratory of Electronics 104. • Roberts, C. (1996). Information structure in discourse. In Yoon & Kathol (eds.), Ohio State University Working Papers in Linguistics 49:91-136.

German pronouns in discourse: Information structure versus surface

Alternate properties B3 1, 0.14

Markus Bader Yvonne Portele Goethe-Universität Frankfurt Goethe-Universität Frankfurt [email protected] [email protected]

We present an ongoing study investigating German p(ersonal)-pronouns and AG2 d(emonstrative)-pronouns. In a prototypical example, the p-pronoun preferentially refers to the first NP and the d-pronoun to the second NP:

(1) Max will einen Freund treffen. Aber er/der ist krank geworden. M. wants a friend meet But he/d-pro is sick become ‘Peter wants to meet a friend. But he became sick.’

For pronoun resolution, a range of heuristics in terms of information structure, syntactic functions and linear positions have been proposed (summa- rized in Ellert, 2013). However, the various properties have not been systematically varied in prior research. A major aim of our research was therefore to systematically disentangle the contribution of the different information sources. Experimental results on the interpretation and production of p- and d- pronouns as well as corpus data converge on the conclusion that all of the three properties mentioned above are necessary to capture the use of d-pronouns, as stated in the following conclusion.

(2) A d-pronoun refers to the antecedent that is least prominent in terms of at least subject, initial and discourse-old.

We discuss our data with regard to the model proposed in Kehler & Rohde (2013). This model combines heuristics with expectations deriving from world knowledge and discourse coherence. We are currently running additional experiments to explore the consequences of this theory for the interpretation of pronouns in German.

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References: • Ellert, M. (2013): Information structure affects the resolution of the subject pronouns er and der in spoken German discourse. Discours 12(12), 3–24. • Kehler, A.; Rohde, H.(2013): A probabilistic reconciliation of coherence-driven and centering-driven theories of pronoun interpretation. Theoretical Linguistics 39(1-2), 1–37.

Accounting for context and variability in a prominence-based model of discourse meaning Alternate B3 1, 0.14

Stefan Baumann Jennifer Cole IfL-Phonetik, Universität zu Köln Northwestern University [email protected] [email protected]

Prosody conveys discourse meaning through the encoding of focus and information status, but these factors alone are not sufficient to model observed variation in the production and comprehension of prosody (see Cole 2015), especially for prominence. We propose a comprehensive, predictive model of discourse prominence and its prosodic realization, where multiple factors incrementally determine the prominence value of each word in an utterance (Fig.1). Categorical and gradient factors are expressed by independent prominence scales, either lexically determined (Part-of-Speech, semantic weight) or based on the discourse context of the utterance in which the word occurs (givenness and pragmatic focus). Prominence values from these scales combine with syntactic structure in shaping the prosodic structure of an utterance – locating phrasal juncture and nuclear accents. Within each resulting intonation phrase, the prominence relations between words are spelled out, e.g. in a metrical grid. Finally, the adjusted prominence values are mapped onto accent types and gradient phonetic parameters. This last step is needed to account for the probabilistic nature of accent type distribution as well as speaker-specific variation.

Figure 1: Sketch of a comprehensive prominence-based model of discourse meaning (for West Germanic languages)

References: • Cole, J. (2015): Prosody in context. Language, Cognition and Neuroscience 30(1–2), 1–31.

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AG3

Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche Kodierung

Daniel Gutzmann & Katharina Turgay Universität zu Köln & Universität Landau [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B3 1, 0.13

Short description Ausdrücke und Konstruktionen, die Neben- oder Hintergrundinformatio- nen kommunizieren, nehmen einen gesonderten Status hinsichtlich der Diskursentfaltung ein. Dies soll in dieser AG untersucht werden, sowie die Frage, welche Arten dieser sekundären Informationen existieren, ob sie ein- heitlich charakterisiert werden können und wie sie sprachlich kodiert werden (Relativsätze, Appositionen, Herausstellungen, Interjektionen, expressive Ad- jektive etc.).

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Mittwoch The Bavarian discourse particle fei as a marker of non-at-issueness 08.03.2017 14:15 – 14:45 B3 1, 0.13 Stefan Hinterwimmer Universität zu Köln [email protected]

This paper deals with the interpretation of the Bavarian discourse particle fei, which has traditionally been described as an emphatic particle (see, for example, Schlieben-Lange 1979) and whose first discussion in modern linguistic terms is found in Thoma (2009). I will show that fei is special among discourse particles in the following sense: It not only makes a contribution that is interpreted at a level distinct from the level where at issue content (Potts 2005) is interpreted – as is standard for discourse particles (see Gutzmann 2015 and the references therein) –, but also exclusively relates to propositions that do not have entered the Common Ground via being the at issue content of an assertion made by the addressee. This is shown by contrasts like the following one:

AG3 (1) A: I’ll ask Franz whether he wants to buy my old bicycle. I would like to have at least 200 euros for it. B: Da Franz is fei koi Depp. The is no idiot (2) A: Franz is such an idiot. B: So a Schmarrn. Da Franz is (??fei) koi Depp. Such a nonsense. The is no idiot

Intuitively, fei is used by the speaker in order to direct the addressee’s attention to a conflict between her own beliefs and the addressee’s beliefs thatis not salient at the point where the sentence containing fei is uttered in the following sense: The proposition p believed by the addressee that contradicts the proposition q believed by the speaker has not been made a topic of the ongoing conversation.

References: • Gutzmann, D. (2015): Use-conditional meaning. • Schlieben-Lange, B. (1979): Bairisch eh-halt-fei. • Thoma, S. (2009). To p or to ¬p. The Bavarian Particle fei as Polarity Discourse Particle.

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The name-informing and the distancing use of Mittwoch sogenannt (‘so-called’). A pragmatic account 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:15 B3 1, 0.13

Holden Härtl Universität Kassel [email protected]

Name-mentioning constructions involving sogenannt are instances of pure quotation (Davidson 1979; Quine 1981). They adopt two distinct interpretations, a name-informing interpretation, see (1a), and a distanced interpretation (1b):

(1) a. Der Doktor diagnostizierte eine sogenannte “Sepsis”. b. Das sogenannte “Hotel” erwies sich als üble Absteige.

In the paper, we will propose a unitary semantic analysis for sogenannt, in which the expression is treated as polysemous. The so in sogenannt, in its function as a demonstrative anaphor, will be argued to operate as a pointer to the lexical shape of a name, thus binding the Name argument of the underlying verbal root of sogenannt. The varying interpretations arise as the result of anin- AG3 terplay between sogenannt’s primary semantic content and pragmatic factors. In particular, we will claim a relevance-based implicature to be effective in a sogenannt-construction with highly conventionalized nouns like Hotel, giving rise to the distanced interpretation we observe in cases like (1b). Distancing sogenannt-constructions will be analyzed as an instance of verbal irony. As such, they echo a preceding utterance of the mentioned name (Wilson 2013). Cru- cially, sogenannt-constructions will be claimed to convey not-at-issue content (Tonhauser 2012): (i) the speaker asserts himself/herself to oppose the semantic appropriateness of the mentioned name and (ii) evaluates the denotatum negatively. A careful investigation of the empirical facts will shed light on the tenability of this claim.

References: • Davidson, D. (1979): Quotation. In: Theory and Decision 11(1), 27–40. • Quine, W.O. (1981): Mathematical Logic (Revised Edition). Harvard University Press. • Tonhauser, J. (2012): Diagnosing (Not-)At-Issue Content: In: Proceedings of SULA 6, 239–254. • Wilson, D. (2013): Irony Comprehension: A Developmental Perspective. In: Journal of Pragmatics 59, 40–56.

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Mittwoch The processing of secondary information conveyed by German modal 08.03.2017 particles 15:15 – 15:45 B3 1, 0.13 Laura Dörre Josef Bayer Universität Konstanz Universität Konstanz [email protected] [email protected]

Modal particles (MPs) convey secondary information by expressing the speaker’s attitude about him-/herself and his/her model of the addressee with respect to the propositional content of the utterance (Bayer & Obenauer 2011). As such, they display an expressive meaning (cf. Kratzer 2004, Gutz- mann 2013). Every MP has a counterpart which affects the propositional content. In contrast, MPs take the propositional content of the sentence as their argument and operate at a different meaning dimension (Gutzmann 2013). We ask whether this two-dimensionality can be made visible by psycholinguistic methods. If the MP conveys an additional meaning, it should lead to higher processing costs. In a series of self-paced reading studies and an auditory sentence completion task, we used minimal pairs (1, 2) containing up to ten parti- AG3 cles (boldface). We created contexts (underlined) that triggered either the MP (1) or the counterpart meaning (2).

(1) Jetzt ist Maria mal wieder total pleite, warum hat sie bloss das Kleid gekauft? ‘Maria is completely broke again, why did she buy the dress (I can’t find a reason)’

(2) Maria hätte sich viel mehr leisten können, warum hat sie bloss das Kleid gekauft? ‘Maria was able to afford much more, why did she buy only the dress?’

We found a processing advantage of the counterpart meaning after the particle and of the MP meaning towards the end of the sentence. The secondary meaning seems to be activated in an additional processing step, supporting the existence of a two-dimensional meaning representation. Furthermore, we found differences between MPs: MP bloss was processed faster than MP nur and there was a preference for bloss to occur with an MP-intonation, which was absent for nur. This suggests that bloss is conventionally marked as conveying expressivity. These results offer promising insights into the meaning representation of MPs and build the foundation for further psycholinguistic studies on the processing of secondary information.

References: • Bayer, J. & Obenauer, H.-G. (1989), The Linguistic Review 28, 449–491. • Gutzmann, D. (2013): In: Beyond Expressives: Explorations in Use-Conditional Meaning, 1–58, Leiden: Brill. • Kratzer, A. (2004). Theoretical Linguistics 30, 123–136.

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Non-truth-conditional intensification. The case of ‘good’ Mittwoch 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B3 1, 0.13 Elena Castroviejo Berit Gehrke Ikerbasque & UPV/EHU CNRS-LLF / Paris Diderot [email protected] [email protected]

We address the intensifying use of Catalan bon ‘good’, which emphasizes the property denoted by the modified N and thus yields intensification and potentially the expression of an emotive attitude (indicated with ‘!’ (1a)); it is unavailable in negative environments (1b).

(1) a. Hem tingut un bon ensurt! we had a good shock ‘≈ We had a big shock!’ b. (#No) he menjat un bon tros de pa. neg have.I eaten a good piece of bread ‘I have (#not) eaten a good piece of bread.’

We treat intensifying good as a more restrictive version of subsective good AG3 (2a), which yields intensification through a monotonic inference encoded as non-truth-conditional content. This amounts to the comment that any individuals in the extension of N that are ordered higher on the scale, also count as good Ns (inspired by Nouwen’s 2011 analysis of evaluative adverbs like amaz- ingly), and we formalize this as in (2b).

(2) a. [[bonint]] = λPe,tλxe : ∀y, z ∈ P[y > z ∨ z > y].(good-as(P))(x) b. ∀y[P(y) ∧ y > x → (good-as(P))(y)]

Treating the monotonicity inference as non-truth-conditionally conveyed accounts for the positive polarity behavior of intensifying good (recall (1b)): if the at-issue content is negated, then the non-truth-conditional meaning, which cannot be detached, yields a falsity. That is, if x is not a good piece of bread, then it does not follow that any larger piece will count as good. This, we put forth, is the reason why evaluativity-based intensifiers behave as positive polarity items. They share the expression of intensification as a secondary meaning, which yields falsity if the at-issue part is challenged by sentential operators.

References: • Nouwen, R. (2011). Degree modifiers and monotonicity. In Egré & Klinedinst (eds.): Vagueness and Language Use. Palgrave McMillan.

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Mittwoch Interpretations of the embedded expressive motto in Japanese: 08.03.2017 Varieties of meaning and projectivity 17:00 – 17:30 B3 1, 0.13 Osamu Sawada Mie University [email protected]

Recent studies of expressives have shown that when expressives such as damn in English are embedded in the complement of an attitude predicate, they not only can be speaker-oriented, but also can be non-speaker oriented (Amaral et al. 2007; Harris & Potts 2009; Tonhauser et al., 2013). Amaral et al. (2007) and Harris and Potts (2009) have suggested this phenomenon is an instance of indexicality/pragmatic phenomenon (cf. Schlenker’s semantic binding approach). In this paper, I will investigate the interpretations of embedded expressives from new data, i.e., the Japanese comparative expressive motto, and argue that the interpretation of the embedded motto is not purely pragmatic (not just a matter of indexicality), and that both semantic and pragmatic mechanisms AG3 can be involved. The expressive motto conventionally implicates that “the expected degree is much greater than a current degree” and often pragmatically triggers a speaker’s complaint (Sawada 2014). What is interesting about motto is its variation in meaning and projectivity. When it is embedded under an attitude predicate, it is always subject-oriented and its meaning is within the scope of an attitude predicate (it is an expressive in the subject’s belief). How- ever, if a deontic modal is inserted in the main clause, both a speaker-oriented reading, which is a conventional implicature (CI), and a subject-oriented reading, which is an at-issue meaning, become available. I argue that (i) there can be a dimensional shift from a CI to a secondary at-issue entailment at a clausal level in a non-speaker-oriented reading, and that (ii) there is a type, a dependent projective content which requires a consistency between at-issue and CI meanings (including a judge).

References: • Amaral et al. (2007): Review of the logic of conventional implicatures by Chris Potts. L&P 30, 707–749. • Harris, J. and Potts, C. (2009): Perspective-shifting with appositives and expressive. L&P 32, 523–552. • Sawada, O. (2014): An utterance situation-based comparison. Linguistics and Philosophy 37, 205–248.

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Though as a marker of pragmatic humbleness Mittwoch 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 B3 1, 0.13 Claudia Borgonovo Université Laval [email protected]

Abbot (2016) and Simons et al. (2010) predict that languages should contain within their inventory an item that marks a portion of the content as not at issue but they do not give an example of such an item. The aim of this paper isto show that the conjunction (al)though marks what it subordinates as not at issue content. I show that concessive clauses (CCs) may be fully integrated syntactically with the matrix clause; they are central adverbial clauses, but contrary to other CACs their content is not at issue: they can be dismissed, they outscope negation and other relevant operators, they can never be focused (neither informationally nor contrastively) and they can never be an answer to any question. The reason for this is not syntactic. The focal allergy of CCs (andmaybe their inherent not at issue-ness) may be derived from the semantic contribution CCs make. CCs express uncauses, inoperant causes: excluding inoperant causes for the benefit of yet another inoperant cause, the point of focusing, isa AG3 pointless move, if we communicate to eliminate possible ways the world can be in order to zero in of the way(s) the world actually is. CCs cannot be conceived of as the only true alternative in a focus set.

References: • Abbot, B. (2016). An information packaging approach to presuppositions and conventional implicatures. Topoi 35(1), 9–21. • Simons, M., J. Tonhauser, D. Beaver and C. Roberts (2010): What projects and why. Proceedings of SALT 20, 309–321.

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Donnerstag Fragmented contexts 09.03.2017 09:00 – 09:30 B3 1, 0.13 Dirk Kindermann Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz [email protected]

Stalnaker’s influential conception of the conversational context as common ground models it in terms of the information mutually taken for granted by all interlocutors (e.g., Stalnaker 1978). But Stalnaker’s account has a down- side: All information in the common ground – whether it was contributed as at-issue content or non-at-issue content – is equally available, or accessible, to all participants. However, a number of seemingly unrelated phenomena motivate the thesis that all information is not equally available: 1. Questions & Answers: The same presupposed information may be available as a correct (partial or complete) answer to one question not to another, to which it is also a correct answer. 2. Presupposition accommodation in disagreements: In disagreements, AG3 speakers are often willing to temporarily accept presuppositions of their opponents. Such presuppositions are only available for as long as the par- ties jointly accept one view. Different presuppositions become available with the temporary joint acceptance of the other view. 3. Making information available: Under some conditions, asserting information that is already in the common ground is a felicitous move and serves a conversational purpose. In this talk, I will argue that adding the notion of available information to the model can account for the above phenomena. On the model, the common ground is ‘fragmented’: the common ground does not form a single consistent, deductively closed set of presuppositions, but is rather organized into a number of fragments.(Cf. Stalnaker 1984, Cherniak 1986, Elga & Rayo 2014 for mental fragmentation.) Information in a single fragment is jointly available relative to a linguistic task. Linguistic tasks, in turn, are individuated by questions- under-discussion (cf. Roberts 1996).

References: • Cherniak. C. (1986): Minimal Rationality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. • Elga, A. and Rayo, A. (2016). Fragmentation and Information Access. Unpublished Ms. • Roberts, C. (1996). In- formation Structure in Discourse: Towards an Integrates Formal Theory of Pragmatics. In: Working Papers in Linguistics, 49, 91–136 • Stalnaker, R. (1978): Assertion. Reprinted in Stalnaker, R. (1999). Context and Content. Oxford: OUP, 78–95. • Stalnaker, R. (1984). Inquiry. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

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Literal and enriched meaning of sentences with weak definites and Donnerstag bare singulars* 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 B3 1, 0.13

Ana Aguilar Guevara National Autonomous University of Mexico [email protected]

Sentences with weak definites (1) and bare singulars (2) in complementary distribution convey two kinds of content: the literal meaning (LM), which is evidently derived from the combination of the meaning of the sentences’ constituents, and the enriched meaning (EM), which cannot be directly attributed to any constituent:

(1) Lola went to the store. LM = Lola went to a store. EM = Lola went to do some shopping. (2) Theo went to church. LM = Theo went to a church. AG3 EM = Theo went to attend Mass

This talk examines the semantic-pragmatic nature of LMs and EMs and concludes that, whereas LMs should be considered truth-conditional content, EMs should be treated as being partly truth-conditional content and partly conversational implicature. This behaviour is accounted by Aguilar-Guevara and Zwarts’ [2011, 2013] analysis of weak definites and its extension to bare singulars, according to which the meaning of (1) is that: (a) Lola is the agent of an event of going to a location exemplified by the store kind, and (b) the event is part of the stereotypical usages associated with the kind. (a) corresponds to the LM that Lola went to a store. (b) accounts for the EM that Lola went to do some shopping, as this is a usual stereotypical purpose associated with stores. However, that Lola went there to do some general shopping and nothing else still stereotypically associated with stores is not really stated in the logical form, but rather an inference conversationally derived.

*This research was sponsored by the Program UNAM-DGAPA-PAPIIT (project IA401116 “Definitud regular y defectiva en la lengua natural”)

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Donnerstag Full NPs as personal pronouns: Reference, truth-conditional meaning, 09.03.2017 and use-conditional content 10:00 – 10:30 B3 1, 0.13 Patrícia Amaral Indiana University [email protected]

This paper focuses on the behavior of full NPs usedas2nd person singular personal pronouns that trigger 3rd person singular verb agreement in European Portuguese, as in (1). Their interpretation is analyzed in terms of two dimensions of meaning: primary (two types of truth-conditional meaning) and secondary (or use-conditional, in the sense of Gutzmann 2015).

(1) (Addressing the interlocutor) O Pedro/o Pai/o senhor quer um café? ‘Do you [lit. the Pedro/the father/the sir] want a coffee?’

Besides having the deictic function of referring to the addressee in a specific conversation, these NPs have descriptive content; they denote a property of AG3 the addressee. Additionally, they have use-conditional meaning; they encode the social relationship between the interlocutors (in [1], the speaker shows respect and social distance towards the addressee). I propose that these forms are functional mixed use-conditional items displaying the features [+2d], [+f] in Gutzmann’s system; the argument of the descriptive content of the NP in the truth-conditional dimension is reused at the use-conditional level. This paper shows that items displaying a multidimensional meaning can have more than one type of truth-conditional content. As for the use- conditional component, I discuss to what extent it can be considered backgrounded, as it can easily be refuted and become the main topic of the conversation.

References: • Bhat, S. (2007): Pronouns. Oxford: OUP. • Gutzmann, D. (2015): Use-conditional Mean- ing. Studies in Multidimensional Semantics. Oxford: OUP. • Pountain, C. (2003): Pragmatic and structural reflections on the expression of the second person notion in Romance, with special reference to Spanish and Portuguese. In: Bulletin of Spanish Studies 80(2), 145–60.

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Relating (not-)at-issueness to the Question Under Discussion Donnerstag 09.03.2017 11:15 – 12:15 B3 1, 0.13 Judith Tonhauser The Ohio State University [email protected]

[Based on joint work with David Beaver, Craige Roberts and Mandy Simons]

An important component of understanding the meaning of a speaker’s utterance is identifying how the utterance was intended to contribute to the current topic of the discourse, i.e., identifying which utterance content is at-issue and which is not. Researchers employ a variety of diagnostics to distinguish at- issue and not-at-issue content, including versions of diagnostics that ask participants to choose or interpret assent/dissent responses, as in (1a), to judge what is being asked in a question like (1b), or to judge the acceptability of utterances like those in (1c); see, e.g., Amaral et al. 2007, Jayez 2009, Xue & Onea 2011, Tonhauser 2012, Destruel et al. 2015 and Syrett & Koev 2015.

(1) a. A: Waldo stopped wearing a red and white striped shirt. AG3 B: Yes, that’s true. / No, that’s not true. b. Has Waldo stopped wearing a red and white striped shirt? c. Waldo stopped wearing a red and white striped shirt because {he was being made fun of / #loved the pattern}.

How is (not-)at-issue content formally characterized so that these diverse diagnostics can be taken to distinguish at-issue from not-at-issue content? In this talk, this question is addressed based on a formal characterization of at-issue content as ordinary semantic content that is relevant to the Question Under Discussion, as proposed in Beaver et al. 2017.

References: • Beaver, Roberts, Simons & Tonhauser (2017): Questions under Discussion: Where information structure meets projective content. Annual Review of Linguistics 3. • Syrett & Koev (2015): Experimental evidence for the truth conditional contribution and shifting information status of appositives, JoS 32. • Tonhauser (2012): Diagnosing (not-)at-issue content. Proceedings of SULA 6.

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Donnerstag Additives and accommodation 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B3 1, 0.13 Mira Grubic Universität Potsdam [email protected]

The presupposition of additive particles like too is usually assumed to be especially hard to accommodate, due to its anaphoricity (Kripke 2009). There is however no consensus on what is responsible for this anaphoricity; whether it is the existence of a salient other individual which is required to be in the discourse context (Geurts & van der Sandt 2004), or whether the whole parallel proposition needs to be salient (e.g. Beaver & Zeevat 2007). The former account predicts that the presupposition of the additive particle in (1) is similar to that of the possessive in (2): both presuppose the existence of a salient individual (i), and a possessor-possessed relation (ii).

(1) Peter has a sister, too. (2) her sister (i) there is a salient other individual (i) there is a salient female individual AG3 (ii) that individual has a sister (ii) that individual has a sister The prediction would be that (i) is hard to accommodate, whereas (ii)canbe accommodated. Thus, in a context like (3), both should be fine.

(3) Peter and Mary talked about how it was to grow up on the countryside. a. During the discussion, it was revealed that he has a sister, too. b. During the discussion, it was revealed that he knows her sister.

We present the results of an experiment in which this is tested for the German additive auch and discuss the relevance of our findings for the taxonomy of projective meaning discussed in Tonhauser et al. (2013). One relevant issue is the question of what the different triggers grouped together in the same class have in common, whether there is any way to reduce one to the other. Addi- tives, in particular, have been proposed to underlyingly involve pronoun resolution (cf. also Heim 1992), as have anaphoric definite descriptions (Schwarz 2009). In other work, the anaphoricity of additives has been related to their association with focus: the salient antecedent is independently required due to the Givenness of the backgrounded material (Ruys 2015). In this discussion whether the anaphoricity of additives is due to pronoun resolution or due to Givenness, our talk makes a contribution in favour of the former account.

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(Un)expected secondary content in Finnish: Additives and scalars Donnerstag 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:15 B3 1, 0.13 Elsi Kaiser University of Southern California [email protected]

This research investigates the meaning of focus-sensitive additive and scalar clitics and particles in Finnish. Additives and scalars are crosslinguistically re- garded as contributing presuppositional/non-at-issue information, which is often viewed as ‘secondary information.’ In Finnish, additive and scalar particles (myös ‘too/also’ and jopapos/edesneg ‘even’) show parallel patterns with different parts-of-speech, but the meaning contribution of additive and scalar clitics (-kin/-kAAn; positive/negative) differ strikingly depending on whether they are attached to nouns/adjectives vs. verbs. On nouns and adjectives, the clitic [-kin/-kAAn] has an additive too/also-meaning and a scalar even-meaning. Strikingly, when the clitic occurs on verbs, it can make reference to the entire event (unlike scalar particles jopa/edes, which, when associated with focused verbs, provide information about the verb likelihood, not the whole event). AG3 Moreover, with verb-modifying clitics the likelihood scale is not ordered as it is with noun-modifying clitics. I propose an analysis for noun-attached clitics, identify differences between verb- and noun-attached clitics, and propose a possible source for these differences. I suggest that differences in the non-at-issue meaning conveyed by noun-attached vs. verb-attached clitics stem from verb-attached clitics providing secondary information not about the verb but rather about the entire event. Furthermore, the verb/noun asymmetry poses some challenges for traditional analyses of even which derive its behavior from likelihood scales (see also Greenberg, to appear), but are in line with approaches emphasizing the discourse management function of additive/scalar expressions (e.g. Zimmer- mann 2014).

References: • Greenberg, Y. to appear. A novel problem for the likelihood-based semantics of even. Semantics and Pragmatics. • Zimmermann, M. 2014. Conventional vs Free Association with Focus. Talk at Focus Sensitivity from a Cross-Linguistic Perspective.

139 AG 3 · Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche Kodierung

Donnerstag Presupposition triggers in a cross-linguistic perspective: 09.03.2017 Maximize Presupposition vs. Obligatory Implicatures in Ga (Kwa) 14:15 – 14:45 B3 1, 0.13

Agata Renans Nadine Bade Joseph Ulster University Universität Tübingen P. DeVeaugh-Geiss [email protected] nadine.bade@uni- Universität Potsdam tuebingen.de joseph.de.veaugh-geiss@uni- potsdam.de

This paper presents an experimental investigation of the obligatory occurrence of presuppositional additives in Ga (Kwa), an under-researched Ghanian language, in comparison to previous studies on German. Additives are obligatory when their presupposition is verified by the context, as in (1). The obligatory insertion of presupposition triggers has been explained by exploiting the Maximize Presupposition (MP) principle, i.e., presuppose as much as possible (Heim 1991), and Obligatory Implicatures (OI), i.e., the stronger the exhaustivity, the more obligatory the additive (Bade 2016, based on Krifka 1999, Saeboe 2004). AG3 (1) a. John came to the party. b. Bill did, #(too).

For MP, no contextual factors beyond whether a presupposition holds are predicted to play a role in the insertion of a trigger. By contrast, according to OI the insertion of the additive should depend on whether an exhaustivity implicature is made prominent in the discourse: the stronger the exhaustivity, the more obligatory the additive. We tested experimentally the hypothesis that obligatory additives are related to the strength of exhaustivity in Ga (Kwa), and compare the results to previous experiments in German using a different methodology. The results of the experiment show that Ga exploits the MP principle. This data contrast with an experiment in German, the results of which support the OI principle. Comparing the results for both languages points to previously unattested cross-linguistic variation in pragmatics.

References: • Bade, N. (2015): Obligatory Presupposition Triggers in Discourse. Universität Tübin- gen PhD Thesis • Heim, I. (1991): Artikel und Definitheit. In: Semantik: ein itnernationales Handbuch der Zeitgenössischen Forschung, 487–535 • Renans, A (2016): Modeling the exhaustivity effect of clefts: evidence from Ga (Kwa). In: Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 20.

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Dog-whistles and the at-issue/non-at-issue distinction Freitag 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:30 B3 1, 0.13 Robert Henderson Nadine Bade Eric McCready University of Arizona Universität Tübingen Aoyama Gakuin [email protected] nadine.bade@uni- University tuebingen.de [email protected]

George Bush’s 2003 State of the Union address contains the following line.

(1) Yet there’s power—wonder-working power—in the goodness and idealism and faith of the American people.

To most people this sounds like, at worst, a civil-religious banality, but to a certain segment of the population the phrase wonder-working power is intimately connected to their conception and worship of Jesus. When someone says (1), they hear (2).

(2) Yet there’s power—Christian power—in the goodness and idealism and faith of the American people. AG3 Albertson (2015) shows experimentally that examples like (1) do in fact improve a speaker’s appeal to religious voters, while slipping right by unreligious voters, unlike uncoded religious appeals like (2), which are punished by non- religious voters. Stanley (2015) argues that dog-whistle language like (1) involves a conventional non-at-issue component. After arguing against a not-at-issue account, we develop our own positive proposal along the lines of McCready 2012, which considers how speakers converge on whether certain expressives have positive or negative evaluative content. In addition, we will consider properties of dog-whistle language that are of interest to pragmatic theory, in particular, the fact that dog-whistle language is only semi-lexicalized and not wholly co- operative.

References: • Albertson, B. L. (2015). Dog-whistle politics: Multivocal communication and religious appeals. Political Behavior, 37(1), 3-26. • McCready, E. (2012). Emotive equilibria. Linguistics and Philosophy, 35(3), 243-283s. • Stanley, J. (2015): How Propaganda Works. Princeton University Press.

141 AG 3 · Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche Kodierung

Freitag Appositive interpretation of relative clauses – Is prosody the cue? 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B3 1, 0.13 Corinna Trabandt, Alexander Thiel, Emanuela Sanfelici, Petra Schulz (Goethe Universität Frankfurt) c.trabandt;thiel;sanfelici;[email protected]

Relative clauses (RCs) in their appositive (1a) but not in their restrictive reading (1b) convey secondary, non-at-issue (NAI) information.

(1) a. Robbi adores Frege, who (as you may know) wrote Über Sinn und Bedeutung. b. Robbi adores the man who wrote Über Sinn und Bedeutung.

In languages like German, where both types of RCs are introduced by the same form of relative pronoun, the comma intonation, i.e. a non-integrated prosodic contour of the RC (Emonds 1976), is predicted to be crucial in detecting an appositive reading (Potts 2005). However, studies on the prosodic realization of RCs in German indicate that non-integrated prosody may not constitute a re- AG3 liable cue for NAI interpretations (Birkner 2008, Schubö et al. 2015, Trabandt 2016). Furthermore, the role of other cues suggested in the literature, e.g. type of head noun, has not been investigated experimentally. In two experiments we investigated the influence of prosody and head noun type (definite DPvs. bare plural) as potential cues for NAI interpretations of structurally ambiguous RCs in 32 German-speaking adults. The results demonstrate that prosody is not a sufficient cue to trigger appositive (NAI) interpretations of ambiguous RCs. Instead, the type of head noun crucially influences the readiness to derive appositive interpretations along with prosody.

References: • Birkner, K. (2008). Relativ(satz)konstruktionen im gesprochenen Deutsch. Berlin: de Gruyter. • Emonds, J. (1976). A transformational approach to English syntax. New York: Academic Press. • Potts, C. (2005). The logic of conventional implicatures. Oxford: OUP. • Schubö, F., Roth, A., Haase, V., & Féry, C. (2015). Experimental investigations on the prosodic realization of restrictive and appositive relative clauses in German. Lingua 154. 65–86 • Trabandt, C. (2016). On the acquisition of restrictive and appositive relative clauses. PhD dissertation, University of Frankfurt.

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Ad-hoc shifts from primary to secondary information in spontaneous Freitag speech 10.03.2017 13:00 – 13:30 B3 1, 0.13

Alexander Haselow Universität Rostock [email protected]

Since thinking and structural planning occur in a quasi-simultaneous way in spontaneous speech, speakers are often caught in a situation in which they need to deal with two concurring tasks, such as shifting from main or ‘primary’ to background or ‘secondary’ information. An example for such shifts is provided in (1), where the speaker interrupts a quotative construction-in- progress in order to provide the addressee with background information on one of the persons talked about.

(1) so he said San:dra who is this woman who I’d (.) sort of been surrepti- tiously introduced to in London Zoo the way one is to one’s father’s mistress uhm (.) was going to have a baby. (International Corpus of English – Great Britain, S1A-075) AG3

This talk will focus on the different strategies chosen by speakers to uttersec- ondary information within a unit of talk-in-progress in which an already initi- ated syntactic structure dealing with primary information is temporarily sus- pended in order to provide secondary information. I will discuss the question of how speakers of English “get into” and “out” of secondary information in the course of the production of a single unit of talk, and how speakers resume the syntactic “thread” after its temporary suspension. The discussion lends support to more recent findings in syntactic processing (e.g. Phillips 2003) that real-time speech processing is based on the planning and production of smaller syntactic segments that are built incrementally in real time, and appears to be guided by the mental activation level of concepts and ideas (Fer- reira 2005).

References: • Phillips, C. (2003): Linear order and constituency. In: Linguistic Inquiry 34(1), 37–90. • Ferreira, F. (2005): Psycholinguistics, formal grammars, and cognitive science. In: The Linguistic Review 22, 365–380.

143 AG 3 · Sekundäre Information und ihre sprachliche Kodierung

Freitag Parenthesen und ihre Funktionen in didaktisch aufbereiteten 10.03.2017 linguistischen Texten 13:30 – 14:00 B3 1, 0.13 Mikaela Petkova-Kessanlis St.-Kliment-Ochridski Universität Sofia [email protected]

In der Fachsprachen- und Wissenschaftsspracheforschung wird Fach- bzw. Wissenschaftstexten mehrheitlich sprachliche Prägnanz als charakteristis- che Stileigenschaft zugeschrieben. Die zentralen Strategien textueller Re- duktion in der Wissenschaftssprache sind laut Kretzenbacher (1991: 119) auf der Ebene der Syntax zu finden; der Parenthese wird eine relativ hohe Fre- quenz bescheinigt. Über die textinterne(n) (illokutive(n)) Funktion(en) der in wissenschaftlichen Texten verwendeten Parenthesen ist allerdings wenig bekannt. Der Beitrag setzt sich zum Ziel, sowohl satzwertige als auch nicht-satzwertige Parenthesen, die mittels Klammern und Gedankenstichen als Sekun- där- bzw. Nebeninformationen grafisch markiert sind, in didaktisch aufbereiteten wissenschaftlichen Texten deskriptiv zu erfassen. Leitend für die Untersuchung sind folgende Fragen: Kann Parenthesen, die in wissenschaftlichen Texten verwendet werden, ein Handlungsstatus zugeschrieben werden? Wenn (mehrheitlich) ja, welchen Handlungstypen sind diese Handlungen zuzuordnen? In welchem hierarchischen Verhältnis stehen die mittels Parenthesen realisierten Handlungen zu der Illokution des Trägersatzes (vgl. den Ansatz von Bassarak 1985). Handelt es sich um selb- stständige Nebenhandlungen oder um subsidiäre Handlungen, die den kommunikativen Erfolg der Illokution im Trägersatz unterstützen (sollen)? Aus diesen Erkenntnissen sollen die kommunikativen Funktionen der Parenthe- sen abgeleitet werden.

References: • Bassarak, A. (1985): Zu den Beziehungen zwischen Parenthesen und Trägersätzen. ZPSK 38, 368–375. • Kretzenbacher, H. L. (1991): Syntax des wissenschaftlichen Textes. Fachsprache 13/3-4, 118–137. • Kügelgen, R. (2003): Parenthesen handlungstheoretisch betrachtet. In: Hoffmann, L. Funktionale Syntax. Die pragmatische Perspektive, de Gruyter, 208–230.

144 AG4

Encoding language and linguistic information in historical corpora

Kerstin Eckart & Carolin Odebrecht Universität Stuttgart, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B3 1, 0.12

Short description Historical corpora have been established as an empirical digital base for various types of linguistic studies. Annotations on these corpora have to balance between a diplomatic representation of historical text and its linguistic analysis. This requires a linguistic modelling of annotations to develop annotation guidelines and concepts, as well as assignment methods and corpus architectures. The working group thus focuses on established and new approaches which address these requirements for a structured exploration of historical corpus data.

145 AG 4 · Encoding language and linguistic information in historical corpora

Donnerstag Basic categories in multi layered grammatical annotation 09.03.2017 11:15 – 12:15 B3 1, 0.12 Mathilde Hennig Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen [email protected]

The paper presents reflections on the interplay of a multi layered grammatical annotation of New High German texts and the research on basic grammatical desiderata in this period of German language history, based on the annotations of Kajuk (= Kasseler Junktionskorpus) and the annotations in the project “Basic Syntactic Structures of New High German – about the grammatical foundation of a New High German reference corpus” (carried out in Gießen and Kassel, funded by the German Research Foundation as a long term project). The paper argues towards the use of the possibilities of modern multi layered annotation by annotating atomic basic categories on various layers of annotation. The advantage of annotating atomic basic categories (as opposed to hybrid tags that merge several informations) is, that while using a corpus for grammatical analysis on different research questions, the combination of categories canbe choosen freely. Thus the corpus can not only be used for different research questions, it also becomes compatible with different theoretical interests. Al- though the annotation of basic atomic categories obviously requires profound grammatical analysis, it provides the possibility to divide the process of anno- AG4 tation and analysis with regard to theoretical and empirical delicate fields of research such as German Felderstruktur or elliptical structures. The paper gives examples for this taken from Kajuk and also provides an outlook on the annotation methods used in the new project on the grammar of New High German.

References: • Kajuk = http://www1.uni-giessen.de/kajuk/index.htm; https://korpling.german.hu- berlin.de/annis3/ • grammatical foundation of a New High German reference corpus = shortly via https://www.uni-giessen.de/fbz/fb05/germanistik/absprache/sprachtheorie/team/hennig/forschung

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Particle verb constructions in historical German and what corpus Donnerstag studies reveal about them 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B3 1, 0.12

Svetlana Petrova Bergische Universität Wuppertal [email protected]

Particle verb constructions are a challenging topic not only in modern Ger- man (modG) but in its historical stages as well. Standard historical dictionaries list compounds consisting of a preposition or an adverbs and a verbal base as lexical items in the vocabulary of the period (ababîzen ‘to bite up’, durehbîzzen ‘bite through’, ûzspîwan ‘spit out’ etc.), but it is unclear whether the first constituent has the status of a prefix bound to the verbal base, or rather behaves like a separable particle stranded in main clauses (syntactic separability) or separated from the verb by the infinitive zu-morpheme or the past-participle morpheme ge- (morphological separability). In addition, it has to be asked if the potential equivalents of the modG separable particles share their syntactic behaviour, among all their ban from scrambling in the middlefield (unless contrastively used) and their occasional possibility to move to the prefield of the clause (see Lüdeling 2001). Searching the recently launched Referenzkor- pus Altdeutsch, we discover that there are cases in which the first constituent actually never occurs in distance from the verb (e.g. ubarfaran ‘to cross’, ubar- wintan ‘to overcome’, duruhbîzzan ‘to bite through’ etc.). In other cases, there AG4 is evidence for morphological and syntactic separability, even in translations close to the word order of their original. Also, like in modG, these items may appear in the prefield of the clause, especially if they originate from the class of directional adverbs, but against modG, these elements can also appear in the middlefield of the clause without bearing contrastive interpretation. This implies that the particle verb constructions attested in OHG are not exactely like their modG counterparts, and also that the tag PTKVZ is too broad, covering both separable particles as well as the equivalents of modG non-separable verbal prefixes.

References: • Lüdeling, A. (2001): On Particle Verbs and Similar Constructions in German. Stanford • https://korpling.org/annis3/ddd/

147 AG 4 · Encoding language and linguistic information in historical corpora

Donnerstag Annotating a multiregional diachronic corpus of Early New High 09.03.2017 German handwritten texts 13:45 – 14:15 B3 1, 0.12 Lisa Dücker Stefan Hartmann Renata Szczepaniak Universität Hamburg Universität Hamburg Universität Hamburg [email protected] stefan.hartmann@uni- renata.szczepaniak@uni- hamburg.de hamburg.de

This talk discusses the methodologies and annotation guidelines employed in encoding a corpus of 57 Early New High German protocols of witch trials. To our knowledge, this corpus represents the first attempt to make sponta- neously produced, handwritten German texts available as a linguistic corpus. The corpus was compiled in a project on the interplay of semantic andsyn- tactic factors in the evolution of sentence-internal capitalization (Satzinterne Großschreibung, SiGS for short) in German. Handwritten texts entail specific challenges for the linguistic encoding of the data, such as defining sentence or word boundaries (Szczepaniak & Barteld 2016). In this talk, we will give a brief overview of how these challenges were approached. However, our main focus will be on the semantic annotation of the data. As animacy plays a major role in the development of noun capitalization (cf. Bergmann & Nerius 1998), all nouns were encoded for animacy. Se- mantic role annotation is another major step in encoding the corpus data. In AG4 a first step, we use a binary coding scheme (“agent” vs. “non-agent”), which will be further extended in a subsequent phase of the project. However, the SiGS corpus is not only a valuable resource for studying graphemic change. The data can also be used to pursue, for instance, morphological or syntactic research questions. Therefore, the data will eventually be made available via ANNIS. In sum, we believe that the SiGS corpus is an important addition to the German corpus landscape and that the decisions made during the encoding process can also prove insightful for other researchers dealing with historical language data.

References: • Bergmann, R. & D. Nerius (1998): Die Entwicklung der Großschreibung im Deutschen von 1500-1700. Heidelberg. • Szczepaniak, R. & F. Barteld (2016): Hexenverhörprotokolle als sprach- historisches Korpus. In S. Kwekkeboom & S. Waldenberger (eds.), PerspektivWechsel 43–70. Berlin: Schmidt.

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TEITOK: Combining language and linguistic information without Freitag compromise 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:00 B3 1, 0.12

Maarten Janssen CELGA-ILTEC, Universidade de Coimbra [email protected]

TEITOK is an online XML-based corpus framework using a strategy to combine the needs of various users of (historic) corpora, by allowing multiple orthographic realizations of the same text, such as a paleographic and a regular- ized form to serve both philological and computational needs. It uses an inher- itance tree for forms, so that only distinct forms have to be stored explicitly. The different forms are modelled as features over XML nodes (tokens). This facilitates not merely having two different forms, but as many as required, allowing to also include a diplomatic form, a transliterated form, etc. In such multi-layered texts, not only the orthography changes, but also the number of tokens: normalisation can both merge and split words. And for linguistic processing, it is often required to split contractions into multiple words, or groups multiple words into a MWE. To solve this, TEITOK first of all allows spaces inside tokens at any level. And secondly, it allows a single token to contain more than one grammatical word inside, where the linguistic tags are modelled over the grammatical words. In this fashion, the “word” doutra can be normalized to de outra, and then provided with two grammatical words, AG4 the first a preposition, and the second a pronoun. TEITOK adds the token nodes inline in TEI documents that can contain rich typographic annotations, notes, facsimile images, etc. And TEITOK allows adding standoff annotation files for complex annotations. The framework contains a collection of GUI tools to manage the resulting XML files, which become so heavily annotated that editing the raw files becomes unfeasible. It also contains a POS tagger that tags directly over XML files, and can be used with existing parameters, or easily trained on the corpus itself, and in the interface all annotations can easily be corrected. It also provides a searchable version of the corpus using Corpus Workbench. The resulting corpora have proven to be of use not only for corpus/computational linguists, but also for a range of other researchers.

149 AG 4 · Encoding language and linguistic information in historical corpora

Freitag Syntactical Annotation of an Early New High German Corpus: 10.03.2017 Pipeline of the LangBank-Corpus 12:00 – 12:30 B3 1, 0.12 Zarah Weiß Gohar Schnelle Universität Tübingen Humboldt Universität zu Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

Within the framework of the LangBank project, we are developing a semi-automatic pipeline for syntactic annotations and complexity analyses of Early New High German (ENHG). Currently, we use diplomatically transcribed ENHG data and their orthographic and morphological normalization, as provided by the RIDGES corpus (Odebrecht et al. submitted). We use the normalized data as a proxy for the diplomatic ENHG to perform Natural Language Processing (NLP) with contemporary German models, thereby circumventing the lack of stable NLP tools for ENHG. This leads to good performance for most NLP tools. However, the lack of definite patterns of sentence delimitation in ENHG pro- hibits stable automatic sentence segmentation, which is mandatory for most further NLP. Therefore, we manually segment the data into parseable sentential units, which we defined using a non-graphematic, linguistically and pragmatically motivated approach (Weiß & Schnelle forthcoming). It allows us to obtain dependency, constituency, and topological field parses, based on which we calculate over 200 features of linguistic complexity. For this, we use Weiß AG4 & Meurers’ (submitted) system for measuring complexity of morphological, lexical, clausal, sentential, cohesion, coherence, and deagentivation domains, which we are going to extend by measures of specific ENHG constructions. Complexity features and all parses are used as new annotation layers. We are also developing a method to additionally derive parses of the diplomatic layer from the normalized layer’s parses. All annotations are reintegrated to RIDGES and exported to ANNIS via the Pepper tool (Krause & Zeles 2014) for query and visualisation and will be made publicly available.

References: • Krause, T. & A. Zeldes (2014): ANNIS3: A New Architecture for Generic Corpus Query and Visualization. Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 33(1), 118–139. • Odebrecht, C., M. Belz, A. Zeldes, A. Lüdeling, T. Krause (Submitted): RIDGES Herbology - Designing a Diachronic Multi-Layer Corpus. • Weiß, Z. & G. Schnelle (To appear): Sentence Segmentation Guidelines for Early New High Ger- man. • Weiß, Z. & D. Meurers (Submitted): Fine-Grained Linguistic Modeling of Textual Complexity Improves German L1 Grade Level Assessment. COLING Workshop on ”Computational Linguistics for Lin- guistic Complexity”.

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A Diacronic Corpus for Romanian (RoDia) Freitag 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B3 1, 0.12 Cătălina Mărănduc1, Cenel-Augusto Perez1, Ludmila Malahov2 & Alexandru Colesnicov2 1Al. I. Cuza University, 2Academy of Sciences of Moldova [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

This paper discusses the evolution of a Romanian corpus of the Dependency Treebank type, built at the Al. I.Cuza University of Iași. The corpus has rich annotation and balanced structure. Having the intention to participate at the PROIEL project, which aligns the oldest Latin, Greek, Slavonic and Armenian New Testaments, we chose to annotate the first printed Romanian NT at Alba Iulia (1648). The print of the book contains a lot of peculiarities difficult topro- cess, described in the paper. We began by the automated processing of its first 2,000 sentences in classical syntactic annotation over the previous morphological annotation. We applied the tools for Contemporary Romanian to a fragment in modern Latin script. But the first edition is written in Old Cyrillic al- phabet, used to print old books in Romania and Moldova (where the same language is spoken). A first fragment of the Alba Iulia NT has been transformed in editable Cyrillic text by an OCR program built by the Computer Scientists in Republic of Moldova. The editable text in the Cyrillic script has been checked by the computational linguists from Iași (Romania), comparing it with the AG4 printed old book, then it has been wrapped in the checked XML format, and the form with Latin letters, obtained in the second step of the OCR processing, has been compared with the second edition of the book. The entirely annotated and checked book will be used for extracting an old lexicon to be introduced in a POS-tagger able to annotate Old Romanian written with Latin or Cyrillic letters.

References: • Davies M. (2010) Creating Useful Historical Corpora: in Diacronía de las Lenguas Ibero- romances: 137-166. • Dipper, S. Faulstich, L. Leser, U. Ludeling A. (2010) Challenges in Modelling a Richly Annotated Diachronic Corpus of German. Proceedings of LREC. • Haug, D. T. T., Jøhndal, M. L. (2008) Creating a Parallel Treebank of the Old Indo-European Bible Translations. Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Language Technology for Cultural Heritage Data 27-34.

151 AG 4 · Encoding language and linguistic information in historical corpora

Freitag Development and annotation of a newspaper corpus as part of a 10.03.2017 doctoral thesis on text structure and cohesion in news items from 13:00 – 13:30 the 17th and 18th centuries B3 1, 0.12

Katrin Goldschmidt Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn [email protected]

Historical news items in contrast to contemporary ones are less identifiable by typographic means. Moreover, some news items are syntactically and / or thematically linked to each other, i.e. by repetition of single event-related entities (person, location, time, action) in successive news items (Fritz & Straßner 1996). In order to examine how text and event structure contribute to the con- stitution and linking of historical news items, a corpus of historical newspapers has been developed, which enables either (text)linguistic or journalistic questions. In the course of corpus development 7 German newspaper issues (1609-1767) were transcribed, subdivided in ca. 430 news items by three annotators, seg- mented into sentences (ca. 1,600 sentences), and ca. 30,000 token were tagged with parts of speech. The annotation of textual macro structures (such as sources, cited documents or comments) and event-related entities is based on a multilevel annotation scheme, that allows the annotation of complex spans AG4 (i.e. entities as discontinuous phrases) and relations between feature values (i.e. part-whole relations). Investigating the hypothesis that news item boundaries are typically marked by punctation and typographic means, the presentation will provide an overview of the corpus and some evaluation possibilities with the analysis platform ANNIS (Krause & Zeldes 2014).

References: • Fritz, G. & E. Straßner (eds.) (1996): Die Sprache der ersten deutschen Wochenzeitun- gen im 17. Jahrhundert. Tübingen: Narr. • Krause, T. & A. Zeldes (2014): ANNIS3: A New Architecture for Generic Corpus Query and Visualization. Literary and Linguistic Computing.

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Encoding sociolinguistic variables in a corpus of Medieval Sardinian Freitag texts 10.03.2017 13:30 – 14:00 B3 1, 0.12

Nicoletta Puddu University of Cagliari [email protected]

Medieval texts are characterized by a high degree of graphical and linguistic variation and by limited and partial documentation. On the one hand, these features pose clear problems in the creation of a corpus which, by definition, should be balanced, representative and normalized. On the other hand, the pe- culiar variation which emerges from Medieval texts can be fruitfully investigated in a socio-historical perspective. The lack of standardization can indeed provide clues of historical, regional and social variation, and the widespread presence of code mixing can reveal repertoires of text producers, shedding light on their level of literacy and on the distribution of the varieties in the community (Mazzon 2015). In this perspective, Sornicola (2015) clearly demonstrates the importance of providing an adequate sociolinguistic characterization of the document compilers in order to correctly interpret variation in Me- dieval texts. In this contribution we will deal with the problem of annotating the condaghes, Sardinian medieval texts that record transactions of churches and monas- teries and often contain transcriptions of legal disputes. We will show thata combined XML annotation of extra-linguistic and philological information according to TEIP5 can help the correct meaning to be assigned to the variation phenomena present in the texts. In particular, we shall focus on the interference of Italian in the condaghes, which can be assigned to different levels of text production, and, as a consequence, to different levels of annotation.

References: • Mazzon, G. (2015): Historical sociolinguistics and history of English. In Molinelli, P.& I. Putzu (eds.), Modelli epistemologici, metodologie della ricerca e qualità del dato. Milano: FrancoAngeli, 50-68. • Sornicola, R. (2015): Curiales, Notarii, Presbyteri nella Campania Alto-Medievale. In Con- sani, C. (ed.), Contatto interlinguistico fra presente e passato. Milano: Edizioni Universitarie Lettere, Economia e Diritto, 237-282.

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Jetzt in Neuauﬂ age:

Rainer Dietrich/Johannes Gerwien Gisela Klann-Delius Psycholinguisti k Spracherwerb Eine Einführung Eine Einführung 3., aktualisierte und erweiterte Aufl . 2016 3., aktualisierte und erweiterte Aufl . 2016 270 Seiten, mit Abb. und Grafi ken, € 24,95 VII, 224 Seiten, mit Abb. und Grafi ken, € 24,95 ISBN 978-3-476-02644-6 (print) ISBN 978-3-476-02632-3 (print) ISBN 978-3-476-05494-4 (eBook) ISBN 978-3-476-05473-9 (eBook)

Welche kogniti ven Voraussetzungen und Pro- Der Spracherwerb ist ein Phänomen, das die zesse machen die menschliche Sprachfähigkeit Philosophie sowie die Natur- und Geisteswissen- aus? Die bewährte Einführung präsenti ert die schaft en zu immer neuen Erklärungsansätzen Teilgebiete Sprachliches Wissen, Spracherwerb, gebracht hat. Die Einführung charakterisiert die Sprechen, Sprachverstehen sowie Störung und Stadien des Erstspracherwerbs von der Lautent- Krankheit des Sprachsystems. Eine umfangreiche wicklung bis zum Erwerb von Syntax und von Bibliographie und ein Sachregister schließen den diskursiven Fähigkeiten. Weitere Kapitel prä- Band ab. Die dritt e Auﬂ age wurde vollständig senti eren die zentralen Erklärungsmodelle des neu bearbeitet sowie aktualisiert und berück- Spracherwerbs. Für die dritt e Auﬂ age wurde der sichti gt insbesondere neuere neurowissen- Band aktualisiert und um neuere Forschungser- schaft liche Erkenntnisse. gebnisse sowie Literaturhinweise erweitert.

www.metzlerverlag.de AG5

Sprachliche Kodierungs-Asymmetrien, Gebrauchsfrequenz und Informativität

Martin Haspelmath MPI-SHH Jena und Universität Leipzig [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.26

Short description Asymmetrische Muster in der Morphosyntax sind ein Kernproblem der Gram- matik und wurden früher oft mit dem Begriff Markiertheit beschrieben. Asymmetrische Paare wie Nominativ/Akkusativ, 3./2. Person, Singular/ Plural, Präsens/Futur, Aktiv/Passiv, Lokativ/Ablativ werden manchmal auch mit Ikonizität erklärt, aber in dieser AG steht der Gesichtspunkt der Informa- tivität im Vordergrund, denn es gibt viele Hinweise darauf, dass Gebrauchs- frequenz und Vorhersagbarkeit zentral für ihr Verständnis sind.

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Frequency, coding asymmetries, and the constant flow of linguistic Mittwoch information 08.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.26 Gertraud Fenk-Oczlon Alpen-Adria-Universität Klagenfurt [email protected]

This presentation starts with some general remarks on the interrelationship between frequency and cognition: Relative frequency – overall token frequency as well as relative frequency within specific contexts – affects first of allcog- nitive processes. Higher frequency of use results in higher familiarity, faster accessibility or higher availability, and thus also in lower cognitive costs of speech production and perception. These cognitive mechanisms on their part influence linguistic variables such as length of morphological forms andeven word order: More frequently units tend to be shorter (i) and to be placed before less frequently used units (ii). I will present empirical results showing frequency-dependent asymmetric coding of morphological forms as well as frequency-dependent asymmetric ordering of linguistic units. Then I will argue – based on information theoretic considerations – that both rules (i) and (ii) contribute to a rather even distribution of information over the time, i.e. to a roughly constant flow of linguistic information: (i) In terms of information theory, high relative frequency is related to low informational content. An element carrying a smaller amount of information can be processed within a shorter time. This means: Less time or less structural complexity for communicating less information. The proportionality function between information content and length of units provides an approximation AG5 to a constant flow of linguistic information. (ii) As a sentence continues, the remaining words get more and more predictable – the number of possible and plausible continuations decreases, and so does the (subjective) information. To place informationally rich elements in a position, which is per se characterized by high information, would produce peaks of cognitive overload. An appropriate strategy to avoid such peaks is the tendency to begin a sentence or a clause with those words having a higher predictability in this context, e.g. with (groups of) words referring to (groups of) words of the preceding sentence, and with terms coding concepts activated by this preceding sentence. This tendency would explain, among other things, the rule “old before new”, “topic before comment”, or “subject before object”.

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Mittwoch Coding asymmetries, frequency and predictability: 08.03.2017 the case of to vs from 14:45 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.26 Laura Becker Matías Guzmán Naranjo Universität Leipzig Universität Leipzig [email protected] [email protected]

Different asymmetries with respect to the frequency/complexity/length of an expression from the domain of spatial relations have been claimed to hold cross-linguistically. One such case is the goal-source asymmetry (eg. Nam 2004, Stefanowitsch and Rohde 2004, Lakusta 2005, Lakusta and Landau 2005, Markovskaya 2006, Regier and Zheng 2007, Papafragou 2010): the goal being more relevant and prominent, it has been argued that motion to is expressed more frequently and in a less complex way than motion from. Differ- ent motivating mechanisms, e.g. iconicity, markedness, or diachronic development, have been proposed to be responsible for the attested effect. An alternative that has recently gained popularity for explaining different kinds of coding asymmetries is that these asymmetries are the product of frequency effects (Haspelmath 2008). In a coding asymmetry, the less frequent form will be at least as complex (in length or number of markers, etc.) as the more frequent form. The explanation given is that the more frequent forms are more predictable, and thus they need to be less marked for speakers to identify them. However, this explanation requires two hypotheses that have not yet been explored. First, it assumes that higher frequency always translates into higher predictability,and second, it assumes that more predictable forms will be shorter. So far, typological work on coding asymmetries has not directly explored AG5 these claims. Addressing the goal-source asymmetry, we propose an empirical approach to the relation between frequency, iconicity, and predictability. We show that frequency and predictability of an expression are not linked in a trivial way, since the latter depends on frequencies of both the whole expression (verb + preposition) and the individual frequencies of verbs and prepositions. Results also show that the semantics of the verbal context influence the predictability of the motion type, so that iconicity could play a role independent from frequency. In order to address the expression of motion to and from in Spanish and Por- tuguese, we selected 12 verbs that can combine with prepositions expressing

158 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 both motion types. The verbs were divided into two groups: (i) those that feature inherent deictic semantics and imply directionality (Spanish ir ‘go’, venir ‘come’, llegar ‘arrive’, salir ‘exit, leave’, entrar ‘enter’, llevar ‘take’, traer ‘bring’, as well as their Portuguese counterparts); (i) manner motion verbs that are neutral to directionality and deixis (Spanish andar ‘stroll’, correr ‘run’, cami- nar ‘walk’, cargar ‘carry’, viajar ‘travel’, nadar ‘swim’, as well as the Portuguese counterparts). As for the expression of direction, we included the prepositions a and para for motion to, as well as de and desde coding motion from. We extracted the frequency for each verb + preposition pair from the Corpus del Español Web and Corpus do Português Web (Davies 2015-2016, Davies and Ferreira 2015-2016), and for the individual frequencies of the verb and preposition on their own. We then calculated the directional attraction, known as ∆ p, from the verb to the preposition (Gries 2013). This measure is calculated as the probability of the preposition given that the verb is present, minus the probability of the preposition given that the verb is absent. Under the predictability hypothesis we would expect to find the shorter expressions a and de to be more predictable than longer ones para and desde. We find that overall, in accordance with the goal-source asymmetry, a ‘to’ was the most predictable of the four prepositions, but desde ‘from’ was much more predictable than de ‘from, of’. Additionally, although de is more frequent than a (144487746 and 54479710 hits respectively), verb preposition pairs were more frequent with a than with de. Thus, we find no correlation between length of the expression and predictability of the expression, but we do find a correlation between the raw frequencies of the expressions and their length. An important exception was salir which was the only verb that attracted de more than a (∆ p 0.17 vs 0.11, respectively). Since salir is strongly conceptualized as a source motion verb, this attraction asymmetry speaks for an iconicity effect. If frequency plays a role in marking asymmetries, thisis not linked to predictability. AG5

directional neutral directional neutral

∆ p ∆ p mean(freq) mean(freq) a 0.2701 a 0.0707 a 656804.143 a 21511.400 de -0.0009 de -0.0009 de 85348.857 de 12638.400 desde 0.0034 desde 0.0034 desde 8590.429 desde 1015.000 para -0.0021 para -0.0008 para 9992.857 para 1776.400

References: • Davies, M. (2015-2016): Corpus del Español: 2 billion words. Available online at www. corpusdelespanol.org. • Davies, M. and M. Ferreira (2015-2016). Corpus do Português: 1 billion words. Available online at http://www.corpusdoportugues.org. • Gries, S. T. (2013). 50-something years of

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work on collocations. In: International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 18(1), 137–165. • Haspelmath, M. (2008). Frequency vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical asymmetries. In: Cognitive Linguistics 19(1), 1–33. • Lakusta, L. (2005). Source and goal asymmetries in non-linguistic motion event representations. PhD thesis. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University. • Lakusta, L. and B. Landau (2005). Starting at the end: the importance of goals in spatial language. In: Cognition 96, 1-33. • Markovskaya, E. (2006). Goal-Source Asymmetry and Russian Spatial Prefixes. In: Tromsø Working Papers in Lin- guistics. Ed. by P. Svenonius. 33(2), 200–219. • Nam, S. (2004). Goal and source: Asymmetry in their syntax and semantics. Talk given at: ‘Workshop on Event Structures’, Leipzig University, Leipzig, March 17-19. • Papafragou, A. (2010). Source-goal asymmetries in motion representation: Implica- tions for language production and comprehension. In: Cognitive Science, 34(6), 1064–1092. • Regier, T. and M. Zheng (2007). Attention to Endpoints: A Cross-Linguistic Constraint on Spatial Meaning. In: Cognitive Science 31, 705–719. • Stefanowitsch, A. and A. Rohde (2004). The goal bias in the encoding of motion events. In: Studies in Linguistic Motivation. Ed. by G. Radden and K.-U. Panther. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 249–268.

Mittwoch Causal and concessive relations: Typology meets cognition 08.03.2017 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.26 Alice Blumenthal-Dramé Bernd Kortmann Universität Freiburg Universität Freiburg [email protected] [email protected]

This talk deals with the cognitive foundations of well-established cross- linguistic asymmetries between causal and concessive relations. The talk is organized into two major parts. Part one provides an overview of typologically recurrent asymmetries that have long been attributed to the iconicity of complexity. In particular, it will be shown that while there is a general tendency for concessive relations to be marked overtly, causal relations are more often left implicit. Likewise, compared to causal connectives, concessive connectives tend to be morphologically more complex, to be acquired later in on- AG5 togeny, and to emerge later in diachrony. Finally, unlike causal relations, concessive relations do not give rise to online interpretative augmentation or to diachronic semantic change (König & Siemund 2000; Kortmann 1991, 1997). Part 2 is devoted to testing the claim that these asymmetries reflect differences in cognitive complexity. More specifically, we present a self-paced reading experiment comparing the processing of interclausal causal and concessive relations in native speakers of English. The experiment explores the following hypotheses: 1. Implicit concessivity is more disruptive to discourse processing than implicit causality. 2. Concessive connectors provide a larger cognitive benefit than causal

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ones (Xu, Jiang & Zhou 2015). 3. Concessive connectors are more informative than causal ones (in the sense of setting up stronger online expectations regarding the semantics of upcoming discourse; cf. Xiang & Kuperberg 2015). Besides measuring reading times, we track EEG components and other phys- iological responses (skin conductance, pupil dilation) that have been related to the generation and satisfaction of online predictions in order to explore whether potential differences in cognitive complexity can be put down todif- ferences in informativeness (Lewis & Bastiaansen, 2015). Overall, this talk aims to make a step towards illuminating the relationship between typological generalizations and the cognition of individual language users.

References: • König, E., & Siemund, P. (2000). Causal and concessive clauses: Formal and semantic relations. • In: E. Couper-Kuhlen & B. Kortmann (Eds.), Cause – condition – concession – contrast (pp. 341–360). Mouton de Gruyter. • Kortmann, B. (1991). Free Adjuncts and Absolutes in English: Problems of Control and Interpretation. Psychology Press. • Kortmann, B. (1997). Adverbial Subordination: A Typol- ogy and History of Adverbial Subordinators Based on European Languages. Walter de Gruyter. • Lewis, A. G., & Bastiaansen, M. (2015). A predictive coding framework for rapid neural dynamics during sentence-level language comprehension. Cortex, 68, 155-168. • Xiang, M., & Kuperberg, G. (2015). Re- versing expectations during discourse comprehension. Language, Cognition and Neuroscience, 30(6), 648-672. • Xu, X., Jiang, X., & Zhou, X. (2015). When a causal assumption is not satisfied by reality: differential brain responses to concessive and causal relations during sentence comprehension. Language, Cognition and Neuroscience, 30(6), 704-715.

Diachrony as a source of coding asymmetries

Livio Gaeta Università di Torino [email protected] AG5

While much discussion on the role of the coding asymmetries relies on synchronic factors such as the nature of processing or more general cognitive, e.g. Mittwoch perceptual, factors, in my paper I will focus on diachrony as a source of cod- 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 ing asymmetries. This is not meant to deny the relevance of the synchronic B4 1, 0.26 perspective, but the stress on diachrony may help us understand that a number of phenomena can be structurally accounted for, i.e. are the way they are, because of their origin from earlier structural environments. First and foremost, coding asymmetries arise as a consequence of grammaticalization processes. Accordingly, the increase of expressivity of the derived

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form results from the stepwise process of reduction of earlier lexemes subsequently grammaticalized as morphological markers. To make just one example, the grammaticalization of the suffix -erweise to form adverbs in Ger- man komisch ‘funny’ → komischerweise ‘funnily’, which has taken place quite recently and displays an increasing productivity in the last century, restores a coding asymmetry which was present in Old High German, as testified by adverb formations like snël ‘quick’ → snëllo ‘quickly’, and was lost in subsequent times due to the general reduction of unstressed final vowels. Clearly, the increased expressivity aimed at by the speakers creating new formulas subsequently developed into grammaticalized structures, as suggested by Haspel- math (1999), explains the asymmetric coding since the more expressive for- mula also contains an additional semantic nuance which is subsequently ex- panded into a grammatical construction. While grammaticalization systematically ends up with asymmetric coding, exceptions can arise, namely antisymmetric coding in which the base form is longer than the derived one, usually as a consequence of what has been called exaptation in Gaeta (2016), namely the refunctionalization of extant complex structures which turn out to be reused to convey a different meaning. Among others, the case of Tsakonian Greek future forms can be mentioned which go back to earlier presents, exapt- ed into future forms in concomitance with the grammaticalization of new presents (cf. Haspelmath 1998). This example shows that grammaticalization is not (teleologically!) bound to give rise to asymmetric coding, but follows its own way, sometimes creating an antisymmetric coding. A second diachronic source of asymmetric coding depends on what Wurzel (1984) has called system adequacy, namely the tendency of a (morphological) system to develop internal consistency by increasing the strength of its system- defining structural properties, for instance enforcing the reach of extra-morphologically motivated inflectional paradigms. Accordingly, the attraction of the verb brauchen ‘to need’ towards the sphere of modals brings about the rise AG5 of asymmetric coding insofar as a new singular / plural opposition in the 3rd person of the present braucht / brauch[ņ] > brauch / brauch[ņ] is created adop- ting the typical inflectional model of the modals, e.g. soll / soll[ņ] ‘must’. Notice that phonological erosion cannot serve as an explanation because the homo- nymic 2nd person plural form braucht is not affected by the change. Also in this case the increase of system adequacy is not necessarily bound to give rise to asymmetric coding, as shown by cases in which antisymmetric coding is created like in Milanese where the subtractive plural marking displayed by the feminine a-class of scarpa / scarp ‘shoe(s)’ is extended to cases formerly displaying a zero plural: +carn / carn ‘meat(s)’ > carna / carn (cf. Gaeta 2015). A third diachronic source of asymmetric coding relates to what has been

162 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 called the principle of maximal differentiation in Di Meola (2002), whereby the layering of the same form in different functions due its grammaticalization into a new function is subsequently solved by developing a new shape for the new function. For instance, in Early Modern German the grammaticalization of the article as a relative pronoun gave rise to a process of formal differentiation from the article source morpheme. In particular, asymmetric coding characterizes the nominative / genitive form respectively of the masculine der / dessen and of the feminine die / deren or derer in pre- or postnominal position of the relative pronoun with respect the corresponding forms of the article der / des vs. die / der. In this case, the formal differentiation has remolded morphological material coming from the analogical matching with the so-called weak adjectives (cf. Bærentzen 1995). Finally, a further diachronic source of asymmetric coding is borrowing, as shown for instance by the case of the German loan suffix -ieren, coming from the reanalysis of the inflectional ending of Middle French verbs like galoper ‘to gallop’ > galopieren ‘to gallop’. This brought into the German word formation system a new way for building denominal verbs like Gast ‘guest’ → gastieren ‘to give a performance as a guest’ besides the native conversions like Zigeuner ‘gypsy’ → zigeunern ‘to lead the life of a vagabond’.

References: • Bærentzen, P.(1995), Zum Gebrauch der Pronominalformen deren und derer im heutigen Deutsch. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 117: 199-217. • Gaeta, L. (2015), Anti-relevant, contra-iconic but system-adequate: on unexpected inflectional changes. Paper presented at the 22nd International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Naples 27.-31.7.2015. • Gaeta, L. (2016) Co-opting exaptation in a theory of language change. In: M. Norde et al. (eds.), Exaptation and Language Change. Amsterdam etc., 57-92. • Di Meola, C. (2002), Präpositionale Rektionsalterna- tion unter dem Gesichtspunkt der Grammatikalisierung. In: H. Cuyckens et al. (eds.), Perspectives on Prepositions. Tübingen, 101-129. • Haspelmath, M. (1998), The Semantic Development of Old Presents: New futures and sub- junctives without grammaticalization. Diachronica 15.1: 29-62. • Haspelmath, M. (1999), Why is Grammaticalization Irreversible? Linguistics 37.6: 1043- 1068. • Wurzel, W. U. (1984), Flexionsmorphologie und Natürlichkeit. Berlin. AG5

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Mittwoch Asymmetry in the historical development of the copula in 08.03.2017 Neo-Aramaic 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.26 Geoffrey Khan University of Cambridge [email protected]

The focus of this paper will be the dialect group known as North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) (Khan 2007). NENA dialects, most of which are now highly endangered, were spoken until recently in south-eastern Turkey, northern Iraq and western Iran. They have been in intense contact with non- Semitic languages for many centuries, mainly Kurdish, an Iranian language. The paper is concerned with the historical development of a pronominal copula to a verbal copula in the NENA dialects, which has been stimulated by replication of the model of the verbal copula of Kurdish. The various NENA dialects (many of them only recently documented) exhibit different degrees of development along the path of change from pronominal to verbal copula, which result in asymmetries within the individual dialects in the distribution of pronominal and verbal morphological exponents within the paradigms of the copula. Most dialects are in the process of transition and exhibit asymmetries in the copula paradigms, which consist of both pronominal and verbal forms. It is significant that the shift of pronominal to verbal exponents of the copula conform to implicational hierarchies, which include the following: (i) 1st and 2nd person > 3rd person (ii) negative > positive AG5 (iii) non-present > present Categories on the left of these hierarchies have a greater tendency to have verbal exponents than categories on the right. The categories 3rd person, positive and present are recognized as being the unmarked members of these hierarchies (Greenberg 1966; Haspelmath 2006, etc.). So, their lesser tendency to develop into verbal forms can be correlated with their unmarked status. The paper will examine various possible explanations for these asymmetries in category shift. One possible explanation is that the unmarked status ofthe categories in question can be equated simply with frequency of occurrence. These categories would resist change and gain autonomy due to their higher frequency of occurrence (Bybee 2010; Haspelmath 2008). Frequency of occur-

164 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 rence does not, however, satisfactorily explain other hierarchical tendencies that can be identified in the shift to verbal exponents in the copula paradigms of the NENA dialects. An alternative explanation is, therefore, proposed. This is based on the notion that replication of the Kurdish verbal model is facilitated by congruence between feature specifications of the Kurdish model schema and those of the replicated schema of the NENA dialects. Replication of the Kurdish verbal model takes place primarily when there is congruence between specified features in Kurdish and NENA. When a category or structure isun- derspecified in NENA or Kurdish, or both, then the NENA dialect doesnot so easily replicate the Kurdish model, which results in the retention of non- verbal copula forms.

References: • Bybee, J.L. (2010): Language Usage and Cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • Greenberg, J.H. (1966): Language Universals with Special Reference to Feature Hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton. • Haspelmath, M. (2006): ‘Against Markedness (and What to Replace It with)’. Jour- nal of Linguistics 42: 25–70. • idem (2008): ‘Frequency vs. Iconicity in Explaining Grammatical Asym- metries’. Cognitive Linguistics 19 (1): 1–33. • Khan, G. (2007): ‘The North Eastern Neo-Aramaic Di- alects’. Journal of Semitic Studies 52: 1–20.

The asymmetry between morphology and word order with respect to Mittwoch informativity 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.26 Simon Kasper Philipps-Universität Marburg [email protected]

In the presentation I will argue that (a) word order (of S and O in the sense of Dryer 2013) is in important re- AG5 spects motivated by extra-linguistic matters of general event cognition guiding language users’ expectations and predictions in (incremental) interpretation, and that

(b) morphological markers are language-inherent means of either (i) redundantly satisfying the predictions for word orders during the time-course of (incremental) interpretation or (ii) relevantly overriding the predictions for word orders. The rationale behind (a) is firstly based on the observation of an actorpref- erence in language comprehension. Neurophysiological studies point to the

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conclusion that in incremental interpretation language users tend to interpret the first ambiguous NP in a clause as the actor of the event (cf. Bornkessel- Schlesewsky & Schlesewsky 2009). It is secondly based on the observation that a similar but obviously more general interpretation principle is present in (non-linguistic) event perception. According to social psychological studies, and based on the assumption that agentivity cannot be directly perceived, cognizers try to identify the causer or responsible causer (= agent) of an event as fast as possible and choose the first one that affords (responsible) causation. In terms of human ecology, the quick identification of the (responsible) causer in an ongoing event allows the prediction of the most probable outcome of that event and a quick behavioral adaptation to it, i.e. this “Responsible Causer Preference” is the most efficient way of mediating cognizers’ perceptions and actions (cf. Kasper [submitted]). If language, as I will argue, mediates between someone’s perception and some- body else’s action, the most efficient way of verbalizing events is in a diagram- matically iconic S-O structure (cf. Kasper 2015). That morphological markers are asymmetric with respect to word order, as (b) states, follows directly from the aforementioned. Since the “zero hypothesis” of language users is that the word order of an utterance will conform to the Responsible Causer Preference, the functions of morphological markers require a fundamental reassessment, from both an offline, static, competence- based perspective and an incremental, dynamic, performance-based perspective. From the former perspective the morphological case-markers in a sentence like ...dass der Chefkoch den Eintopf gewürzt hat (‘that the chef.NOM seasoned the stew.ACC’) are redundant information in that they merely actuate an interpretation which was the default prediction anyway.Thus, they have no informational value. From the latter, the incremental, perspective the morphological markers do have a function: not to distinguish meanings, of course, but to confirm the default expectation of an S-O structure even before the speech AG5 act is ended. This is what (i) in hypothesis (b) says. The back side of the asymmetry, referring to (ii) in hypothesis (b),shows up in sentences like ...dass den Eintopf der Chefkoch gewürzt hat (lit. ‘that the stew.ACC seasoned the chef.NOM’). Here, case markers become relevant from the offline perspective in that they contradict, and in fact override the wordor- der expectation; and they not merely contradict the prediction in incremental interpretation but also require a reanalysis which produces cognitive costs. Finally, the default S-O expectation does not only determine the informational relevance or redundancy of morphological markers, but is itself functional, namely as a strategy for interpreting morphologically ambiguous sentences or those without morphological markers. In the presentation I will pre-

166 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 sent historical, typological, and neurophysiological evidence for the asymmetry hypothesis presented in (a) and (b).

References: • Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, I./Schlesewsky, M. (2009): The role of prominence information in real-time comprehension of transitive constructions. A cross-linguistic approach. In: Lan- guage and Linguistics Compass 3(1), 19–58. • Dryer, M.S. (2013): Order of Subject, Object and Verb. In: Dryer, M.S./Haspelmath, M. (eds.): The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://wals.info/chapter/81, Ac- cessed on 2016-06-17.) • Kasper, S. (2015): Instruction Grammar. From Perception via Grammar to Action. Berlin/ Boston: de Gruyter. • Kasper, Simon (submitted): Frequency and iconicity revisited. Towards an integrative ecological perspective. In: Herbeck, P./Tschugmell, N./Wolf, J. (eds.): Living Economies. Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter.

Simulating the development of encoding asymmetries in argument Donnerstag marking 09.03.2017 09:00 – 09:30 B4 1, 0.26

Sander Lestrade Centre for Language Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen [email protected]

How are motivating factors (such as Jakobson’s markedness, Haiman’s iconicity of complexity, and Zipfian communicative efficiency) turned into linguistic conventions? In his ERC proposal, Haspelmath (2015) suggests that “higher- frequency items are more predictable than lower-frequency items, and predictable content need not be expressed overtly or can be expressed by shorter forms.” Still, it is unclear what exactly are the mechanisms that create and maintain efficient structures language. I have developed a computational model of event communication in which language evolution, or rather, at present, the development of argument mark- AG5 ing, can be simulated. In such a model it is necessary to be maximally explicit about the mechanisms involved. I slightly deviate from Haspelmath’s sugges- tion and tease apart the hypothesized effects of frequency and predictability, assuming that predictable parts of meaning need not be said explicitly, and that frequent words are more likely to be used again (because of a lower activation threshold) and pronounced less carefully (because of pronunciation automatization). In this talk I will introduce the model showing how asymmetrical argument marking may emerge in a protolanguage from these assumptions. Agents communicate about automatically generated events in their virtual

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world. The speaker has to find an adequate wording for a target event that is sufficiently distinctive given the situational context in which other events are ongoing too (i.e., if there are similar distractor objects, referential expressions have to be more specific; cf. Levelt 1989). This also involves making clear the distribution of predicate roles over the event participants in the communi- cated event if necessary (contrast man book read, which is non-ambiguous in the absence of marking, with man woman see). If the hearer correctly identifies the event the speaker is talking about, the agents mark the successful usage of the words that constitute the utterance, remember the exact meaning for which the words were used, and next either switch turns to go on with their conversation or end it, after which two new agents are randomly selected for a new conversation (cf. Steels 1997). Over time, words may grammaticalize (Heine and Kuteva 2007). Two important mechanisms in this process are erosion (frequent forms being pronounced sloppily and eventually becoming represented accordingly; Nettle 1999) and desemanticization (frequent meanings becoming more general as a function of the different contexts in which they are used; Bybee 2010). If a meaning becomes more general, it can be used in even more contexts, and if a form becomes too short to stand on its own, it is suffixed to its host (Bybee, 1985). As relative frequency plays a role in word activation, items that have previously been used for role disambiguation are more likely to be considered again. And as there are only two roles to be kept apart, a previously used role marker is often found good enough. As a result, its frequency of usage increases further, as well as the variation of its usage contexts. Because of the former, its form is likely to erode; because of the latter, its meaning is likely to bleach. Thus, it may end up as a (differentially used) case marker eventually. Also the asymmetrical development of person marking follows relatively straightforwardly. Speech participants figure in many events. Because of the resulting frequent and varied usage, words referring to local persons are AG5 more prone to erosion and desemanticization. Differently from role markers, however, which do not have a referential function, once the form of a referential expression becomes too short to refer properly, a more expressive copy has to be recruited. The erstwhile local pronoun attaches to the verb indexing the person of its helper (Ariel, 1999). In contrast, third person pronouns often cannot be used, as they would lead to ambiguity because of theobject distractors in the situational context.

References: • Ariel, M. (1999): “The development of person agreement markers: From pronouns to higher accessibility markers”. In: Usage based models of language, 197-260. • Bybee, J.L. (1985): Mor- phology. a study of the relation between meaning and form. John Benjamins. • Bybee, J.L. (2010): Lan-

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guage, Usage and Cognition. Cambridge University Press. • Haspelmath, M. (2015): “Grammatical Universals”. (http://research.uni-leipzig.de/unicodas/grammatical-universals/) • Heine, B. and T. Kuteva (2007): The genesis of grammar: a reconstruction. Oxford University Press. • Levelt, W. J. M. (1989): Speaking. From intention to articulation. MIT. • Nettle, D. (1999): Linguistic diversity. Oxford University Press. • Steels, L. (1997): “Constructing and sharing perceptual distinctions.” Machine Learning. In: ECML-97, 4-13.

Explaining coding asymmetries: Frequency or informativity? Donnerstag 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.26 Natalia Levshina Leipzig University natalia.levshina@ uni-leipzig.de

It is well known that more frequent grammatical categories tend to be less formally marked than less frequent ones Greenberg (1966). For example, the number markers of singular nouns languages are either as long as or shorter than those of plural nouns. However, more recent computational linguistic studies (e.g. Piantadosi et al. 2011) demonstrate that formal length is in fact better predicted by average informativity of a word (i.e. the inverse of the word’s average conditional probability given the preceding context) than by its context-independent frequency. These findings support the theory of uniform informational density as a means of optimization of human communication (Jaeger 2010). The present paper aims to answer the question whether linguistic coding asymmetries can be better explained by differences in relative frequency (e.g. Greenberg 1966; Haspelmath 2008) or by those in informativity. This study focuses on three well-known cases of coding asymmetries: singular/plural nouns, absolute/comparative forms of adjectives and cardinal/ordi- AG5 nal numerals. On the basis of the Google books n-grams in English, French, German, Italian, Russian and Spanish, I compute the normalized and relative frequencies, as well as the average contextual predictability scores based on n-grams with different n for samples of word forms representing the grammatical categories. Goodness-of-fit measures of mixed-effect logistic regression models are used to estimate how helpful frequency and informativity are in predicting whether a given word form belongs to one or the other category.

References: • Greenberg, J. (1966): Language universals, with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton. • Haspelmath, M. (2008): Frequencies vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical asymmetries. Cognitive Linguistics 19 (1), 1–33. • Jaeger T.F. (2010): Redundancy and reduction:

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Speakers manage syntactic information density. Cognitive Psychology 61, 23–62. • Piantadosi, S., H. Tily & E. Gibson. (2011): Word lengths are optimized for efficient communication. PNAS 108(9).

Donnerstag Making sense of the asymmetry between affirmation and negation 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.26 Matti Miestamo University of Helsinki [email protected]

Negation and affirmation are known to show asymmetric morphosyntactic behaviour across languages. According to all classical markedness criteria – structural coding, behavioural potential and frequency, to use Croft’s (2003) terms – negation appears as marked vis-à-vis affirmation. In Miestamo (2005), the asymmetry between affirmatives and negatives was examined in a broad typological perspective. A distinction was made between symmetric and asymmetric negation according to whether the only difference between affirmatives and negatives is the presence of the negative marker(s) (symmetric negation) or whether affirmatives and negatives differ in other ways, too (asymmetric negation). The asymmetry between affirmation and negation can manifest itself in the construction or in the paradigm: constructional asymmetry is about the structural differences between a negative clause and its affirmative counterpart, whereas paradigmatic asymmetry is about the paradigmatic choices (e.g., TAM distinctions) available in negatives vs. affirmatives. Furthermore, asymmetric negation can be divided into subtypes according to which grammatical domain is affected by negation and how. These subtypes include A/Fin in which the finiteness of the verb(s) is affected, A/NonReal AG5 in which negatives are obligatorily marked with non-realis categories, and A/Cat/Neutr in which grammatical category distinctions are neutralized under negation, i.e. some categories (e.g., TAM, person, number) available in the affirmative are blocked under negation. Possible explanations for the cross-linguistically recurring asymmetries were discussed in Miestamo 2005. For the asymmetry affecting finiteness (A/Fin), in which negative clauses are typically construed as stative predica- tions, the proposed explanation lies in the stative character of negation. For the asymmetry in the marking of reality status (A/NonReal), it is natural to seek the explanation in the unreal semantics of negation. Finally, for the neutralization of category distinctions (A/Cat/Neutr), a possible explanation is found

170 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 in the discourse context of negation: negatives are typically used in contexts in which the corresponding affirmative is somehow present for the discourse participants (cf. Givón 1978) and the pragmatic need for the explicit marking of the properties of the event (e.g., TAM) is thereby reduced. An additional or alternative motivation for the neutralization of distinctions can be found in the properties of non-events: regarding tense, for example, it is not always easy or relevant to place a negated event in time. Finally, motivations can be sought in the effects of frequency: negatives being much less frequent in discourse than affirmatives, languages do not as easily grammaticalize and preserve distinctions in negatives as they do in affirmatives (cf. Haspelmath 2008). These motivations are relevant as alternative/additional motivations for Types A/Fin and A/NonReal as well, to the extent these involve reduced marking of grammatical distinctions under negation. The asymmetry between affirmation and negation has many different man- ifestations and different factors can be recruited to explain them. Forsome aspects of the asymmetry we can propose alternative explanations that can also be seen as working simultaneously towards a similar effect. In this talk, I will discuss the different motivations and their relationship in explaining the cross-linguistic patterns. I will also make reference to diachronic developments in individual languages or language families to see whether we can find concrete support for the proposed motivations. Furthermore, I will use corpus data to evaluate the proposed effects of the discourse context of negation on the structure of negatives.

References: • Croft, W.(2003): Typology and universals. 2nd ed. Cambridge University Press. • Givón, T. (1978): Negation in language: Pragmatics, function, ontology. In: Syntax and Semantics. Vol. 9. Prag- matics, Peter Cole (ed.), 69–112. Academic Press. • Haspelmath, M. (2008): Frequency vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical asymmetries. In: Cognitive Linguistics 19(1), 1–33. • Miestamo, M. (2005): Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective. Mouton de Gruyter. AG5

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Donnerstag The Semitic Perfect and the problem of zero subjects 09.03.2017 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.26 Na’ama Pat-El University of Texas, Austin [email protected]

In many languages third person subject markers on verbs are frequently zero, while first and second person are overt (Cysouw 2003; Siewierska 2009). There have been several explanations for this phenomenon. Some suggest that it is a function of frequency: third person pronouns are less frequent in discourse (e.g., Bybee 1985). According to this explanation third person subjects do not develop in the first place. Others point to accessibility hierarchy, i.e., the more accessible a referent is, the less grammatical encoding it requires. Thus, first and second persons, which are more accessible, constantly regen- erate, while the third person markers do not. Proponents of this explanation assume that third person subjects do develop, but are subsequently lost and reduce to zero (Givón 1976). Another possible explanation takes an iconicity approach: third persons are semantically unmarked relative to first and second persons and are therefore also morphologically unmarked (Siewierska 2009). Siewierska distinguishes between absolute zero, where a language lacks any form in a particular paradigm to mark a person, and paradigmatic zero, where one slot in the paradigm, mostly third person singular, may have zero, but not others. Third person markers may be expressed as zero in adnominal possessive position, object or subject. She examines the frequency and cause for zero morpheme in all three and suggests that subjects tend to be of the paradigmatic type; she further concludes that a loss scenario is more likely to explain zero AG5 third person subjects. Koch (1995) suggested that synchronically in a paradigm one value is unmarked and least specific. Since singular is semantically the unmarked value of the number paradigm and third is semantically the unmarked value of the person paradigm, the third person singular is the unmarked value in any paradigm that marks such distinctions, i.e., subject, possessor etc. On the basis of this, he proposed a diachronic principle, according to which “[a] word-form which expresses by means of a non-zero marker a property which is typologically expected to be coded by zero is liable to be reanalysed as containing a zero marker”. According to Koch, therefore, morphological change consists of a drive to semantically create more iconic coding. In this talk, I will present several cases of verbal paradigms developed in the

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Semitic family, where third person forms are not marked for person, while first and second persons are overt and their source is fairly transparent. The third person pronoun in Semitic is a distal demonstrative and does not have distinct forms for subject and oblique. These functions are therefore expressed syntactically: the subject is independent, while the oblique is suffixed (Huehn- ergard & Pat-El 2012). In verbal paradigms based on canonical subjects (“nominative”), the 3rd person cannot be marked and the paradigm is asymmetric; however, in verbal paradigms where the person is based on non-canonical subjects (“oblique”), it is marked, and the paradigm is symmetric. This distribution suggests that the reason for zero of 3 person in verbal paradigms is primarily structural, not semantic or pragmatic.

References: • Bybee, J. L. (1985). Morphology. Amsterdam: Benjamins. • Cysouw, M. (2003). The paradigmatic structure of person marking. Oxford: OUP • Givón, T. (1976). Topic, pronoun and grammatical agreement. In: Subject and topic. Ed. by Ch. Li., 151–188. New York: Academic Press. • Huehn- ergard, J. & N. Pat-El (2012). Third person possessive suffixes as definite articles in Semitic. Journal of Historical Linguistics 2.1: 25–51. • Koch, Harold (1995). The creation of morphological zeroes. In: Yearbook of Morphology 1994, 31–71. • Siewierska, Anna (2009). Person asymmetries in zero expression and grammatical function. In: Essais de linguistique générale et de typologie linguistique offerts au Professeur Denis Creissels à l’occasion de ses 65 ans. Ed. by F. Floricic, 425–438. Paris.

Processing shapes grammar. But whose processing are we talking Donnerstag about? 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.26

Dirk Pijpops Freek Van de Velde Research Foundation Flanders, University of Leuven University of Leuven [email protected] [email protected] AG5 Processing shapes grammatical organisation, including asymmetric coding with a marked vs. unmarked alternance (Hawkins 2004), but it is unclear whether the processing considerations at issue are those of speakers or of addressees. Hawkins’s model is framed as benefiting the addressee, though he remarks that it equally benefits the speaker (2004: 24-25). Glossing over parsing and production is legitimate as long as speakers’ and addressees’ motivations are aligned, but this is not always the case. The idea that language has to seek an optimal balance between the often opposite demands of both speech act participants is old, harking back at least to Georg von der Gabelentz in the 19th century. So eventually, we will have to decide which of the two speech

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act participants has the upper hand in the processing-driven organisation of grammar. On the one hand, there is evidence for an addressee-oriented view: Hawkins’s ‘Minimize Domains’ principle, stating that the syntactic structure should be recognisable in as short a span as possible, benefits the addressee, as the speaker is never unsure about the syntactic structure. Likewise, Rohden- burg’s (1996) Complexity Principle stating that in complex structures more explicit encoding is used is only beneficial to the addressee. If the structure is already complex, adding extra grammatical encoding arguably burdens the speaker’s performance even more. On the other hand, it is not self-evident that speakers should be concerned with their addressees’ needs forfeiting their own. Speaker’s altruism is evolutionarily implausible (Kirby 1999). Levin- son (2000) also stresses the speaker’s needs in his neo-Gricean approach. As Levinson points out, the bottleneck in human communication is at the production side: decoding is much faster and more effortless than encoding (Levin- son 2000: 28), so that taking inferential short-cuts to add layers of meaning on top of what is truth-conditionally encoded is especially helpful for the speaker. Adding extra material in the overtly coded variant in an alternance (e.g. zero- vs. that-complementation in English) goes against the rationale to prioritize production efficiency over parsing speed. Hawkins’s principle ‘Min- imize Forms’ also seems first and foremost serve the speaker’s comfort. True, reducing forms also adds to the parsing effort, as the form-function pair of the extra encoding has to be stored in the hearer’s brain, but given the ease with which inferencing is accomplished (Levinson 2000), and given the vast storage capacities of the human mind (Dąbrowska 2014: 626), the extra speaker’s efforts outweigh the extra addressees’ efforts. In our paper, we will adduce quantitative data from a close-up case study that can shed light in the debate over speaker vs. addressee processing. The case study deals with the direct object vs. prepositional object alternance in AG5 Dutch verbs, like zoeken (naar) ‘search (for)’. A corpus study reveal that the prepositional variant is used more often when the object is syntactically complex. This can be explained in two ways: first, the preposition can function asa signpost to help the addressee decode the message. This would be in line with Rohdenburg’s Complexity Principle, and would point to a hearer-driven processing account. Second, the use of a preposition allows the object to be extraposed (or ‘exbraciated’). This would be beneficial to the speaker, whocan postpone the expression of the complex object at the end of the clause, when all other issues have been resolved, avoiding centre-embedding. On the basis of corpus investigation, we will tease apart both explanations. Of special interest are cases such as (1), where the head noun of the object is not extraposed

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(to the right of gezocht ‘search-PST.PTCP’), but the submodifying complement clause is. If the use of the prepositional variant is especially favoured in this context, this would be an argument for the first explanation. Here, the processing difficulty of the discontinuous object may be alleviated for the hearer by adding the extra signpost.

(1) De meesten van ons hebben (naar) manieren gezocht om de The most of us have (to) ways searched for the dilemma’s van de conflicten in hun relaties en hun jeugd dilemmas of the conflicts in their relations and their youth dilemmas te boven te komen. dilemmas to above to come ‘Most of us have searched (for) ways to overcome the dilemmas of the conflicts in their relations and their youth.’ (SoNaR, Oostdijk et al.2013)

References: • Dąbrowska, E. (2014): Recycling utterances: a speaker’s guide to sentence processing. In: Cognitive Linguistics 25(4): 617-653. • Hawkins, J. (2004): Efficiency and complexity in grammars. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • Kirby, S. (1999): Function, selection and innateness. The emergence of language universals. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Levinson, S. (2000): Presumptive meanings: the theory of generalized conversational implicatures. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. • Oostdijk, N., M. Reynaert, V.Hoste & I. Schuurman. (2013): The Construction of a 500-Million-Word Reference Corpus of Contemporary Written Dutch. In: Theory and Applications of Natural Language Processing. 219-247.

Donnerstag Why bring is doing the splits 09.03.2017 Exploring transitivity as an explanatory factor for coding 12:15 – 12:45 asymmetries. B4 1, 0.26

Ulrike Schneider Britta Mondorf AG5 Universität Mainz Universität Mainz [email protected] [email protected]

This paper explores the constructional split between causative andnon- causative bring. In English, the possibilities of morphosyntactic modification of the causative bring construction have become rather limited. This is best illustrated by a comparison between English and German. While the latter still permits uses such as (1), the English equivalent (2) has become impossible. The modal, negated, reflexive use in (3), on the other hand, is alive and kicking.

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(1) Er brachte Deutschland zum Lachen: […] (Nordwest-Zeitung Online 6 Oct 2014) (2) *He brought Germany to laugh. (3) He couldn’t bring himself to laugh.

We first present a diachronic analysis of the development this causative construction underwent in English. Employing a 76-million-word corpus of British English novels spanning six centuries, we show that the causative bring construction has started out as a morphosyntactically freely modifiable construction, accepting all options listed in (4). But by the 20th century, the construction has come to be almost exclusively restricted to modal, negated reflexive uses.

Animate/inanimate agent Full NP/reflexive as patient Realis/modal verb phrase (4) Affirmative/negative verb phrase Finite/non-finite verb phrase Active/passive construction

Secondly,we explore the reasons for this enormous restriction of the construction and particularly for the direction the development has taken. Our primary explanatory factor is transitivity as defined by Hopper and Thompson (1980), who advocate a gradual, semantic concept of transitivity – the more effectively an action is transferred to a patient, the more transitive is the clause. Among the six factors we investigated (see (4)), it is always the former which makes a clause more transitive and the latter which ‘detransitivises’. Thus our results AG5 show that the transitivity of the construction has been systematically declin- ing. For this presentation, we also analyse causative bring’s ‘huge neighbours’ – non-causative bring as well as causative make and get – in order to explore the reasons for this detransitivisation process. We hypothesise that, firstly, in order to avoid ambiguous bring-constructions which can have both a causative and a locative reading, English simply split the constructional terri- tory between the two constructional variants. Secondly, we hypothesise that processing-related factors can explain why it was causative bring which took the beating: Firstly, in detransitivised constructions, we have an asymmetry between more coding material and less action, i.e. a lower semantic load. This

176 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 discrepancy between greater formal complexity, or explicitness, and less informativeness, or semantic load, heightens hidden/cognitive complexity. Sec- ondly, usage frequency explains that if one construction had to shoulder this burden, it had to be causative bring, leaving the less demanding and more efficient options to its much more frequent brother.

References: • Hopper, Paul J. and Sandra A. Thompson (1980): “Transitivity in Grammar and Dis- course.” Language 56 (2). 251-99.

On the scope of the form-frequency correspondence principle Donnerstag 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:15 B4 1, 0.26 Martin Haspelmath MPI-SHH Jena & Leipzig University [email protected]

In earlier work (Haspelmath 2008; Haspelmath et al. 2014), I made a strong claim:

(1) The form-frequency correspondence principle in grammar When two minimally different grammatical patterns (i.e. patterns that form an opposition) occur with significantly different frequencies, the less frequent pattern tends to be overtly coded (or coded with more coding material), while the more frequent pattern tends to be zero-coded (or coded with less coding material).

This is illustrated by a wide range of coding asymmetries: singular/plural, nominative/accusative, affirmative/negative, cardinal/ordinal, present/future, active/passive, same-subject/different-subject, and many AG5 others (as first identified and catalogued by Greenberg 1966). In addition, I also claimed that the reverse also holds: all systematic form asymmetries correspond to frequency asymmetries. However, since cases of ellipsis also qualify as form asymmetries and they are due to contextual predictability rather than to frequency, the more general explanatory statement is that form asymmetries are due to predictability, whether contextual or frequency-based. In this presentation, am going to discuss a few general issues that arise for this research programme, using concrete examples: (A) What kinds of factors can override the preference for short coding, leading to symmetric coding? (B)

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Can we treat non-occurrence of a pattern as a special case of coding asymmetry (e.g. the non-existence of certain relativization patterns)? (C) Given that the frequency asymmetries are claimed for meanings, rather than specific forms, is there a way to measure frequency of meanings independently of frequency of forms? (D) Can we find a general factor underlying frequency asymmetries (maybe some kind of “cognitive asymmetry”), which might also explain the form asymmetries? Is there thus a possible alternative to the proposed causal chain (frequency > predictability > shortness of coding)?

References: • Greenberg, J. H. (1966) Language universals, with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton. • Haspelmath, M. (2008) Creating economical morphosyntactic patterns in language change. In J. Good (ed.), Linguistic universals and language change, 185–214. Oxford: OUP. • Haspelmath, M. et al. (2014) Coding causal-noncausal verb alternations. Journal of Linguis- tics 50(3). 587–625.

Donnerstag On the optionality of boundary markers (and pro-forms) of 09.03.2017 subordinate clauses 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.26

Karsten Schmidtke-Bode Universität Leipzig [email protected]

In the spirit of Hawkins’ (2004) ‘Performance-Grammar-Correspondence Principle’, this talk sets out to explore usage patterns and grammatical conventions in a typologically understudied domain of clause combining: In many languages, one can find alternations between overt and null realizations of morphological material at the boundary of the subordinate clause (as in (1)) AG5 or, less commonly, between overt and null realizations of a pro-form of the subordinate clause in the matrix (as in (2)):

(1) a. I know (that) Robert is going to the concert tonight. b. S-Pip-waš (hi=)Pal-saP-aktina 3-say-PST DEP=STAT-FUT-come ‘She said (that) she was going to come.’ Barbareño Chumash (Wash 2001: 89) (2) He knew (it) that they were not mad at him. (BNC)

The aim of the talk is to provide a first cross-linguistic survey ofthesephe-

178 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 nomena in selected types of complex sentences (notably complement, relative and purpose clauses), and to elucidate recurrent principles that govern these kinds of differential coding. Among other things, the observed variability turns out to be sensitive to argument sharing across the two clauses, to the position of the subordinate clause, persistence effects of grammaticalization and, crucially, to the predictability of the subordinate clause in the context of specific material in the matrix (e.g. a certain matrix predicate). Thelatter factor is fully in line with proposals that speakers exploit their probabilistic knowledge of the relative surprisal and mutual informativity of co-occurring linguistic units (cf., e.g., Levy and Jaeger 2007, Jaeger 2010) and that the resulting economical patterns tend to conventionalize into grammatical constraints (Haspelmath 2008). However, the talk will also explore alternative (or additional) explanations for the occurrence of the less economical variant, such as more socio-communicatively grounded accounts (e.g. McGregor 2013) and the effects of analogy and information structure (e.g. Bergh 1997).

References: • Bergh, G. (1997): Vacuous extraposition from object in English. Studia Neophilologica 69, 37–41. • Hawkins, J. A. (2004). Efficiency and Complexity in Grammars. Oxford University Press. • Haspelmath, M. (2008). Creating economical morphosyntactic patterns in language change. In: Language Universals and Language Change. Ed. J. Good. Oxford University Press, 185–214. • Jaeger, T. F. (2010). Redundancy and reduction: Speakers manage information density. Cognitive Psychology 61(1), 23–62. • Levy, R. and T. F. Jaeger (2007). Speakers optimize information density through syntactic reduction. In: Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Conference on Neural Information Processing Systems. Eds. B. Schölkopf, J. C. Platt and T. Hoffman. MIT Press, 849–856. • McGregor, W. B. (2013). Optional- ity in grammar and language use. Linguistics 51(6), 1147–1204. • Wash, S. (2001). Adverbial Clauses in Barbareño Chumash Narrative Discourse. PhD dissertation, University of California at Santa Barbara.

Towards functional motivation for the reduced third person indexing

Ilja A. Seržant AG5 Universität Leipzig [email protected] Freitag 10.03.2017 Intro. Personal indexes are sometimes coded asymmetrically. In this case, 11:30 – 12:00 more frequently it is the third person that is coded with less material (or B4 1, 0.26 zero) than other person indexes (Bybee 1985: 53; Siewierska 2013). Reduced third person indexing has been devoted much attention in the literature (Ariel 2000; Siewirska 2010; Bickel et al. 2015). The aim of the paper is to explore some of the mechanisms that might be responsible for this asymmetry. I exam-

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ine a small set of frequency data to detect usage asymmetries which correlate with this coding asymmetry and, hence, might motivate the coding asymmetry. The diachronic development of pronominal indexes into a full-fledged agreement may be schematically described as proceeding along three stages described by Creissels (2006) for Bantu languages: Stage I (the pronominal markers are in complementary distribution with full NPs), Stage II (pronominal markers are obligatory even with full NPs but still constitute referring expressions) and Stage III (pronominal markers are obligatory but are no longer referring and need a full NP for a reference = agreement) (Creissels 2006: 44-45). Data. I use a small collection of texts from Lithuanian (Baltic, Indo- European) which – while not having achieved Creissels’ Stage III – exhibits strong reduction of the third person indexes (diachronically and synchronically). This data shows asymmetry in usage preferences: the 1st & 2nd person subject indexes occur much more frequently with “pro-drop” than the 3rd person index when referring to a continuous topic. What is more, when referring to a shifted topic, the 3rd person index with “pro-drop” is extremely rare(3 out of 36 instances of 3rd p. topic shift) while 1st and 2nd person indexes are as frequent with the “pro-drop” as with independent pronouns. Discussion. Thus, 1st & 2nd indexes unequivocally pertain to Stage IIwhile the 3rd person index can be characterized as predominantly Stage III; the 3rd person is one stage ahead here. The reason for this is that 1st & 2nd arecom- plete expressions with no need of supporting information (such as previous discourse or a full NP) as regards reference tracking. The range of possible supporting information is very limited with 1st & 2nd indexes – in fact, only independent personal pronouns usually can co-occur with the 1st & 2nd person indexes; these are, however, semantically co-referential and may provide only some emphatic effect or serve as foci (in an argument-focus). In turn, the potential range of possible meanings and referents of the third person is too AG5 broad to be coherently interpreted and thus is likely to rely on some additional contextual support: either on the preceding discourse or, crucially, on a full NP in the same clause. Semantically, the third person index is much weaker a statement than 1st & 2nd person indexes: it is referentially a variable that is assigned a referent situationally while the first and second person indexes represent solid, individual reference. This asymmetry is somewhat reminiscent of the difference between nouns (≈ 3rd person indexes) vs. proper names (≈1st& 2nd indexes): while the former are not lexically referring and often have some referential support (such as articles, classifiers, modifiers, etc.) the latter are rather used barely and have lexically unique reference. Preliminary claim. This functional asymmetry contributes to the fre-

180 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 quency asymmetry: third person index is expected to co-occur with full NPs much more frequently than would the 1st and 2nd person indexes at Stage I and II. Hence, the occurrences in which the third person index repeats the information already contained in the full NP should be much more frequent than the occurrences of “redundantly” used 1st and 2nd person indexes. In turn, the over-use of the 3rd p. index with an overt subject NP in contrast to the 1st & 2nd p. indexes leads to the “de-emphasizing” and “de-stressing” of its original meaning (cf. Givón 2001: 421) and, finally, to its redundancy. This expectation is indeed confirmed by the Lithuanian data. Redundant markers are more likely to be dropped or shortened than the non-redundant ones due to economy; hence, the asymmetric coding.

References: • Ariel, M. (2000): The development of person agreement markers: from pronouns to higher accessibility markers. In Michael Barlow & Suzanne Kemmer (eds.), Usage-based models of language, 197–260. Stanford: CSLI. • Bickel, B., A. Witzlack-Makarevich, T. Zakharko, G. Iemmolo. (2015): Exploring diachronic universals of agreement: alignment patterns and zero marking across person categories. In Fleischer, J., E. Rieken, P. Widmer (eds.) Agreement from a Diachronic Perspective, 29–52. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. • Bybee, J. L. (1985): Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. • Creissels, D. (2006): A typology of subject and object markers in African languages. In F. K. Erhard Voeltz (ed.), Studies in African Lin- guistic Typology, 43-70. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Siewierska, A. (2010): Person asymmetries in zero expression and grammatical function, in: Franck F. (ed.), Essais de de typologie et de linguistique générale: Mélanges offerts à Denis Creissels. Lyons: ENS ÉDITIONS. 471-485. • Siewierska, A. (2013): Third person zero of verbal person marking. In The World Atlas of Language Structures Online, M. S. Dryer and M. Haspelmath (eds). Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.(Avail- able online at http://wals.info/chapter/103, Accessed on 03 10 2014)

A diachronic mechanism for form-frequency asymmetries in inflectional paradigms

Helen Sims-Williams AG5 University of Surrey [email protected] Freitag 10.03.2017 Cross-linguistically there exists a negative relationship between the relative 12:00 – 12:30 frequency of values for inflectional features, and the length of the forms which B4 1, 0.26 realise them – thus singular forms tend to be shorter than plurals, third person forms tend to be shorter than other persons, and so on (Greenberg 1966). This paper considers a possible diachronic explanation for this recurring structural characteristic of inflectional paradigms, starting from the observation that the following two factors influence morphological change:

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(a) Frequency – lower frequency forms in inflectional paradigms are more likely to be replaced in morphological change, while higher frequency forms are more likely to serve as analogical bases for the remodelling of other forms (Mańczak 1980). (b) Openness – operations which add phonological material to an analogical base are more open than those which subtract or replace material, in that they can be extended to a greater number of lexemes, because they do not require that a particular sequence exists in the input to be subtracted or replaced. For example, an alternating pattern like foot – feet can only be extended to words containing a particular vowel, whereas the pattern of sister – sisters can be extended to any noun (Bybee 1995). Together, (a) and (b) should promote changes which derive less frequent members of paradigms by adding phonological material to more frequent members. In turn, this should concentrate phonological length and morphological complexity in the least frequent paradigm cells over time. The paper tests the contribution of this diachronic explanation to thesyn- chronic relationship between form length and frequency, using a computational simulation of morphological change.

References: • Bybee, J. (1995). Regular morphology and the lexicon. Language and cognitive processes, 10(5), 425-455. • Greenberg, J. H. (1966). Universals of language. Cambridge: MIT Press. • Mańczak (1980). Laws of analogy. In Fisiak, J. (Ed.), Historical Morphology (pp. 183-88). Berlin: de Gruyter.

Differential possessive marking of arguments in action nominalizations: a typological survey

Eva van Lier Marlou van Rijn AG5 University of Amsterdam University of Amsterdam [email protected] [email protected]

Freitag Traditionally, the distribution of alienable versus inalienable possessive 10.03.2017 marking over the core arguments of action nominalizations is accounted for 12:30 – 13:00 B4 1, 0.26 in terms of the semantic factor of ‘control’: The relationship between agentive (SA and A) arguments coded as possessors and their ‘possessum’ – the event denoted by the verb – is viewed as controlled, and hence the alienable construction is used. By contrast, patientive arguments (SP and P) are viewed as having no control over the relationship to their predicate and are therefore encoded as inalienable possessors (Capell 1949: 172ff; Seiler 1983a: 22, 1983b; Koptjevskaja-

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Tamm 1993: 210ff; Palmer 2011). However, early studies on Polynesian languages already show that in many cases agentive arguments of action nominalizations (SA and/or A) can be encoded as inalienable possessors (Chung 1973; Clark 1981). Moreover, in a pilot study on Central-Eastern Oceanic languages, we found that the effect of control on the possessive coding of arguments in nominalizations is relative rather than absolute. It can be described in terms of a hierarchy of argument types, as given in (1) below: If in a particular language an argument on this hierarchy may be encoded with an inalienable possessive construction, then all arguments to its left will either also take inalienable possessive coding or sentential coding, but not alienable coding.

(1) P > SP > SA > A

Our account of differential possessive marking in nominalizations implies predictions concerning the issue of coding asymmetries, since it is well-known that alienable possessive marking is cross-linguistically more formally complex than inalienable possessive marking (Haspelmath 2008 and references therein). Therefore, in this presentation, we test:

(i) whether the generalization in (1) holds for a world-wide sample of ca. 80 languages, using data from relevant WALS chapters (Koptjevskaja- Tamm 2013; Nichols & Bickel 2013) and from our own earlier work on possessive constructions; (ii) whether the data found in (i) are in line with predictions concerning coding asymmetries in possessive constructions with non-derived possessum nouns.

We evaluate the results in light of the various explanations proposed for possessive coding asymmetries. Our data support an account in terms of iconicity, since, arguably, P arguments are in a closer conceptual relation with their ver- AG5 bal predicate than A arguments (cf. Croft 2008). In addition, we will draw attention to the role of transitivity – as the above account of iconicity of distance does not apply to S arguments – and to the fact that many language-specific patterns do not appear to be straightforwardly compatible with the general explanatory principle sketched above; the latter point suggests that while typological generalizations about coding asymmetries can be drawn, this does not necessarily mean that individual patterns are shaped by identical functional factors.

References: • Capell, A. (1949). The concept of ownership in the languages of Australia and the Pacific. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 5(3). 169–189. • Chung, S.(1973). The syntax of nominalizations

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in Polynesian. Oceanic Linguistics 12. 641–686. • Clark, R. 1981. Inside and outside Polynesian nominalizations. In: J. Hollyman & A. Pawley (eds.), Studies in Pacific languages and cultures in honour of Bruce Biggs, 65–81. Auckland: Linguistics Society of New Zealand. • Croft, W. (2008). On iconicity of distance. Cognitive Linguistics 19(1). 49–57. • Haspelmath, M. (2008). Frequency vs. iconicity in the explanation of grammatical asymmetries, Cognitive Linguistics 19(1). 1–33. • Koptjevskaja-Tamm, M. (1993). Nominalizations. London: Routledge. • Koptjevskaja-Tamm, M. (2013). Action Nominal Con- structions. In: M.S. Dryer & M. Haspelmath (eds.), The world atlas of language structures online. Leipzig: MPI EVA. • Nichols, J. & B. Bickel (2013). Possessive classification. In M.S. Dryer & M. Haspelmath (eds.), The world atlas of language structures online. Leipzig: MPI EVA. • Palmer, B. (2011). Subject-indexing and possessive morphology in Northwest Solomonic. Linguistics 49(4). 685–747. • Seiler, H. (1983a). Possession as an operational dimension of language. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. • Seiler, H. (1983b). Possessivity, subject and object. Studies in Language 7(1). 89–117.

Freitag Coding asymmetry between independent and dependent pronominal 10.03.2017 possessors: A cross-linguistic study 13:00 – 13:30 B4 1, 0.26 Jingting Ye Fudan University [email protected]

This study carries out a typological survey of independent and dependent pronominal possessor forms, showing that although there are different types of coding in different languages, it seems to be a universal tendency thatin- dependent pronominal possessor forms are either longer than or identical in length with dependent forms. This universal tendency is illustrated by the following examples:

(1) wò -làà wò-dÉ-y 2PL.POSS-village 2PL.POSS-Substantivizer AG5 ‘your village’ ‘yours’ Zialo (Babaev 2010: 158, 65) (2) o-u vae o-u POSS-2SG leg POSS-2SG ‘your leg’ ‘yours’ Vaeakau-Taumako (Næss & Hovdhaugen 2011:329, 392)

According to my investigation of more than 30 languages from different language families, the above-mentioned universal tendency holds true no matter these pronominal possessor forms are full pronouns or person indexes. The diachronic source of independent pronominal possessors can shed light on the coding asymmetry between independent pronominal possessors and

184 AG 5 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.26 dependent ones. The independent pronominal possessor is mostly formed either by adding a substantivizer to the dependent one or by the dependent form itself. Consequently, the form of independent possessor is either longer or identical to the dependent one. The reason why the dependent possessor was not further reduced when expressed independently lies in the fact that the reduced form is not informative enough to show the possessive relation. The above-mentioned universal tendency can also be explained by theform- frequency correspondence proposed by Haspelmath (2008). Since the usage of independent pronominal possessors is mostly restricted to certain constructions, for instance comparative constructions (‘Yours is bigger than mine’) and equative constructions (‘It is yours’), they are less frequent than dependent pronominal possessors, which can occur as a part of noun phrases in most syntactic positions. This leads to the result that the independent pronominal possessors are never shorter than the more frequent forms of dependent pronominal possessors.

References: • Babaev, Kirill (2010): Zialo: the Newly-Discovered Mande Language of Guinea. München: Lincom. • Haspelmath, Martin (2008): Frequency vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical asymmetries. In: Cognitive Linguistics 19(1), 1–33. • Næss, Åshild & Hovdhaugen, Even (2011): A Grammar of Vaeakau-Taumako. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Markedness Disharmony in Basque Freitag 10.03.2017 13:30 – 14:00 B4 1, 0.26 Natalia M. Zaika Institute for Linguistic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences [email protected]

The paper is devoted to several cases of markedness disharmony in Basque. AG5 This notion is used to refer to the cases in which some criteria of markedness contradict other ones, cf. the notion of markedness harmony (“if something is marked in way A, then it is also marked in way B”) in (Zeevat s.a.: 1), and is close to the notion of markedness reversal that is «“marked” behaviour of categories that are usually unmarked» under certain circumstances; these cases are explained by frequency (Haspelmath 2006). In this paper, I investigate the cases in which formal markedness (zero coding vs. explicit coding) contradicts statistical markedness, the formally more marked form being more frequent. The first type of markedness disharmony is due to phonological change. Zero marking of plural vs. explicit marking of singular in the genitive and

185 AG 5 · Sprachliche Kodierungs-Asymmetrien, Gebrauchsfrequenz und Informativität some other cases derived from the genitive, cf. lagun-a-ren friend-SG-GEN ‘friend’s’ vs. lagun-Ø-en friend-PL-GEN ‘friends’’, can be explained as a result of vowel contraction. Another case of markedness disharmony is the second person singular present tense form (Ø-haiz /ais/ 2SG-AUX.PRS ‘(thou) art’, where the zero marker of the second person is opposed to the explicit marker of the first person, cf. n-aiz 1SG-AUX.PRS ‘I am’) is due to the dropping of the first consonant. Markedness disharmony due to historical reasons can beob- served in Russian (the zero genitive plural for some declension classes); in En- glish (the third singular present marker -s vs. the zero marker of the other persons and numbers); in Old French (the oblique case plural); in Spanish (the zero marker of the first person singular imperfective); and in Georgian (the zero second person singular subject marker). Interestingly enough, in all the cases of this type, the zero marker is never the only allomorph of its morpheme. The second type of markedness disharmony is linked to cases where phonological reduction seems never to have taken place, and zero morphemes have emerged in another way,cf. (Bybee 1994: 240). One such case is the statistically unmarked (the most frequent) non-finite verbal form, which is the perfect participle, cf. sar-tu enter-PFV ‘entered’ vs. the radical form sar-Ø enter-RAD ‘enter’. As both the participle and the radical are most often used as a constituent of a finite verb, for the indicative (more frequent) and for the subjunctive (less frequent) mood correspondingly, in this case, markedness disharmony could be explained by the slightly reformulated principle of markedness comple- mentarity, introduced by Shapiro, stating that “oppositely marked stems and desinences attract, identically marked stems and desinences repel” (Shapiro 1983: 146). Another case of markedness disharmony of the second type is the formally marked definite singular form of noun phrases (mendi-a mountain-DEF.SG ‘a/the mountain’) vs. the unmarked indefinite form (mendi-Ø mountain-INDF ‘(a) mountain’), which is extremely limited both in terms of frequency and context. This contrast is not typical for all cases: in locative cases theleast marked form is the definite singular, cf. mendi-ta-ra mountain-INDF-ALL ‘to a mountain’ vs. mendi-Ø-ra mountain-DEF.SG-ALL ‘to a/the mountain’. Actu- ally, in this case, formally marked and unmarked forms do not represent a well-formed morphological opposition, as two grammatical categories (defi- niteness and number) are involved in it.

References: • Bybee, J. (1994): The Grammaticization of Zero. Asymmetries in Tense and As- pect Systems. In: Perspectives on Grammaticalization, W. Pagliuca (ed.). John Benjamins, 235–254. • Haspelmath, M. (2006): Against Markedness (and what to replace it with). In: Journal of Linguis- tics 42(1), 25–70. • Shapiro, M. (1983): The Sense of Grammar. Language as Semeiotic. Indiana Univer- sity Press. • Zeevat, Henk. (s.a.): Markednesses (https://www.uva.nl/binaries/content/documents/ personalpages/z/e/h.w.zeevat/en/tab-one/tab-one/cpitem%5B40%5D/asset?1355372856802).

186 AG6

Prosody in syntactic encoding

Gerrit Kentner & Joost Kremers Goethe-Universität Frankfurt, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.25

Short description This workshop focuses on the interplay between syntax and prosody inlin- guistic encoding, specifically examining the extent to which prosody affects syntax, and vice versa. In light of the assumption that language production and perception involves recourse to grammatical knowledge, we especially ask how the grammar has to be conceptualized to be in a position to explain prosodic/phonological influences on sentence structure.

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Mittwoch Comparatives are strongly affected by focus structure 08.03.2017 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.25 Katy Carlson Morehead State University [email protected]

Comparative constructions as in (1) have many possible syntactic continuations, including bare NPs (a), VP Ellipsis (b), and full clauses (c). This project explores their processing and use by examining the frequency of different comparative structures within the Corpus of Contemporary American En- glish (COCA) and conducting experiments on the interpretation preferences of comparative bare NP ellipsis. The corpus data shows that ellipsis structures are much more frequent than full clauses, with bare NP ellipsis most frequent (50% of the data). This suggests that the repetition involved in complete clauses, and the deaccenting that would be needed in the prosody, makes clauses dispreferred compared to structures that retain mostly contrastive information.

(1) Tasha called Bella more often than... {a. Sonya / b. Sonya did / c. Sonya called Bella}.

Interestingly, 80% of bare NPs in the corpus contrast with the subject of the previous clause, but bare NPs preferentially contrast with the object in processing (as shown in written and auditory questionnaires). Most theories of comparative ellipsis propose a complete syntactic clause even for bare NP ellipsis (e.g., Lechner 2008), so structural economy should not favor an object contrast. The frequency of subject NP contrasts in the corpus also fails toex- plain the processing bias. Since overt contrastive accents on the subject (Tasha) or object (Bella) do strongly affect the preferred interpretation, we suggest that the default expectation of focus on the last argument in the first clause accounts for the object bias in processing. Thus both the syntactic structures AG6 produced and the interpretation of ambiguous examples can be partly tied to the prosodic structure of comparatives.

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Ambiguities at the interface: production and comprehension Mittwoch 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.25 Tina Bögel Universität Konstanz [email protected]

Over the last few decades, several theories on how syntactic phrasing influences prosodic phrasing have been proposed. However, it is equally assumed that prosodic phrasing is not only determined by syntactic structure, but by other modules as well, e.g., information structure. Furthermore, prosodic phrasing often seems to undergo a postsyntactic ‘rephrasing’ process tomeet certain well-formedness constraints (a.o., Selkirk 1995). The resulting mismatches between syntax and prosody raise the question as to how the influence of syntax on prosody (during production) is in fact reversible (during comprehension). The idea of grammar as consisting of different modules with their ownprin- ciples and parameters has been adopted into several frameworks. This talk will discuss the interaction between the two modules of syntax and prosody in Lex- ical Functional Grammar (LFG; Kaplan & Bresnan (1985)) with respect to Ger- man case ambiguities. In the following example, the syncretism between the feminine forms of the dative and the genitive articles leads to an ambiguity in the subordinate clause’s second DP der Gräfin.

(1) Alle waren überrascht dass Everyone was surprised that

[der Diener]DP1 [der Gräfin]DP2 zuhörte. the.masc.nom servant the.fem.gen/dat Countess listened ‘Everyone was surprised that [the Countess’ servant listened // the servant listened to the Countess].’

Based on experimental evidence, it will be shown that it is indeed crucial to distinguish between the two processes of comprehension (prosody → syntax) AG6 and production (syntax → prosody) and that the modular framework of LFG allows for a straightforward modeling of this difference at the syntax–prosody interface.

References: • Selkirk, E.O. 1995. The prosodic structure of function words. In Beckmann, Dickey and Urbanczyk (eds.), Papers in Optimality Theory, University of Massachusetts. • Kaplan, R.M. and J. Bresnan. 1982. Lexical-Functional Grammar: A formal system for grammatical representation. In Bresnan (ed.) The Mental Representation of Grammatical Relations. Cambridge, MA [a.o.]: MIT Press.

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Mittwoch Prosodic and syntactic structures in spontaneous speech: a 08.03.2017 wavelet-based approach to prosodic modelling 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.25 Anna Dannenberg1, Stefan Werner2, Martti Vainio1 & Antti Suni1 1University of Helsinki, 2University of Eastern Finland {anna.dannenberg|martti.vainio|antti.suni}@helsinki.fi, [email protected]

For analysing the prosodic structure of spoken language, especially of spontaneous speech, effective automatic applications have been infrequent. For instance, prosody is often assumed to have some kind of a hierarchical structure, but prosodic patterns have been hard to observe or visualise directly. Our solution is a Continuous Wavelet Transform (CWT). The method applies the weighted sum of f0, energy and segmental durations to represent prosodic signals in a two-dimensional time-scale plane akin to spectrograms. This can be further enhanced with lines of maximum amplitude to produce a visual representation of the prosodic hierarchies of speech. We have used a CWT based tool to analyse the prosodic structure of spontaneous speech. The results have been compared with grammatical analysis of the same data, achieved both automatically and manually, to examine the relation of prosody and syntax in spoken language. Our study of English and Finnish speech data demonstrates a significantly high rate of co-occurrence between prosodic and syntactic boundaries. This result proposes a connection between prosody and syntax. The internal hierarchical structures of prosodic and syntactic units, on the contrary, appear to have practically no resemblance to each other. This may be due to our choice of syntactic model, based on traditional phrase structure grammar, that is not well suited for analysing unplanned spontaneous speech. It thus seems that CWT is a plausible method for modelling prosodic structures of spoken language, but new grammatical approaches are required to deal with syntactic characteristics of spontaneous speech. We are looking for- AG6 ward to see if CWT based models of prosodic hierarchy can help to find new perspectives to the grammar of spoken language.

References: • Mallat, S. (1999): A Wavelet Tour of Signal Processing. Academic Press. • Suni, A., Aalto, D. and Vainio, M. (2015): Hierarchical representation of prosody for statistical speech synthesis. arXiv:1510.01949. • Dannenberg, A., Werner, S. and Vainio, M. (2016): Prosodic and syntactic structures in spontaneous English speech. In: Proceedings of Speech Prosody 2016, Boston, USA, 59–63.

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Prosodic boundaries constraints by discursive elements Mittwoch 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.25 Luciana Lucente University Federal of Alagoas, Brazil [email protected]

From the second part of the 20th century the conception of speech processing and production has been predominantly conceived under a perspective in which the prosody is submitted to the syntactic domain. In a dynamic perspective, the syntactic analysis is considered just one of the linguistic elements that works in parallel. In this work, the dynamic model of speech production adopted (Barbosa, 2007; Lucente 2012) considers the speech a product of the dynamic activity. In a nutshell, the refered model assumes that information from superior linguistic levels are encoded in lexical gestures in parallel with accentual and syllabic coupled oscillators. These oscillators work on speech rhythm, and when connected with the gestures’ duration, give as result the prosody. Following this theoretical perspective, it is proposed here an analysis of prosodic boundaries and their alignment with discursive breaks, in order to observe whether syntactic or discourse elements are involved in determining these boundaries. The discursive segmentation of a spontaneous speech corpus was made according to a computational model (Grosz and Sidner, 1986) that focuses on attention and intention of the speakers to the conversational segmentation. Based on the assumptions of speech production model, a Praat script was developed to detect the prosodic boundaries – finals and intermedi- ates – and intonational prominences. When the discursive segmentation and the automatic detection of prosodic boundaries are put together is possible to observe that the boundaries aligned to the discursive breaks are mostly motivated by discoursive elements.

References: • Barbosa, P. A. (2007) From syntax to acoustic duration: a dynamical model of speech rhythm production. Speech Communication. 49 (1-2), 725-742 • Grosz, B., Sidner, C. (1986) Attention, intention and structureof discourse. Computational Linguistics, v12(3), 175-204 • Lucente, L. (2012) AG6 Aspectos dinâmicos da fala e da entoação no português brasileiro. Ph.D. Thesis. Campinas.

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Mittwoch How prosody and syntax interact: the case of English it-clefts 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.25 Laetitia Leonarduzzi Sophie Herment Aix Marseille Université Aix Marseille Université [email protected] [email protected]

The aim of this presentation is to bring in factual data concerning the prosody of cleft sentences in English. It is based on148 it-clefts drawn from the oral component of the ICE-GB corpus. For each cleft we determined several features: information-structural features for both the focused (highlighted) element and the presupposed part (discourse status and “informativeness”, i.e. relevance at this point of discourse); the discourse function of the cleft; the type of main clause; contrast and emphasis. The prosody of clefts is here analysed through Halliday’s three Ts (Tonality, Tonicity, Tones) (Halliday, 1967). In some cases at least prosody and syntax tightly combine to yield meaning: for instance, a cleft produced in one Intonation Phrase with a Nucleus onthe focused element invariably induces contrast, and we claim that this is due to the interaction between the type of syntactic structure and the prosodic pattern. Here focus and prominence coincide. Tones, when non-neutral, seem on the contrary to act independently from syntax (though not completely) to add meaning: Falling-Rising and High Falling tones are used for contrast (what- ever the prosodic pattern) and emphasis. This is true also of tonality, whose role is to indicate the informativeness of each part of the cleft (here we join Lambrecht, 2001). Finally, tonicity, when non-canonical, may (indirectly) re- bound on syntax to modify what we shall call the scope of the presupposition. So there seems to be evidence for a two-way model of the syntax-phonology interface (Selkirk 1986). Prosody and syntax interact in very complex ways, and their relationship differs according to which part of prosody is at stake.

References: • Halliday, M.A.K., (1967): Intonation and Grammar in British English. The Hague-Paris: Mouton. • Lambrecht, K. (2001): A framework for the analysis of cleft constructions. In: Linguis- AG6 tics 3(3), 463-516. • Selkirk, E. (1986): On derived domains in sentence phonology. In: Phonology 3, 371-405.

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Prosody as a determinant of the syntactic status of I think Mittwoch 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.25 Daniela Kolbe-Hanna Judith Manzoni Universität Trier Université du Luxembourg [email protected] [email protected]

Parenthetical I think as in (1a) is a frequent comment clause in English that is syntactically subordinate to the main clause (see, e.g. Biber et al. 972-982). In initial position it fills the typical position of a matrix clause, but recent studies suggest that – with (1b) or without (1c) a complementizer (that) – it is unclear syntactically whether I think is a comment clause or a matrix clause (see, e.g. Dehé and Wichmann (2010b)).

(1) a. Lord Scarman, I think, was right. b. I think that Lord Scarman was right (ICE-GB s1b-033) c. I think Lord Scarman was right

According to Dehé and Wichmann (2010) in the matrix clause I has prosodic prominence, whereas prominent think is related to comment clause function. Thus, when a syntactic matrix clause is reinterpreted as comment clause, prosody overrides syntactic structure. However, in medial position (as exemplified in (1a), I think remains a comment clause even if I is stressed: In this case, syntax seems to override prosody. Thus there appears to be a continuing transfer of information between both prosody and syntax. In order to examine the interrelation between prosody and syntactic hierarchy in sentences introduced by I think we draw on the Buckeye Corpus (http:// buckeyecorpus.osu.edu/) for auditory and acoustic analyses. For this purpose, we (i) investigate the correlation between prosody and presence or absence of that, (ii) describe the intonation patterns of I think and (iii) measure acoustic movements in their relation to the range of pitch in the phrase.

References: • Dehé, N. and A. Wichmann (2010): Sentence-initial I think (that) and I believe (that): AG6 Prosodic evidence for use as main clause, comment clause and discourse marker. In: Studies in Lan- guage 34(1), 36–74.

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Donnerstag Sentence stress in presidential speeches 09.03.2017 09:00 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.25 Arto Anttila Stanford University [email protected]

English phrasal stress is rule-governed, but variable. A sentence like

(1) the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone (F.D. Roosevelt, Inaugural Address, March 4, 1933, Sentence 19)

can be performed with different stress contours. Both the regularities and the variation require an explanation. We explore the view that regularities in phrasal stress come from stress rules such as the Nuclear Stress Rule and the Compound Stress Rule that operate on syntactic structures (received wisdom), while variability partly depends on ambiguity at the level of lexical phonology (new proposal). For example, words like in may or may not be lexically stressed. Since phrasal stress is a function of lexical stresses and their mode of combination, variation results. On the empirical side, we report on our ongoing study of rhythm in presidential speeches. Building on data made available by the American Presi- dency Project (Peters and Woolley 1999-2017), syntactic analysis by the Stan- ford Parser (Chen and Manning 2014), automatic metrical analysis by Metri- calTree (Dozat 2015), and native speaker stress judgments collected using the web application MetricGold (Shapiro 2016) we compare the theoretically predicted stress patterns to the actually experienced stress patterns, exploring the interaction of stress, lexical frequency, and syntactic linearization. In particular, we consider the hypothesis that informative words tend to be placed in positions where they are highlighted by phrasal stress (Bolinger 1972, Cohen Priva 2012).

References: • Bolinger, D. (1972): Accent is predictable (if you‘re a mind reader). Language 48: AG6 633-644. • Chen, D. & Manning, C. D. (2014): A Fast and Accurate Dependency Parser using Neural Networks. EMNLP 2014. • Cohen Priva, U. (2012): Sign and signal: Deriving linguistic generalizations from information utility. Ph.D. thesis, Stanford University. • Dozat, T. (2015): MetricalTree. Software package. Stanford University. • Shapiro, N. (2016): MetricGold. Software package. Stanford Univer- sity.

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Clitic placement and syntax-prosody mapping Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.25 Stavros Skopeteas Universität Bielefeld [email protected]

A class of enclitics in several Mayan languages occurs at the right edge of a prosodic constituents of the major phrase level (Aissen 1992; Skopeteas 2009). The enclitics in the following examples illustrate this phenomenon in Yucatec Maya. Definite noun phrases are obligatorily enclosed by an enclitic; see(1). This enclitic does not necessarily appear adjacent to the noun phrase butat the right edge of the encompassing major phrase; see (2).

(1) táan u wen-el le xibpal *(-a’/-o’/-e’) PROG A.3 sleep-INCMPL DEF man:child-D1/D2/D3 ‘The boy (here/ there/ afore mentioned) is sleeping.’ (2) k-u xíimbat-ik le h-mèen hun-túul h-k’ìin-o’. IPFV-A.3 visit-INCMPL DEF M-shaman one-CL.AN M-priest-D2 ‘A priest visits the shaman.’

This talk presents evidence from several classes of enclitics in several syntactic configurations (focus vs. topic constructions; restrictive vs. non-restrictive relative clauses; different types of clausal complements) and reaches the following generalizations: (a) the placement of a subclass of enclitics is determined by the prosodic domains and can be accounted for in terms of mapping rules between prosody and syntactic linearizations; (b) another class of enclitics are direct exponents of prosodic boundaries; (c) the choice of syntactic construction in conflict situations implies a mechanism that anticipates the possible conflicts that will arise after the completion of the syntax-to-prosody mapping.

References: • Aissen, J. (1992): Topic and Focus in Mayan. Language 68.1, 43–80. • Skopeteas, S. AG6 (2009): Syntax-phonology interface and clitic placement in Mayan languages. In Torrens et al. (eds.), Movement and Clitics. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

195 AG 6 · Prosody in syntactic encoding

Donnerstag Prosody and tag question forms in Glasgow Scots 09.03.2017 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.25 Elyse Jamieson University of Edinburgh [email protected]

Wiltschko and Heim (to appear) discuss the role of prosody with regard to En- glish confirmational particles like right and eh. The authors argue rising intonation is syntacticized in a “Call on Addressee” (CoA) position (Beyssade and Marandin, 2006) in the Grounding domain. The particles sit in lower Ground projections, and combine with the intonation to give the “confirmational” meaning.

(1) [CoA / [GroundA eh [GroundS [CP ….]]]]

Confirmational particles and tag questions seemingly carry out similar functions; however, English tag questions do not always have rising intonation (e.g. Ladd 1981). Here, I will explore data from Glasgow Scots, first noted in Thoms et al. (2013). Glasgow Scots has a particle, -int, used only in tag questions and exclamatives.

(2) They wur leavin, wint they? (Thoms et al. 2013) they were leaving, weren’t they ‘They were leaving, weren’t they?’

I will present the results of a grammaticality judgment experiment testing two hypotheses: firstly, that –int is only available in “confirmation” tag questions (Ladd 1981). Secondly,that although it looks like negation, –int is a CoA marker, in complementary distribution with rising intonation. If this does turn out to be the case, it will lend support to Wiltschko and Heim’s claim that prosody can be syntacticized; it will also prove interesting for the relationship between tag AG6 questions and confirmation particles.

References: • Beyssade, C. and Marandin, J-M. (2006) ”The speech act assignment problem revisited: Disentangling speaker’s commitment from speaker’s call on addressee” In Selected Papers of CSSP 2005 37–68 • Ladd, R. (1981) ”A first look at the semantics and pragmatics of negative questions andtag questions” CLS 17 164–173. • Thoms, G., Adger, D., Heycock, C. and Smith, J. (2013) ”Remarks onnega- tion in varieties of Scots” Handout, Cambridge workshop on English dialects. • Wiltschko, M. and Heim, J. (to appear) The syntax of confirmationals: A neo-performative analysis.

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Syntactic integration of sentential intonation Donnerstag 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.25 Johannes Heim University of British Columbia [email protected]

This paper proposes a reorganization of the left periphery that situates force in a discourse-oriented, complex projection above CP to include prosodic information in the derivation of speech acts. This is necessary to arrive at different speech act (SA) interpretations among constructions of identical clause type and sentential intonation exemplified below:

(1) a. It is raining. (↘) [falling declarative, SA: assertion] b. It is raining? (↗) [rising declarative, SA: question] c. It is raining. (↗) [uptalk, SA: assertion]

The declarative sentences in (1) show that intonation does not mapontoa unique speech act, and speech acts do not map onto specific intonational contours. Only a combination of structural and prosodic properties can derive the different interpretations. I propose to expand the ‘syntactiza-tion of discourse’ (Speas & Tenny 2003) to include prosodic information in a discourse-related projection replacing the traditional ForceP. Force and an Intonation occur in the specifier positions of a complex speech act phrase with a speaker- andan addressee-oriented projection (Lam 2014). SaP

Intonation Sa’

Hearer saP AG6

Force sa’

Speaker CP

References: • Lam, Z. (2014). A Complex ForceP for Speaker- and Addressee-oriented Discourse Par- ticles in Cantonese. SCL 35: 61-80. • Speas, M. & Tenny, C. (2003). Configurational properties of point of view roles. AiG 1, 315-345.

197 AG 6 · Prosody in syntactic encoding

Donnerstag The ordering of syntax-prosody-interpretation mapping rules 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.25 Marta Wierzba Universität Potsdam [email protected]

Sentence stress on the object is compatible with a broad focus reading in German, in both canonical verb-final structures and derived object-initial V2 clauses. This parallel can be modeled by assuming that mapping rules determining the relation between syntax, prosody, and interpretation can apply to traces/deleted copies (as suggested by Selkirk 1995 for English and by Korth 2014 for German). The use of object-initial sentences is restricted, however: the subject needs to be discourse-given, as shown in (2).

(1) What’s happening?

Ich denke, dass [Peter ein Buch liest]foc. I think that Peter a book reads ‘I think that Peter is reading a book.’

(2) a. Why is the teacher surprised? —#Ein Buch liest [Peter]new. b. Why is Peter’s teacher surprised? — Ein Buch liest [Peter]given.

I will present evidence for the patterns in (1)-(2) stemming from acceptability rating experiments as well as related data for contrastive topic (CTs). The data suggest that for the purpose of the mapping between prosody and the focus/CT, access to the full syntactic structure including previous stages of the derivation is necessary. The mapping between prosody and givenness, on the other hand, seems to interact with the arguably ‘late’ process of postnuclear compression, which does not affect the metrical structure but merely the phonetic realization of pitch accents (cf. Kügler & Féry 2016). Taken together, these considerations point towards an architecture of grammar with ‘early’ and ‘late’ interface mapping rules (preceding/following the transformation to a phonetic AG6 signal).

focus / CT mapping → postnuclear → givenness mapping (accessing traces) compression (surface-oriented)

References: • Korth, M. (2014): Von der Syntax zur Prosodie. • Kügler, F. & C. Féry. (2016): Postfo- cal Downstep in German. • Selkirk, E. O. (1984): Phonology and Syntax: The Relation between Sound and Structure. • Selkirk, E. O. (1995): Sentence Prosody: Intonation, Stress, and Phrasing.

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Towards a non-centralized, subtractive architecture of grammar Donnerstag 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:15 B4 1, 0.25 Volker Struckmeier University of Cologne [email protected]

Established architectures of grammar often give syntax precedence over ”the interfaces”. I argue that scrambling in German warrants the assumption that syntax as well as the semantic and prosodic interfaces express independent restrictions, with no precedence of one system over the others. I propose a subtractive architecture of grammar which can represent stacked, independent restrictions without precedence relations. In many (e.g., cartographic) syntactic analyses, information structural (e.g. topic or antifocus) heads trigger scrambling movements. Proposals of this kind, I argue, are highly problematic: Theoretically, the stipulation of such a trigger is a circular device which yields no insights as to why the head causes movement in a given language (cf. Struckmeier, to appear), why the head takes its specific position, or why the category constitutes a syntactic head in the language at all. Empirically,our experimental findings show that subjects a) judge sentences significantly differently under acoustic or written presentations, b) are often unable to intuit semantic (!) triggers for scrambling under written presentations, and c) often judge word order changes by their semantic or prosodic effects – and not by syntactic positions crossed (directly contradicting cartographic tenets). To represent these findings, a subtractive grammar combines a) syntactic contraints on formally possible structures, b) semantic restrictions on interpretable structures, and c) prosodic factors that assess prosodic constellations. Since these constraints are applied independently, we find mismatches: Se- mantic constraints can enforce bad prosody, and prosodic factors may cause semantic intransparency, I show. De-centralized models, unlike centralized ones, can accomodate and explain these findings without circularity, I claim. AG6 References: • Struckmeier, V.to appear: ”Against information structure heads: A relational analysis of German scrambling”, Glossa.

199 AG 6 · Prosody in syntactic encoding

Donnerstag Syntax and prosody in parallel systems 09.03.2017 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.25 Manuela Korth Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz [email protected]

The talk is intended to show how a modular grammar with parallel architecture can deal with mismatches and reciprocal influences at the syntax- prosody interface. The first part of the talk looks at mismatches at the DPlevel in structures like (1). It will be argued that phonological conditions (based on stress) as well as interface conditions (based on syntactic relationship) lead to the indicated prosodic phrasing. Such structures can be made more isomor- phic by speakers through an adjustment of the syntactic and the information- structural encoding, which results in a different prosodic structure.

(1) a. [dass [[der JÄger des KÖnigs] starb] syntactic phrasing that the.NOM hunter the.GEN king died b. [dass der JÄger] [des KÖnigs starb] prosodic phrasing

The second part of the talk concentrates on pre- and postnominal modifying genitives like (2) and their alternatives. The syntactic case feature on the modifier in (2) is not realized phonologically because of a degemination process. Thus speakers avoid such phrases and use prenominal datives or postnominal PPs instead.

(2) a. Jonas’ Buch Jonas.GEN book b. das Buch Jonas’ the.NOM book Jonas.GEN

Phonological reduction like degemination in (2) or erosion as part of grammaticalization processes can lead to a loss of grammatical encoding, because AG6 phonology does not care about the realization of syntactic features. So phonology takes an indirect influence on syntax here. In a modular grammar with parallel architecture, the interface component can function as a control system, which links the outcomes of the individual modules, evaluates them and informs the syntactic component about a non-optimal structure, so that an alternative can be chosen instead.

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Prosodic constraint on prenominal modification Freitag 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:00 B4 1, 0.25 Hisao Tokizaki Jiro Inaba Sapporo University Tokyo University [email protected] [email protected]

It has been argued that the head of a prenominal modifier must be adjacent to the head noun (Grosu & Horvath 2006, Haider 2010).

(1) a. a [baby [sleeping [on the sofa]]] (English) b. *a [[sleeping [on the sofa]] baby] (2) a. ein [[[ in Saarbrücken] wohnhafter] Professor] (German) a in Saarbrücken living professor b. *ein [[wohnhafter [in Saarbrücken]] Professor]

However, the head-to-head adjacency condition cannot be assumed in the minimalist framework with no linear order in syntactic derivation. Moreover, the adjacency condition wrongly rules out head-initial phrasal compounds in En- glish and German and head-initial modifiers in Russian.

(3) a. [[over-[the-fence]] gossip] (English) b. der [’Fit-[statt-fett]’]-Bürowettbewerb ‘the fit-over-fat office contest’ (German) (4) [[gotovyi [na vse]] student] ready on everything student ‘a student ready for anything’ (Russian)

Instead of the adjacency condition, we propose a prosodic constraint to the effect that the modifier and the noun it modifies cannot be separatedbya prosodic boundary. In (1a) and (2a) the noun phrase has no prosodic boundary between the modifier and the head it modifies because of its uni-directional branching structure (Tokizaki 1999). We argue that a phrasal compound may AG6 not have a prosodic boundary at its right edge and that the proposed constraint may be relaxed in languages without determiners, such as Russian (cf. Bošković 2008).

References: • Bošković, Ž. (2008): What will you have, DP or NP? NELS 37, 101–114. • Grosu, A. & J. Horvath (2006) Reply to Bhatt and Pancheva’s “Late Merger of Degree Clauses”: The Irrelevance of (Non)conservativity. Linguistic Inquiry 37, 457–483. • Haider, H. (2010) The syntax of German. CUP. • Tokizaki, H. (1999) Prosodic Phrasing and Bare Phrase Structure. NELS 29, 381-395.

201 AG 6 · Prosody in syntactic encoding

Freitag Prosody determines word order: the case of Mainland Scandinavian 10.03.2017 object shift 12:00 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.25 Nomi Erteschik-Shir Gunlög Josefsson Björn Köhnlein Ben-Gurion Univ. Lund University Ohio State University [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

In this paper we argue for an analysis of Object Shift (OS) in Mainland Scan- dinavian (MSc) in which the a weak object pronoun is placed to the left of an adverb instead of in the canonical position for objects to the right of the sentence adverb. We argue following Bennet et al.’s proposal that elements may move in the phonology in cases of prosodic repair that OS applies as a prosodic repair when the weak pronoun is left unincorporated when preceded byan adverb. Whether or not OS is obligatory varies among the MSc languages and varieties. For instance, OS is obligatory in Standard Danish but optional in a number of southern Danish dialects, for example the dialect spoken on the island of Ærø. In Swedish OS is optional in most dialects. We observe that varieties with optional OS also have a tone accent contrast. We argue that the in-situ word order is licensed in these dialects because tonal accent creates a higher prosodic domain licensing the incorporation of the weak pronoun in situ. Syntactic accounts of OS are problematic: There is no obvious way of linking the occurrence OS to Verb-movement upon which it is dependent. OS has no semantic or even information structural motivation nor is there any obvious syntactic motivation and there is no way to syntactically constrain optionality of OS by making reference to language/dialect specific prosodic properties. Our analysis opens up an exciting area of research examining which cases of movement belong in Syntax and which do not.

References: • Bennett, R., Elfner, E., and McCloskey, J. (2016): Lightest to the Right: An Apparently Anomalous Displacement in Irish. Linguistic Inquiry 47:169-234. • Myrberg, S., and Riad, T. (2015): AG6 The prosodic hierarchy of Swedish. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 38:115-147. • Selkirk, E. (2011): The syntax-phonology interface. In The Handbook of Phonological Theory. Blackwell.

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Urdu/Hindi polar kya at the syntax-pragmatics-prosody interface Freitag 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B4 1, 0.25 Farhat Jabeen Miriam Butt Universität Konstanz Universität Konstanz [email protected] [email protected]

This talk focuses on Urdu/Hindi polar kya ‘what’ from the perspective of Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG). Polar questions in Urdu/Hindi take the syntactic form of declaratives. Intonation distinguishes between a declarative and an interrogative. Polar questions can also be overtly optionally marked via kya ‘what’ at different positions in a sentence. Bhatt and Dayal (2014) suggest that these different possible positions result from topicalization, so that allthe material to the left of kya is given and thus not open for questioning. This analysis is, however, not supported by our data. We conducted anex- periment via an on-line acceptability judgement questionnaire and found that regardless of the position of polar kya either the subject or the object were available for questioning/correction and hence not necessarily given/presupposed. We also conducted a follow up intonational study and found that if a given constituent was prosodically focused then that constituent was also available to be corrected. We were able to determine that Bhatt and Dayal’s (2014) analysis only pertains to wide focus context, i.e., neither the subject nor the object are focused. Our data show that prosodic information overlays the syntactic information. Prosody interacts with syntax, but does not derive from it (see also Shattuck- Hufnagel and Turk 1996). We show how this can be modelled elegantly within the modular, mutually constraining architecture of LFG. We also propose an alternative analysis of polar kya that sees it as an operator which takes the questioned proposition ?p (Biezma and Rawlins 2012) of a polar question and renders it as a modal statement of possibility. This analysis is motivated by the results of an additional corpus study of Bollywood scripts, which shows that the polar kya appears in contexts expressing questions about whether a cer- AG6 tain action or situation is possible. In conclusion, Urdu/Hindi polar kya presents a complex interaction across the prosody-syntax-pragmatics interfaces. Attempting to analyze its effects without integrating an understanding of the intonational properties of the language will yield only a partial understanding of the patterns.

203 AG 6 · Prosody in syntactic encoding

Freitag Uttered sentences, prosody and word order 10.03.2017 13:00 – 13:30 B4 1, 0.25 Emmanuel Schang François Nemo Fanny Krimou Université d’Orléans Université d’Orléans Université d’Orléans emmanuel.schang@univ- [email protected] [email protected] orleans.fr orleans.fr

Consider the following examples:

(1) Tu veux arrêter. (4) Veux-tu arrêter ! (2) Tu veux arrêter ? (5) Tu veux arrêter ! (3) Veux-tu arrêter ? (6) Veux-tu !

A long tradition describes the Subject-Verb-Inversion in (3) as an illustra- tion of verb movement (to C) triggered by the interrogative force. But French also allows for interrogatives with the standard order, as in (2), with prosody being then the only factor differenciating it from (1) and that (4) to (6) also trigger an imperative/exclamative reading, with (4) contrasting with (3) only through prosodic marking, (4) contrasting with both (1) and (2), and (6) having an elliptical syntax and the indexical interpretation “Will you stop!”. To sum up, prosody alone can tease apart declarative/imperative/interrogative sentences. Our aim will be to question the way semantic interpretation, word- order and prosodic contours are associated one with another. Based on an ongoing corpus study, we shall discuss: i) the fact that prosody challenges the classical semantic distinction between sentences and utterances; ii) the existence of stable prosodic contours shared by various clause-types; iii) the fact that the diversity of prosodic realizations among “imperative imperative sentences” appears to match more fine-grained levels than classical illocutionary acts such as advising, allowing, requesting, ordering, challenging, encourag- ing, etc. ; iv) the theoretical consequences for syntax and the modeling of the AG6 relation between syntactic, phonetic and semantic form.

References: • Elordieta Gorka & Pilar Prieto (eds.) (2012) Prosody and Meaning. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. • Lacheret, A., & Victorri, B. (2002). La période intonative comme unité d’analyse pour l’étude du français parlé: modélisation prosodique et enjeux linguistiques. In Verbum (Vol. 1, No. 24, pp. 55-72). • Rupp, L. (2002). The syntax of imperatives in English and Germanic: Word order variation in the Minimalist framework. Springer.

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The position of où : Where’s the difference? Freitag 10.03.2017 13:30 – 14:00 B4 1, 0.25 Janina Reinhardt Universität Konstanz [email protected]

Morphosyntactic variation in French interrogatives has long been the focus of investigation (see e.g. Pohl 1965, Coveney 1995, Boucher 2010). However, significantly less research has been done on the mapping between morphosyntactic variants and intonational forms. In this paper, I will investigate the prosody of ‘where’-questions in four French audio books. In contrast to Delattre 1966 and in line with Delais- Roussarie 2015, about half of the questions were not realised with a simple fall (L*L%). Indeed, one third were even realised with a simple rise (H*H%). This evidence casts doubt on the assumption of a falling default pattern for constituent questions. Sentences (1) and (2) were produced with falling as well as with rising intonation, leaving no space to explain variation by the fronting or non-fronting of the question word either (cf. Déprez et al. 2012).

(1) Tu étais où ? (2) Où va-t-on ?

A closer look at the context suggests that the falling patterns may be due to a secondary meaning of reproach, or the mere expression of a thought or resig- nation. If intonational patterns can be mapped, it is thus to pragmatic meaning rather than to word order.

References: • Coveney, A. (1995): The use of the QU- final interrogative structure in spoken French. JFLS 5(2), 143–171. • Delais-Roussarie, E. et al. (2015): Intonational Phonology of French: Develop- ing & Prieto, P., Intonation in Romance, 63–100. • Delattre, P. (1966): Les Dix Intonations de base du français. The French Review 40(1), 1–14. • Déprez, V. et al. (2012): The interaction of syntax, prosody, and discourse in licensing French wh-in-situ questions. Lingua 124, 4–19. • Pohl, J. (1965): Obser- vations sur les formes d’interrogation dans la langue parlée et dans la langue écrite non littéraire. In: Actes du Xe Congrès 1965, 501–516. • Audio sources: Alex (Camille Verhœven 2) (written by P. Lemaitre, read by P. Résimont) • Le temps est assassin (M. Bussi, J. Basecqz) • Si c’était à refaire (M. Lévy, M. Marchese) • Total Khéops (J.-C. Izzo, A. M. Mancels).

205

AG7

Wen wurmt der Ohrwurm? – An interdisciplinary, cross-lingual perspective on the role of constituents in multi-word expressions

Sabine Schulte im Walde & Eva Smolka Universität Stuttgart, Universität Konstanz [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.24

Short description The processing and representation of multi-word expressions, ranging from noun compounds (e.g. „hogwash“ in English, and „Ohrwurm“ in German) to particle verbs (e.g. „give up“ in English, and „aufgeben“ in German) has re- mained an unsettled issue. In this workshop, we aim to shed light on the interaction of constituent properties and compound transparency across languages and disciplines integrating linguistic, psycholinguistic, corpus-based and computational studies.

207 AG 7 · Wen wurmt der Ohrwurm?

Mittwoch Morphological superposition and the nature of the mental lexicon 08.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.24 Gary Libben Brock University [email protected]

In recent years, research on the mental lexicon and on lexical processing has been undergoing a paradigm shift. As a result of new methodologies andnew approaches to statistical analysis, we are able to adopt a psychocentric approach to research on lexical and morphological knowledge and to view the mental lexicon as a cognitive system that is characterized by dynamicity. I will discuss new behavioural methods for the investigation of complex and compound word processing. These include primed progressive demask- ing, typing analysis, binaural presentation, and word recognition of real-time written production. I present data that have used these techniques to study the processing of compound words and will discuss the extent to which they support a conceptualization of morphological representation that I term “morphological superposition”. The terminological metaphor of morphological superposition is derived from a construct of early 20th century quantum physics. I argue that this metaphor can provide a framework with which it is possible to capture the manner in which morphological structure in lexical processing is dependent on particular task demands.

Mittwoch N1-accessibility as a matter of compound processing 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.24 Stefanie Rößler Thomas Weskott Anke Holler University of Göttingen University of Göttingen University of Göttingen [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

The first constituent in noun-noun compounds (N1) appears to be unaccessi- ble for pronominal anaphora (e.g. Postal 1969). However, experimental find- AG7 ings have challenged this constraint. We present three psycholinguistic experiments with German compounds suggesting that distinct factors can contribute to render the N1 accessible for anaphora. The investigated factors are:

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A - animacy of the N1 (animate vs. inanimate, e.g. dog bowl vs. plastic bowl); B - semantic relation (have vs. for, e.g. can stock vs. can opener); C - spatio- temporal contiguity (stc) (+stc vs. -stc, e.g. car accident vs. car insurance); D - compound structure (root vs. synthetic compounds, e.g. roof garden vs. roof greening) Exp. 1 (sentence completion) tested for the factors A and B. Participants completed sentence fragments starting with a pronoun with the N1 as antecedent. Our prediction that in the conditions ’animate’ and ’have’ there will be more N1-references was borne out; in addition, we found an interaction of both factors. Exp. 2 tested for the factors C and D in the same paradigm as Exp. 1. We predicted that N1-references increase in the conditions ’+stc’ and ’synthetic compound’. While the prediction for the main effect of factor C was borne out, the effect of factor D ran against our prediction. Further we conducted aneye- tracking during reading experiment focusing on the apparently subtle factor D (synthetic vs. root vs. monolexeme). This time the prediction concerning factor D was borne out. Our data highlight the interplay of different factors that have to be integrated by processing models. The interactions provide us with a better understanding of how this integration might work, and that the effect of subtle structural factors might be buried beneath world-knowledge factors. Finally, we want to discuss how our results can be brought in line with theoretical frameworks (e.g. Marantz 1997).

References: • Marantz, M. (1997): No escape from syntax: Don’t try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own lexicon. In: University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 4(2), 201–225. • Postal, P. M. (1969): Anaphoric Islands. In: Binnick, R. et al. (eds.): Papers from the Fifth Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. Chicago, April 18–19, 1969. Chicago: University of Chicago, 205–239.

Factors affecting the processing of compounds in the L2 Mittwoch 08.03.2017 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.24 Serkan Uygun Ayşe Gürel Yeditepe University Boğaziçi University [email protected] [email protected]

Compound processing has a particular place in the psycholinguistic literature since it contributes to our understanding of the mental representa- AG7 tion/processing of multimorphemic words and allows us to examine the role

209 AG 7 · Wen wurmt der Ohrwurm?

of factors such as constituency, frequency, and semantic transparency in processing complex words. Previous studies involving different languages have revealed the role of semantic transparency and headedness in compound processing (Jarema et al., 1999; Libben et al., 2003). In second language (L2) acquisition, the effects of semantic transparency and headedness are found tovary on the basis of L2 proficiency (Wang, 2010). The present study investigates the processing of nominal compounds in L2 Turkish, a language with right-headed and productive compounding. In a masked priming experiment, 35 advanced, 36 intermediate level learners of Turkish with L1 English and 73 Turkish monolinguals were tested. The stimuli consisted of 10 transparent-transparent, 10 partially-opaque compounds, 10 pseudocompounds and 60 monomorphemic words together with 90 non- words matched on length and frequency. A 2x3x3 Mixed ANOVA for the RTs revealed that for monolinguals, semantic transparency plays a role in constituent activation as both constituents are accessed in partially-opaque compounds and only the head is accessed in transparent-transparent compounds. L2 participants, however, exhibited no priming effects irrespective of their proficiency level, implying that neither headedness nor transparency plays a role in processing L2 compounds in late learners.

References: • Jarema, G., Busson, C., Nikolova, R., & Libben, G. (1999): Processing compounds: A cross-linguistic study. Brain and Language 68, 362–369. • Libben, G., Gibson, M., Yoon, Y.B., & Sandra, D. (2003): Compound fracture: The role of semantic transparency and morphological headedness. Brain and Language 84, 50–64. • Wang, M. (2010): Bilingual compound processing: The effects of constituent frequency and semantic transparency. Writing Systems Research 2(2), 117–137.

Mittwoch Exploring the impact of transparency and productivity of multiword 08.03.2017 term constituents on single-word term identification 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.24 Anna Hätty Michael Dorna Robert Bosch GmbH Robert Bosch GmbH [email protected] [email protected]

Terms are expressions that characterize specialized domains. They comprise both single- (SWT) and multiword terms (MWT). For the scoring of multi- AG7 word expressions as terms their components are often taken into account (e.g. Zhang, 2012), and transparency plays a role for translation and synonym ex-

210 AG 7 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.24 traction of MWTs. Our goal is to exploit the relation of MWTs to their constituents in order to identify SWTs among the constituents. SWTs are often less specific than MWTs and it is harder to score them for termhood. Wehy- pothesize that SWTs which are frequently found in diverse complex terms and which contribute to the meaning of the MWTs are more likely to be terms as well. Therefore we approach this problem by taking the constituents ofmul- tiword terms as term candidates. We then investigate the influence of their productivity and transparency within these MWTs on the prediction of termhood. We use the ACL RD-TEC (Zadeh and Handschuh, 2014), a corpus for the evaluation of term extraction in the field of Computational Linguistics. We address transparency with a vector space model by computing the similarity of compound and constituent vectors. We show that transparency variance for highly productive heads influences their prediction as terms. We investigate the interplay of productivity, transparency, variance of transparency in constituent families and frequency by training a classification model with those features. Finally, we compare this approach with the modified C-value for SWTs by Barrón-Cedeño et al. (2009).

References: • Barrón-Cedeño, A., Sierra, G., Drouin, P., & Ananiadou, S (2009). An Improved Au- tomatic Term Recognition Method for Spanish. CICLing ’09 • Zadeh, B. Q., & Handschuh, S. (2014). The ACL RD-TEC: a dataset for benchmarking terminology extraction and classification incompu- tational linguistics. CompuTerm ’14 • Zhang, C., Niu, Z., Jiang, P., & Fu, H. (2012). Domain-specific term extraction from free texts. FSKD ’12, 1290-1293, IEEE.

Multi-word units in a discriminative framework Mittwoch 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.24 Saskia E. Lensink R. Harald Baayen Leiden University Universität Tübingen [email protected] [email protected]

Phrasal frequency effects (Bannard & Matthews, 2008) have often been taken as evidence for the existence of representations for multi-word units. How- ever, Baayen et al. (2013) were able to simulate phrasal frequency effects using a naive discriminative learning (NDL) network that does not rely on representations for multi-word units, by connecting letter digraphs to the constituent words of the multi-word units. Even though it may sometimes be possible to model phrasal frequency ef- AG7 fects without relying on representations of multi-word units, it is not clear

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whether this is the most optimal architecture to use. Therefore, we built an NDL network where a layer of input cues, consisting of the constituent words of a set of 300 semantically transparent trigrams, and a layer of outcomes, the trigrams themselves, are connected. The validity of this NDL architecture was tested against two experimental data sets where stimuli consisted of these 300 trigrams. Statistical analyzes showed that the NDL measures performed to comparable levels as traditional frequency measures in explaining the empirical data. This testifies to the usefulness of an NDL architecture with full-form representations for semantically transparent multi-word units, and with their constituent words used as learning cues. One problem noted by Baayen et al. (2013) is that it is unclear how multi- word units can be distinguished from each other. Our discriminative network provides a first tentative solution to this question. We will also argue thatadis- criminatory perspective clarifies why multi-word units have to be short (with a most five words).

References: • Baayen, R. H., Hendrix, P., & Ramscar, M. (2013). Sidestepping the combinatorial ex- plosion: An explanation of n-gram frequency effects based on naive discriminative learning. Lan- guage and Speech, 56(3), 329-347. • Bannard, C., & Matthews, D. (2008). Stored word sequences in language learning the effect of familiarity on children’s repetition of four-word combinations. Psy- chological science, 19(3), 241-248.

Mittwoch Semantic entropy measures and the semantic transparency of noun 08.03.2017 noun compounds 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.24 Melanie J. Bell Martin Schäfer Anglia Ruskin University Universität Jena [email protected] [email protected]

Recently, two different entropy measures based on the relational structure of English compounds have been used in studies of semantic transparency and lexical decision times. Pham & Baayen (2013) show that the entropy of semantic relations in the modifier family is negatively correlated with semantic transparency. Schmidtke et al. (2015) find that the relational entropy for individual compounds is correlated with lexical decision time. However, nei- AG7 ther study takes the ambiguity of the compound constituents into account. Our contribution addresses this gap. In a model of semantic transparency,we show

212 AG 7 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.24 that the relational entropy of the head family interacts with a second entropy measure, namely synset entropy: uncertainty about the reading of a given constituent in terms of homonymy and polysemy. We used the publically available compound dataset from Bell & Schäfer (2016), which is annotated with semantic relation and WordNet synset (sense) of the constituents. We calculated the entropy of the probability distributions of the synsets and semantic relations for all modifier and head constituent families and modelled the semantic transparency ratings collected by Reddy et al. (2011). Our final model of compound transparency shows an interaction between the two entropy measures based on the head constituent families. When the synset entropy is low, perceived transparency is unaffected by relational entropy; when the synset entropy is high, perceived transparency is negatively correlated with relational entropy, mirroring the finding by Pham & Baayen (2013) for modifier families. These findings suggest that relation entropy is not negatively correlated with semantic transparency across the board. If the reading of the head is easily predictable (low synset entropy), it makes little difference to perceived transparency whether the relation entropy is high or low. But with increasing synset entropy, the effect of relation entropy becomes increasingly pronounced. When the reading of the head is uncertain, the compound appears more transparent if the relation is easily predictable across all possible senses than if it is not. One way of interpreting this result is that in cases of high synset entropy, low relation entropy masks constituent ambiguity, while high relation entropy necessitates greater activation of different readings to arrive at even a ‘gist’ interpretation, thereby increasing processing effort and lowering perceived transparency.

References: • Bell, M. J. & Schäfer, M. (2016): Modelling semantic transparency. Morphology 26(2), 157–199. • Pham, H. & Baayen, R. H. (2013). Semantic relations and compound transparency: A regression study in CARIN theory. Psihologija 46 (4), 455–478. • Reddy, S., McCarthy, D. & Manandhar, S. (2011). An Empirical Study on Compositionality in Compound Nouns . In: Proceedings of the 5th IJCNLP 2011. • Schmidtke, D., Kuperman, V., Gagné, C.L. & Spalding, Th. L. (2016). Competition between conceptual relations affects compound recognition: the role of entropy. Psychon Bull Rev 23(2), 556–570.

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Donnerstag The role of the head in the interpretation of deverbal compounds 09.03.2017 09:00 – 09:30 B4 1, 0.24 Gianina Iordăchioaia Lonneke van der Plas Glorianna Jagfeld Universität Stuttgart University of Malta Universität Stuttgart gianina lonneke.vanderplas glorianna.jagfeld @ifla.uni-stuttgart.de @um.edu.mt @gmail.com

We present an interdisciplinary study on the correlation between the transparency of NN deverbal compounds (DCs; e.g., task assignment) and the ambiguity of their deverbal heads as predicted by their morphosyntax. Theoret- ical hypotheses are tested with computational tools and resources. We start with Grimshaw’s (1990) observation that deverbal nouns are ambiguous between Argument-Structure-Nominal (ASN) readings, which inherit verbal arguments (e.g., the assignment of difficult problems), and the less verbal and more lexicalized Result Nominal readings (RNs: cf. two-page assignment). Follow- ing Grimshaw, our hypothesis is that the presence of ASN properties in the head triggers a direct object interpretation on the non-head of a DC (i.e., the verb’s lowest argument). If the head is a RN, it should allow a broader range of context-dependent semantic relations just like primary compounds such as chocolate box (cf. Borer 2013). We selected a varied yet controlled set of DCs from the Gigaword corpus (Napoles et al. 2012) for which we ran an annotation effort with three native speakers. To determine the ASN-hood of DC heads we constructed 7 indicative patterns inspired by Grimshaw’s ASN properties and collected evidence from Gigaword. To test our hypotheses we ran a MaxEnt classifier. We identified two properties of the deverbal heads with high predictive power in the interpretation of DCs: a head’s predilection for DC-contexts and its frequent realization of internal arguments outside DCs (i.e., its predilection for the ASN-reading). Both predict an object interpretation of the non- head, which, especially in the case of the latter property, confirms Grimshaw (1990)’s claim and our hypothesis that DCs have some event structure hosting internal arguments. These experiments are a first attempt to identify thepat- terns that underlie the interpretation of deverbal compounds. Further work is necessary to determine the interdependence of the individual features and the contribution of the remaining features. AG7 References: • Borer, H. 2013. Taking Form. Oxford: OUP. • Grimshaw, J. 1990. Argument Structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. • Napoles, C., M. Gormley,and B. Van Durme. 2012. Annotated Gigaword. Proceedings of AKBC-WEKEX 2012.

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Semantic transparency and variation in nominal syntagmatic Donnerstag compounds in Romance languages 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.24

Inga Hennecke Universität Tübingen [email protected]

The scientific debate about syntagmatic compounds of the type N+Prep+Nis characterized by terminological insecurity and very heterogeneous attempts of classification. The status of multi-word units such assp. bicicleta de montaña, fr. livre pour enfants or port. história em quadrinhos is discussed controversially, as they lie at the interface of lexicon and syntax. In fact, in Romance languages, syntagmatic compounds appear to be very productive and they may vary in their degree of lexicalization, idiomaticity and fixedness. The present talk aims to concentrate on the role and semantic transparency of the prepositional element in syntagmatic compounds. It has been argued, that prepositions in syntagmatic compounds have lost their initial meaning and are now fully opaque and lexicalized items. In a first part, I will analyze the alternation and variation of the prepositional element. This includes the omission of the constituent as in fr. stylo à bille - stylo-bille and sp. tren de mer- cancías - tren mercancías, as well as the alternation between different prepositional elements, such as sp. esmalte de/para uñas or fr. flûte de/à champagne. In a second part, I will present and discuss a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the role of the prepositional element in word-formation processes by means of the TenTen Corpora of French, Spanish and Portuguese. The results may shed light on the role of the prepositional element in syntagmatic compounds, its transparency and its interchangeability.

References: • Booij, G. (2010): Construction morphology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Bisetto, A.; Scalise, S. (2005): The classification of compounds. In: Lingue e Linguaggio, IV(2), 319–332. • Gue- vara, E. R. (2012): Spanish compounds. In: W. L. Wetzels (Hg.). On Romance Compounds. Berlin: De Gruyter, 175-195. • Villoing, F. (2012): French compounds. In: W. L. Wetzels (Hg.). On Romance Com- pounds. Berlin: De Gruyter, 29-60.

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Donnerstag The different meanings of ‘a’: Capturing qualia relations of Italian 09.03.2017 complex nominals with distributional semantics 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.24 Sandro Pezzelle Elisabetta Ježek Maria Silvia Micheli University of Trento University of Pavia University of Pavia [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

This paper examines the semantic role of the preposition ‘a’in NaN Italian complex nominals using a distributional semantic approach. Starting from the assumption that ‘a’ may introduce one the following qualia relations (Puste- jovsky, 1995) - Formal (F, introducing taxonomic information, such as shape in cacciavite a stella ‘star screwdriver’), Constitutive (C, introducing information on parts, as in codice a barre ‘barcode’), Telic (T, introducing information on purpose and function, as in barca a vela ‘sailboat’) - we verified whether the difference in the semantic contribution of ‘a’ in T (‘a-telic’), F (‘a-formal’) or C (‘a-constitutive’) NaNs is confirmed by a semantic analysis performed using vector models. We generated meaning representations for each preposition ‘a’ using a distributional semantic approach. First, we extracted all NaNs with frequency > 5 from the 1.7B tokens itWaC corpus (Baroni et al., 2009). Then, two of the authors annotated them with F, C, or T according to the scheme in Bouillon et al. (2012). In total, annotators agreed on 66 NaNs (19 C, 21 F, and 26 T). Finally, we generated meaning representations for both NaNs and single Ns by training a word2vec model by Mikolov et al. (2013) on the whole corpus. Meaning representations for each preposition ‘a’ were obtained by subtract- ing the vector resulting from the sum of the nouns (e.g. barca+vela) from the NaN vector barca_a_vela). The resulting vectors were then used for running a cluster analysis. With 3 clusters, ‘a-telic’ clustered together (78%), with ‘a- formal’ forming a relatively defined cluster (52%) and ‘a-constitutive’ being almost equally distributed among the clusters. With 2 clusters, the distinction turns out to be much clearer, with ‘a-telic’ items (76% in cluster 1) clearly distinguished from the ‘a-non-telic’ (83% in cluster 2). Interestingly, all the ‘a- non-telic’ clustered with ‘a-telic’ are constitutive.

References: • Baroni M. et al. (2009). The WaCky wide web: a collection of very large linguistically processed web-crawled corpora. • Bouillon P.et al. (2012). Annotating qualia relations in Italian and French complex nominals. • Mikolov T. et al. (2013). Efficient estimation of word representations in AG7 vector space. • Pustejovsky J. (1995) The Generative Lexicon. Cambridge, MIT Press.

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Approximating compound compositionality Donnerstag based on word alignments 09.03.2017 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.24

Fabienne Cap Uppsala University [email protected]

Introduction We approximate the compositionality of German noun-noun compounds using statistical word alignments, based on (Villada Moirón and Tiedemann, 2016). Our hypothesis is that compositional constructions are translated similarly by human translators, whereas non-compositional constructions exhibit more variance. When training a statistical word alignment this greater variance leads to a large number of different alignments, which we use to determine the compositionality of a construction.

Experimental Setup We split all noun-noun compounds occuring in the Ger- man Europarl corpus (Koehn, 2005) and then run statistical word alignment on the English and the modified German corpus. We then calculate the trans- lational entropy (TE) score (Villada Moirón and Tiedemann, 2016) and sort the compounds in descending order so that compounds with the greatest likelihood of being non-compositional appear at the top of the list. First, the TE- scores of both components are weighted equally, but different weightings are investigated. More lists are produced, sorted according to the TE-score of either modifiers or heads.

Results In Figure 1(a) we show some examples from our lists with the modifier Auge, which show that TE scores correlate well with compositionality. 1(b) illustrates the greater variance in the non-compositional Augenzwinkern compared to Augenschäden. Figure 1:

Compound TE Word Alignments Auge|Maß 3.428 Auge = nod (2), cheek (1), a (1), glint (1), Auge|Höhe 2.236 (Zwinkern) blind eye (1), personalise (1) Auge|Zwinkern 1.748 Auge = eye (3) Auge|Schäden 0.637 (Schäden) AG7 (a) TE scores (b) Word alignments for Auge

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References: • Koehn, P. (2005): Europarl: a parallel corpus for statistical machine translation. In Proceedings of the MT Summit. • Villada Moirón, B. and Tiedemann, J. (2006): Identifying idiomatic Expressions using automatic word alignment. In: Proceedings of the EACL 2006 MWE Workshop.

Donnerstag Exploring idiomaticity with variant-based distributional measures 09.03.2017 and Shannon’s entropy 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.24 Marco S. G. Senaldi Gianluca E. Lebani Alessandro Lenci SNS, Pisa University of Pisa University of Pisa [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

The goal of this research is to investigate whether we can take advantage ofthe syntactic and lexical fixedness of idiomatic expressions to devise corpus-based indices of idiomaticity and compositionality and whether these measures can actually predict human ratings of idiom syntactic flexibility. First of all we describe a method for automatically distinguishing potential idioms from only literal combinations via compositionality indices that lever- age the greater lexical rigidity of idioms. Starting from two sets of idiomatic and literal Italian verbal constructions and adjective-noun pairs, we generated a series of lexical variants out of them, replacing their constituents with semantically related words. We then represented both the original targets and their variants as vectors in a distributional space and calculated cosine similarity between a given target and its variants, expecting idiomatic vectors to result less similar to the vectors of their variants with respect to the literal expression vectors. All in all, this proved to be the case, showing that focusing on the limited exchangeability of the constituents is an effective way to compute the idiomaticity degree of a given word combination. In the second part of our study,participants to a CrowdFlower questionnaire gave 1-7 acceptability scores to sentences containing Italian verbal idiomatic and literal combinations in different syntactic variants. We then modeled the human ratings with a hierarchical regression analysis via corpus-based measures computed for the same idioms. These included all the aforementioned compositionality indices and other formal flexibility measures which used Shannon’s Entropy to calculate the idiom variability with regard to various parameters, such as the constituents morphology,the presence and type of deter- AG7 miners, etc. Promising results in this regression analysis support the cognitive plausibility of our computational indices to explain the way speakers process idioms.

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Evaluating semantic composition of German compounds Donnerstag 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.24 Corina Dima Jianqiang Ma Erhard Hinrichs Universität Tübingen Universität Tübingen Universität Tübingen [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Evaluation of composition models. Creating meaningful, reusable representations for multi-word expressions remains an open problem for distributional semantics. This work quantitatively evaluates composition functions that can construct a composite representation for German compounds e.g. Apfelbaum ‘apple tree’ from the representations of their constituents, e.g. Apfel and Baum (see Dima, 2015). The composite representation of a compound should ideally be indistinguishable from its observed representation. The observed representations of both the compounds and their constituent words are built using the GloVe method and a 10 billion token raw-text corpus. We use the rank metric to evaluate 12 composition functions on a frequency-filtered subset of the compounds available in GermaNet 9.0. The representation of the head (model 1) was used as a strong baseline, which was slightly outperformed by the weighted vector addition (model 6). The Wmask model (model 12) produced the best results. Transparency and composition. Given that the meaning of non- transparent compounds cannot be inferred from that of their constituents, how does transparency affect the performance of composition functions? To answer this question, we compared the human judgments for compound transparency (Schulte im Walde et al., 2013) with the composition results of model 12 for a subset of the compounds. We found that for less transparent compounds, the composition yielded lower quality representations than for more transparent ones. While this is to be expected, the composition functions also struggled with transparent compounds whose constituents have either a metaphoric meaning (e.g. Schneemann ‘snowman’) or multiple senses (e.g. Kaffeemühle ‘coffee grinder’). As future work, we will address these issuesby (1) identifying opaque compounds and building their representations directly and (2) using sense-aware word representations.

References: • Dima, C. (2015): Reverse-engineering Language: A Study on the Semantic Composi- tionality of German Compounds. In: Proceedings of EMNLP, 17–21. • Schulte im Walde, S., Müller, S., AG7 & Roller, S. (2013) Exploring Vector Space Models to Predict the Compositionality of German Noun-- Noun Compounds. In: Proceedings of *SEM, 255–265.

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Donnerstag Understanding compound words: a new perspective from 09.03.2017 compositional systems in distributional semantics 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.24 Marco Marelli Ghent University [email protected]

In the present work I discuss CAOSS (Compounding as Abstract Processes in Semantic Space), a model that aims at capturing the semantic dynamics of compound processing in a data-driven framework. In CAOSS, word meanings are represented as vectors encoding lexical co- occurrences in a reference corpus (e.g., the meaning of snow will be based on how often snow appears with other words), according to the tenets of distributional semantics (e.g., Landauer & Dumais, 1997). A combinatorial procedure is induced following Guevara (2010): given two vectors (constituent words) u and v, their composed representation (the compound) can be computed as c = M ∗ u + H ∗ v, where M and H are weight matrices estimated from corpus examples. The matrices are trained using least squares regression, having the vectors of the constituents as independent words (car and wash, rail and way) as inputs and the vectors of example compounds (carwash, railway) as outputs, so that the similarity between M ∗u+H∗ v and c is maximized. In other words, the matrices are defined in order to recreate the compound examples asac- curately as possible. Once the two weight matrices are estimated, they can be applied to any word pair in order to obtain a meaning representation for their combination. CAOSS is shown to correctly predict effects related to the processing of novel compounds, and in particular the impact of relational information. Moreover, model predictions are useful for the comprehension of the role of semantic transparency in the processing of familiar compounds. Taken together, the model simulations indicate that a compositional perspective on compound- word meaning is crucial for understading the processing of both novel and familiar combinations.

References: • Landauer, T. K., & Dumais, S. T. (1997). A solution to Plato’s problem: The latent semantic analysis theory of acquisition, induction, and representation of knowledge. Psychological Review, 104(2), 211. • Guevara, E. (2010). A regression model of adjective-noun compositionality in distributional semantics. In Proceedings of the 2010 Workshop on GEometrical Models of Natural Language Seman- tics (pp. 33-37). Association for Computational Linguistics.

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Mailin Antomo & Sonja Müller Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Universität Wuppertal [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.23

Short description Not only dependent clauses display verb-order variation, there are also different options for positioning the finite verb in main clauses. This workshop intends to study the formal and interpretative properties of main clauses which do not display the word order which is canonically expected of them across different languages as well as different historical stages within one language.

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Mittwoch Verb position and speech acts in German 08.03.2017 14:15 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.23 Hubert Truckenbrodt ZAS and HU Berlin [email protected]

The talk discusses developments on unembedded German V-final clauses and postulated semantic correlates of V-to-C movement in German. An analysis of unembedded V-final clauses (e.g. Ob es regnet?, Wenn ich das wüsste!) is motivated, which builds on Oppenrieder (1989) and Truckenbrodt (2013a,b): The left periphery here specifies kinds of embedded clauses (e.g. interrogative CPQ, dass-/wenn-sentence), but no speech act potential. A series of restrictions on these sentence types can be derived from the hypothesis that the content of unembedded V-final clauses is interpreted anaphori- cally/factive. The speech act proper seems to be constituted by the intonational and gestural accompaniments that these clauses specifically require. In this analysis, intonation and gestures take a propositional argument, the content of the sentence. The discussion of V-in-C-clauses is based on joint work with Frank Sodeand includes development of Lohnstein (2000), Truckenbrodt (2006a,b), and Sode (2014). Using the root phenomenon of V1-parentheticals (Steinbach 2007), a representation of root-clauses at the syntax-semantics interface is first hypothesized. In this representation, root clauses carry a semantically interpreted perspective index in C and V1-parentheticals employ this index as a docking site. In addition, the index seems to carry a semantically interpreted feature that interacts directly with verbal mood (Sode 2014) and it seems to interact with V-to-C movement in V2-clauses. These hypotheses represent a partial understanding of the role of V-to-C in the speech acts of V2-clauses.

References: • Lohnstein, H. (2000): Satzmodus kompositionell. Akademie-V. • Oppenrieder, W. (1989): Selbständige Verb-letzt-Sätze, in Zur Intonation von Modus und Fokus im Deutschen, H. Altmann (ed.). • Sode, F. (2014): Zur Semantik und Pragmatik des Konjunktivs der Indirektheit im Deutschen, Dok- torarbeit, HU Berlin. • Steinbach, M. (2007) Integrated parentheticals as assertional complements, in Parentheticals, N. Dehé & Y. Kavalova (eds.) • Truckenbrodt, H. (2006a,b) in Theoretical Linguistics 32. • Truckenbrodt, H. (2013a,b) in Satztypen des Deutschen, J. Maibauer, M. Steinbach & H. Altmann (eds.).

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Only just CP? Rethinking classification criteria for sentence types Mittwoch theories 08.03.2017 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.23 Volker Struckmeier Sebastian Kaiser Universität zu Köln Formerly Universität zu Köln [email protected] [email protected]

We argue that sentence type theories must not be defined too narrowly syntactic, but must take into account lexical material outside the left periphery (for German: modal particles) and prosodic markers. V-to-C movement in German is often labeled as main clause formation. Thus, V-last orders may be mislabelled as (in-) subordinated (e.g. Evans 2007, Lohn- stein 2000): V-last exclamatives, e.g., are not (in-) subordinated, and neither are deliberative V-last questions. Minimal changes in prosody or modal particle use, however, can lead to subordination with syntactically near-identical structures. V1 exclamatives and conditionals are not questions, despite their CP syntax – but changes in prosody can bring about the interrogative interpretation. We argue that empty prefields denote that the clauses’ truth values arenot evaluated vis-a-vis a world under discussion (cf., similarly, Reis & Wöllstein 2010). Boundary tones (L% vs. H%) differentiate truth value assessments. Ac- cent tones (H* vs. L*) signal whether the proposition is to be added to the CG or not (Truckenbrodt 2013, Kaiser 2014). Exclamative accents (e.g. L+H*) distinguish clause types and so do modal particles (Struckmeier 2014), we show. Multi-factor sentence type theories of this type will help avoid the miscate- gorizations of purely syntactic approaches, we hope.

References: • Evans, N. (2007): “Insubordination and its uses.” In: Finiteness, 366-431. • Kaiser, S. (2014): Interpretation selbständiger Sätze im Diskurs. • Lohnstein, H. (2000): Satzmodus – kompositionell. • Reis, M. & A. Wöllstein (2010): Zur Grammatik (vor allem) konditionaler V1-Gefüge im Deutschen. ZS 29, 111-179. • Struckmeier, V. (2014): “Ja doch wohl C?” Studia Linguistica 68, 16-48. • Truckenbrodt, H. (2013): “Satztyp, Prosodie und Intonation”. In: Satztypen des Deutschen, 570-601.

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Mittwoch Variable verb positions in German exclamatives 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.23 Imke Driemel Universität Leipzig [email protected]

German exclamatives come in all sorts of syntactic forms, including variable verb positions, see (1a) and (1b). (1) a. Wen die alles kennt! who she all knows ‘How many people she knows!’ b. Wen kennt die alles! who knows she all ‘How many people she knows!’ Prior accounts attribute T-to-C movement in German to the ability either to carry assertional force (Gärtner 2002), to carry unambiguous sentence force (Schwabe 2007), or to carry sentence force at all (Lohnstein 2000). Since (1a) and (1b) clearly come with exclamative sentence force, none of the accounts seem to be transferrable to exclamatives. Neither can the verb positions be related to an at-issue/non-at-issue distinction (Antomo 2015) since exclamatives are commonly taken to be factive (D’Avis 2002, Abels 2010). Thus, I suggest an analysis along the lines of a speech act encoding syntax (Haegeman and Hill 2013) that takes the addressee of an exclamative into account: in V-final wh-exclamatives the speaker merely wants to express his surprise whereas in V2 wh-exclamatives the speaker wants the addressee to be surprised as well. Following Truckenbrodt (2004, 2006), I assume that an addressee feature on exclamative C is responsible for T-to-C movement in German V2-exclamatives. This addressee requirement can be implemented as a presupposition –granted that felicity conditions such as the preparatory and sincerity condition (Searle 1969) can be encoded as presuppositions on speech acts that have to be ful- filled in order for them to be successful (see also Roguska 2008). Theaccount provides an explanation for the apparent “optionality” of verb positions since there are hardly any specific contexts in which the speaker either wants or does not want the addressee to be surprised.

References: • Antomo, M. (2015): Abhängige Sätze in einem fragebasierten Diskursmodell. PhD thesis 10, 31–36. • Gärtner, H.M. (1996): On the force of V2 declaratives. ThL 28. • Truckenbrodt, H. (2006): On the semantic motivation of syntactic verb movement to C in German.ThL 32.

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Verb-final w-clauses in headlines Mittwoch 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.23 Rita Finkbeiner Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz [email protected]

Genre is frequently referred to as a potential licensing condition for certain sentence types, such as V1-declaratives in jokes. A less well-known case are verb-final w-clauses in headlines, cf. (1).

(1) Wo Bayerns Millionäre wohnen where Bavaria’s millionaires live ‘Where Bavaria’s millionaires live’

While (1) allows for embedding under a class of functionally equivalent verbs (e.g. lesen/erfahren ‘read’/‘get to know’), it is not elliptical, but is used as independent utterance with its own illocutionary potential (cf. Oppenrieder 1989). However, this sentence type does not seem to fit into any of the three established classes of non-embedded verb-final w-clauses in German, as given in Truckenbrodt (2013). One of the crucial features of (1) is that it is restricted to headlines. Its illocu- tion may best be described as a special kind of assertion, by which the writer gives notice of a longer text to follow. Therefore, one may consider it being a candidate of the controversial class of verb-final declaratives (cf. Pafel 2016). In this talk, I will investigate in more detail the formal and interpretative properties of verb-final w-headlines. Their properties will be tested against properties of related sentence types, such as interrogatives and declaratives, in order to shed more light on the question where to locate w-headlines in a system of sentence (and utterance) types. The focus will be on the question what role genre plays as a licensing condition for verb-final position in w-headlines.

References: • Oppenrieder, W. (1989): Selbständige Verb-Letzt-Sätze. In: Altmann, H. et al. (eds.): Zur Intonation von Modus und Fokus im Deutschen. Tübingen, 163-244. • Pafel, J. (2016): Satztyp und kommunikative Intention. In: Finkbeiner, R./Meibauer, J. (eds.): Satztypen und Konstruktionen. Berlin, 406-432. • Truckenbrodt, H. (2013): Selbständige Verbletzt-Sätze. In: Meibauer, J. et al. (eds.): Satztypen des Deutschen. Berlin, 232-246.

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Mittwoch Non-canonic verb positioning in disintegrated verb-final weil-clauses 08.03.2017 in German 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.23 Nathalie Staraschek Bergische Universität Wuppertal [email protected]

(1) Weil Paul nie den Rasen mäht. because Paul never the lawn mows ‘because Paul never maws the lawn’

The talk deals with the necessary conditions for verb-final weil-clauses (dis- WVL) in German, which are neither integrated in respect to their syntax nor their information-structure and carry an assertional force (cf.(1)). One aspect is, that these phrases may only encode a causal relation to a non-presupposed proposition, which seems to be due to the fact that their disintegration results in a complete interpretation of the antecedent before their own meaning is de- ciphered1. Within contexts as described there are two ways for these causal clauses to be informative, the proposition of their antecedent not being presupposed. They can relate to just a causal relation or encode an additional non- presupposed proposition, therefor being not yet or already integrated into the common ground (CG), the latter not being true for the disintegrated V2-variants. Possible questions to be dealt with: Are these phrases purely syntactic varia- tions? If not, is the idea that the propositions of disWVL are not put on top of the metaphorical table (cf. Bruce/Farkas (2010)), but listed as publicly committed to by the speaker, adequate? Should this be true, would this and if how, be reflected in terms of integration of the non-presupposed proposition into future CG-states?

References: • Antomo, M./Steinbach, M. (2010), Desintegration und Interpretation: Weil-V2-Sätze an der Schnittstelle zwischen Syntax, Semantik und Pragmatik, in: Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 29, 1-37 • Bruce, K.B./Farkas, D.(2010), On Reacting to Assertions and Polar Questions, Journal of Semantics 27, 81-118

1The same condition holds for weil-verb-second clauses. This constitutes an essential contrast to integrated causal clauses (iWVL), which may encode and assert solely the causal relation of two presupposed propositions. This difference is due to their different syntactic and pragmatic status, which force iWVL into being interpreted in a conjoined discourse update with their antecedent. About the notion, that disintegrated causal clauses are processed separately from the antecedent cf. Antomo/Steinbach (2010:28).

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On the role of doch in V1- and Wo-VE-clauses in German Donnerstag 09.03.2017 09:00 – 09:30 B4 1, 0.23 Sonja Müller Bergische Universität Wuppertal [email protected]

Particular characteristics and meanings/uses have been attributed to V1- and Wo-VE-sentences (cf. Önnerfors 1997, Pasch 1999, Günthner 2002 e.g.): They are claimed to receive a causal/concessive interpretation. V1-clauses are said to be interpreted causally, Wo-VE-clauses concessively. The modal particle doch is supposed to be obligatory or at least very typical for these sentence types. This fact has been related to the assumption that both sentences presuppose their contents. However, at the same time, one component of the meaning usually ascribed to doch (contradiction, adversativity) cannot be made out. For that reason, the question is still unsolved why doch favours this environment so strongly. By referring to corpus data and acceptability judgments, I will question such characteristics. In particular, I will argue against the presupposed status of the utterances’ contents and that this is why doch occurs so often in this context. The strict association of V1 & a causal interpretation and Wo-VE & a concessive reading turns out to be too strong an assumption. With Önnerfors (1997), I will claim that doch is indirectly responsible for the causality by assuming that a causal default interpretation is decisive. In contrast to his analysis, my modelling of doch provides an explanation for doch facilitating (even if not coding) the causal reading. Based on the contribution I attribute to the particle, its meaning can be assumed to be transparently present. Above that, it also allows to derive certain stylistic effects (expressivity, emotional involvement) which other authors have vaguely referred to, but which has not been spelled out so far.

References: • Günthner, S. (2002): Zum kausalen und konzessiven Gebrauch des Konnektors wo im gesprochenen Umgangsdeutsch. ZGL 30/3, 310–341. • Önnerfors, O. (1997): Verb-erst-Deklarativsätze: Grammatik und Pragmatik. Almqvist & Wiksell International. • Pasch, R. (1999): Der subordinierende Konnektor wo: kausal und konzessive? In: Freudenberg-Findeisen, R. (ed.), Ausdrucksgrammatik vs. Inhalts-grammatik Linguistische und didaktische Aspekte der Grammatik, München: IUDICIUM Verlag, 139–154.

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Donnerstag V1-declaratives and assertion 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.23 Janina Beutler Bergische Universität Wuppertal [email protected]

In my presentation I will argue that verb first declarative sentences do not carry assertion (in the same way) as verb second declaratives do, which presents itself when taking selected phenomena into consideration:

(1) A: Hat Fritz den Hund gefüttert? question-answer-pairs B: *Ja, hat Fritz den Hund gefüttert. B: Ja, Fritz hat den Hund gefüttert. (2) A: Erna hat ihren Ranzen noch nicht gepackt. verum-focus B: Doch, HAT Erna ihren Ranzen gepackt. B: Doch, Erna HAT ihren Ranzen gepackt. (3) a. ?Kommt ja ein Mann in die Bar. assertive modal particles b. Ein Mann kommt ja in die Bar.

Beyond the misguiding terminology of the “declarative clause”, it will be brought forward that there is no evidence, concerning German, of an ASSERT operator localised through a syntactic force projection, being responsible for identifying a sentence as an assertion.

References: • Gärtner, H.-M. (2002): On the Force of V2 Declaratives. In: Theoretical Lin- guistics. 28.1, 33-42. • Lohnstein, H. (2015): V2 als Bindungs-Phänomen. Internationaler Workshop zur Verbzweit-Stellung, Bergische Universität Wuppertal, 24.-26.Juli 2015. Url: http://www.linguistik.uni-wuppertal.de/v2- workshop-2015/ handouts/lohnstein.pdf. • Önnerfors, O. (1997): Verb-erst-Deklarativsätze – Grammatik und Pragmatik. Lund: Almqvist. • Reis, M. (2000): Anmerkungen zu Verb-erst-Satz-Typen im Deutschen. In: R. Thieroff et al. (eds.): Deutsche Grammatik in Theorie und Praxis. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 215-227.

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V-final root clauses in Early New High German? Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.23 Ulrike Demske Universität Potsdam [email protected]

The structural asymmetry between V2 main clauses and V-final subclauses is well attested for all historical stages of German. The rise and loss of V-final root clauses throughout the period of Early New High German (1350 – 1650) is hence unexpected from a diachronic point of view. Maurer (1926) was the first to point out the word order pattern in question, followed by Behaghel (1932), Lötscher (2000) and others. They agree that the emergence of V-final root clauses in Early New High German is due to Latin influence. Demske- Neumann (1990) and Senyuk (2014) on the other hand argue that examples like (1) are instances of subclauses, considering the position of the finite verb as an unambiguous marker for the syntactic dependency of the clauses at issue.

(1) Unnd do sy also bey ein ander in allermengklichs abwesens warend, empfieng herczog Wilhalmen Agleyen. Darauff sy czů im sprach:

In the present talk, I will consider V-final clauses introduced by a demonstrative, either by a pronominal adverb as in (1) or by a demonstrative DP as in (2), suggesting that they are syntactically dependent but pragmatically independent of their matrix clause. The variation between V2 and V-final clauses introduced by a demonstrative is accounted for in terms of different discourse functions (foreground vs. background).

(2) Do sprachen die freydigen zů der klaren junckfrawen, das sy sich mit e kurczen worten erklagte, wie sy wolt, und den tod darnach lytte. Des selben urlaubs die magt auß der maßen fro ward.

Contrary to the widely held view of the alleged Latin influence, it will be argued that word order patterns as (1) and (2) are motivated language-internally, focussing on the distribution of the pronominal adverb darauf ’then’. The loss V-final patterns during the 18th century was presumably triggered by further sharpening the structural asymmetry between V2 main clauses and V-final subclauses, including the rise of w-adverbs.

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Donnerstag Obligatory V1-order in German SLF-coordination 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.23 Katja Barnickel Universität Leipzig [email protected]

One of the main characteristics of SLF-coordination (Höhle 1990, Subjektlücke in finiten Sätzen subject gap in finite sentences’) is a missing subject in the second conjunct (1). Semantically, the subject of the first conjunct is also understood as the subject of the second conjunct. Nevertheless, the second conjunct, which is a declarative main clause, has obligatorily to be in verb first order. Verb second order, where an object (2-a) or an adverb (2-b) has been topi- calised to the prefield, as well as verb final order (2-c) are ungrammatical. This is a notorious problematic and recalcitrant phenomenon that resists a conclu- sive and convincing analysis so far.

(1) [Einen Wagen kaufte Hans] und [baute sofort einen Unfall]. a car bought Hans and built immediately an accident ‘Hans bought a car and caused an accident immediately.’ (B&H 1998)

(2) a. *[Einen Wagen kaufte Hans] und [einen Unfall2 baute sofort t2]. b. *[Einen Wagen kaufte Hans] und [sofort2 baute t2 einen Unfall]. c. *[Einen Wagen kaufte Hans] und [sofort einen Unfall baute].

I claim that the obligatory V1-order follows naturally from putting together two independently proposed processes: a) biclausal coordinated structures originate out of monoclausal structures (Weisser 2015) and b) syntactic structure can be removed and remerged (Müller 2015, Heck 2015). I will show that there was a point at the derivation where the subject of the first conjunct actually was the subject of the second conjunct and hence triggered canonical V2- order. Since there is evidence against ATB-movement and ellipsis approaches, I propose that the subject was removed from the second conjunct later on and was remerged within the first conjunct.

References: • Büring, D. & Hartmann, K. (1998): Asymmetrische Koordination. Linguistiche Berichte 174. • Heck, F. (2015): Non-monotonic derivations. Ms, U Leipzig. • Höhle, T. (1990): Assumptions about Asymmetric Coordination. Grammar in Progress. Glow Essays for H. van Riemsdijk. Dordrecht. • Müller, G. (2015): Structure Removal: A New Approach to Conflicting Representations. Ms, U Leipzig. • Weisser, P. (2015): Derived Coordination. A Minimalist Perspective on Clause Chains, Converbs and Asymmetric Coordination. De Gruyter.

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Clause typing in main clauses and V1 conditionals in Germanic Donnerstag 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.23 Julia Bacskai-Atkari Universität Potsdam [email protected]

Concentrating on German, I examine the left periphery of V1 main clauses (polar interrogatives, V1 conditionals, and V1 declaratives) and their relation to ordinary V2 clauses. I investigate whether the first position, [Spec,CP], is filled, and why verb movement takes place even in the absence of overt material in [Spec,CP]. I argue that verb movement occurs because the [fin] feature of the C head must be lexicalised. While there is in this sense an overtness requirement on C in German main clauses, there is no such requirement on the specifier: some constituent has to be there due to an [edge] feature that isalways present in main clauses, yet this XP does not have to be overt. However, zero elements (clause-typing operators and anaphors) are licensed only under certain conditions, which is why the language normally surfaces as V2. Contrary to Zwart (2005), I claim that zero elements in [Spec,CP] in main clauses are not postulated but are semantically and syntactically motivated, yet I follow Fanselow (2009) in assuming that verb movement to C and the (overt/covert) filling of [Spec,CP] are not inseparable phenomena. Polar interrogatives contain an operator corresponding to whether; a covert operator in German yields surface V1. In V1 conditionals and declaratives, the anaphoric elements dann and so may appear in [Spec,CP], and they are licensed by a preceding clause (the subclause in conditionals and an independent clause in declaratives). As these anaphors are recoverable from the context, their zero counterpart is licensed as well, yielding surface V1. Importantly, V1 conditionals/declaratives cannot be uttered in an “out of the blue” context: the anaphor (overt or covert) needs a preceding proposition as an antecedent. Thus, V1 main clauses are licensed if the zero operator/anaphor is pragmatically felicitous and semantically recoverable; verb movement is syntactically triggered by lexicalising [fin] in C regularly.

References: • Fanselow, G. (2009): Bootstrapping verb movement and the clausal architecture of German (and other languages). In: A. Alexiadou et al. (eds.) Advances in comparative Germanic syntax. John Benjamins. 85–118. • Zwart, C. J-W. (2005): Verb second as a function of Merge. In: M. den Dikken and Ch. M. Tortora (eds.) The function of function words and functional categories. John Ben- jamins. 11–40.

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Donnerstag The hidden life of V3: an overlooked word order option inGermanic 09.03.2017 “V2 languages” 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.23 Heike Wiese Universität Potsdam [email protected]

In German examples as (2), there are two constitutents, rather than one, occu- pying the “forefield” in front of the finite verb, in deviation of the Germanic V2 rule for root declaratives (Wiese 2013, te Velde to appear).

(1) In diesen Forschergruppen die Kohärenz ist einfach so wahnsinnig in these research.groups the coherence is simply so crazily wichtig. important ‘In these research groups, coherence is just terribly important.’

Accordingly, such examples are typically starred as “ungrammatical” in discussions of word order options in Germanic languages. Yet, over the last years, similar data has been attested in a range of Germanic “V2” languages, indicating a systematic – if comparably low-frequency – option (Wiese 2009; Walk- den to appear). Based on corpus data and experimental evidence, I will show that what we find here is a genuine V3 option, distinct both from SVO and from patterns analysed as putative multiple forefields (Müller 2005; cf. also Winkler 2014). I will suggest that this might be a diachronically old pattern that never got lost, but got overlooked in analyses, underlining the importance of taking into account the whole gamut of language variation for grammatical theory, rather than only standard-close language use.

References: • Müller, S. (2005): Zur Analyse der scheinbar mehrfachen Vorfeldbesetzung. In: Lin- guistische Berichte 203, 29-62. • te Velde, J. (to appear): Temporal adverbs in the Kiezdeutsch left periphery: combining late merge with deaccentuation for V3. In: Studia Linguistica. • Walkden, G. (to appear): Language contact and V3 in Germanic varieties new and old. In: Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics. • Wiese, H. (2009). Grammatical innovation in multiethnic urban Europe. In: Lingua 119: 782-806. • Wiese, H. (2013): What can new urban dialects tell us about internal language dynamics? In: Linguistische Berichte SI 19, 208-245. • Winkler, J. (2014): Verbdrittstellung im Deutschen. Wiss. Verlag Berlin.

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Structure removal in complex prefields Freitag 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:00 B4 1, 0.23 Gereon Müller Universität Leipzig [email protected]

In complex prefield constructions in German of the type in (1), it looks as though more than one constituent can occupy the position in front of the finite verb in declarative root clauses.

(1) Fast alles im Sitzen bewältigte Joaquim Rodgriguez auf dem almost everythingacc seated managed Joaquim Rodgriguez on the Weg zum Gipfel way to the peak

There are two kinds of analysis: In one approach, there are multiple constituents in the (possibly split) SpecC domain (2; Lötscher (1985), Eisenberg (1999), Wurmbrand (2004), Speyer (2008)). In the other approach, complex prefields are single VP constituents lacking an overt Vhead((2b); Fanselow (1991; 1993), Müller (1998), Müller, St. (2005; 2015)).

′ ′ (2) a. [CP XP1 [C YP2 [C C[TP ... t1 ... t2 ... ′ ′ b. [CP [VP0 XP1 [V YP2 [V – ]]] [C C[TP ... t0 ... ]]] I argue that there is empirical evidence for both views. Well-known arguments for single constituency involve (i) a clause-mate condition; (ii) order restrictions; and (iii) lack of an upper bound of affected items. However, there is also substantial evidence for multiple constituency. In addition to existing arguments from (i) left dislocation and (ii) extraposition, I present newar- guments involving (iii) freezing effects; (iv) Barss’ generalization effects; (v) weak crossover effects; (vi) negative polarity items; and (vii) idioms. I develop a derivational, minimalist analysis based on an independently motivated operation Remove that is the exact counterpart of the operation Merge (Chomsky (2001)), and that I take to underlie various constructions that demand conflicting structure assignments. On this view, complex prefields involve both simple VPs (at early stages of the derivation) and multiple constituents (after removal of the VP projection). Finally, I suggest that the information-structural restrictions on complex prefields (Bildhauer & Cook (2010)) can trigger Re- move operations as a last resort.

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Freitag A syntactic condition for supposed multiple fronting in German 10.03.2017 12:00 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.23 Werner Frey ZAS Berlin [email protected]

After sorting out the truly challenging cases of (supposed) multiple fronting (MF) in German, the talk will shortly discuss the two approaches available to account for them: (i) the V2-constraint for German is given up to allow for two and more independent constituents to appear in front of the finite verb in an independent clause, (ii) the V2-constraint is upheld, MF being analysed as a vp/VP constituent projected by an empty verb (e.g. Müller, G. 1998, Müller, S. 2015). The second approach is more plausible and will be the starting point. However, it still has severe shortcomings: for example, it highly overgenerates, the licensing of the empty verb remains unclear, and left dislocations involving MF show unexpected forms of the resumptive. Independently from MF, Frey (2015) argues that more XPs are incorporated into the verbal complex in German than usually thought. Building on this work, I will propose the following syntactic MF constraint (MFC): the right- most constituent of a MF-construction has to be an incorporated XP. The talk will show that MFC significantly improves the empirical adequacy of approach (ii) above and that it refines our understanding of MF. I will also discuss why only an incorporated XP can licence the empty head which makes MF possible.

References: • Frey, W. (2015): NP-Incorporation in German. In: O. Borik & B. Gehrke (eds.): The Syn- tax and Semantics of Pseudo-Incorporation. Leiden: Brill, 227-263. • Müller, G. (1998) Incomplete Cate- gory Fronting. Dordrecht: Kluwer. • Müller, S. (2015): German Clause Structure: An Analysis with Special Consideration of So-Called Multiple Frontings. With Contributions by F. Bildhauer & P. Cook. Language Science Press, Berlin.

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Insights into the processing of non-canonical sentence structures in Freitag German: The case of V3 matrix declaratives in informal Standard 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 German B4 1, 0.23

Oliver Bunk Universität Potsdam [email protected]

German matrix declaratives are usually considered to be V2 structures. Excep- tions from this V2 constraint have been analyzed in different contexts, e.g. left dislocation, free topics, topic drop or V1 declaratives. In this paper I investigate the processing of non-canonical sentences displaying the structure adverbial – subject – finite verb (cf. 1).

(1) Jetzt wir fahren zurück. (KiDKo: Mo05WD) now we drive back ’Now we drive back.’

While these sentences have been discussed in terms of usage and structure in corpus studies (cf. Schalowski to appear; Wiese & Rehbein 2015), I present data from a self-paced reading experiment. The data shows that variables such as frequency have similar effects on the processing of Adv-S-fin sentences, like they have been observed in other processing experiments concerning non- canonical word order phenomena (e.g. Kaiser & Trueswell 2004). Therefore I argue that Adv-S-Vfin must not be treated as an ungrammatical structure that is prohibited by the language system but as a structure that has specific properties and a full syntactic representation.

References: • Kaiser, E. & Trueswell, J. (2004): The role of discourse context in the processing ofa flexible word-order language. Cognition 94.2. 113–147. • Schalowski, S. (to appear): From an adverbial to a discourse connective. The function of ‘dann’ and ‘danach’ in non-canonical prefields of German. In: Fried, M. & Leheckova, E. (eds.), Connectives as a functional category: between clauses and discourse units, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. • Wiese, H. & Rehbein, I. (2015): Coherence in new urban dialects: A case study. Lingua 172–173. 45–61.

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Freitag Frame setters and V3 patterns in West Flemish 10.03.2017 13:00 – 13:30 B4 1, 0.23 Liliane Haegeman Ciro Greco Ghent University Ghent University [email protected] [email protected]

Both Standard Dutch (StD) and West Flemich (WF) allow a range of apparent V2 violations in which an extrasentential constituent combines with a V2 clause. StD and WF differ in that the former disallows this pattern whena frame setting adjunct precedes a subject initial V2 clause:, while the pattern is acceptable in spoken WF:

(1) Als mijn tekst klaar is, ik zal je hem opsturen.*StD/✓WF when my text ready is, I will you it up-send ‘When my text is ready, I’ll send it to you.’

This pattern, which is reminiscent of the Kiezdeutch data in Freywald etal ((2011), is attested and has been noted in the descriptive dialect literature, but has by and large been ignored or set aside in the formal literature. After inven- torizing some of the main properties of the pattern, we provide an analysis proposing that the frame setting adjunct in (1) is merged in an extra sentential discourse projection (‘FrameP’). Much in the spirit of Mikkelsen (2015)’s work on Danish, we will argue that the microvariation between StD and WF observed in (1) hinges upon a difference in the derivation of subject initial V2 clauses. Our account will be shown to capture the temporal interpretation associated with the frame setting adjunct in periphrastic tenses in (1). Time permitting, we will briefly discuss the microvariation between WFV3 patterns such (1) and similar patterns in French Flemish reported in literature (Ryckeboer 2004, Vanacker 1977).

References: • Freywald, U, K. Mayr, T. Özçelik, & H. Wiese. 2011. Kiezdeutsch as a multiethnolect. Ethnic Styles of Speaking in European Metropolitan Areas ed. F. Kern & M. Selting, 45–73. Amsterdam: John Benjamins • Mikkelsen, L. 2015. VP anaphora and verb second order in Danish. Journal of Lin- guistics 51, 595-643 • Ryckeboer, H. 2004. Fransvlaams. Lannoo: Tielt • Vanacker, V.F. 1977. Syntac- tische overeenkomsten tussen Frans-Vlaamse en Westvlaamse dialecten. De Franse Nederlanden. Les Pays Bas Français. Jaarboek. Rekkem: Ons Erfdeel, 206-216

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V3 in Germanic: A comparison of urban vernaculars and heritage Freitag languages 10.03.2017 13:30 – 14:00 B4 1, 0.23

Artemis Alexiadou Terje Lohndal Humboldt & ZAS NTNU & UIT [email protected] [email protected]

It is well known that varieties of Germanic do not display a strict V2 system whereby the finite verb is in the second position in main clauses. In this paper, we want to compare Germanic heritage languages with Germanic urban vernaculars, demonstrating that similar processes and structures are in place in both varieties. This, we claim, provides important information about the nature of bilingual grammars in general, and of verb placement specifically. Walkden (in press) provides a detailed overview of verb placement in learner varieties of various Germanic languages. Building on Walkden, we argue that the same reasoning can be extended to other varieties of Germanic languages, most notably heritage languages. This comparison suggests that the factors favoring V3 in Germanic are uniform, involving adjunct initial clauses. To this end, we will present data from American Norwegian showing surprisingly similar data. American Norwegian is a heritage language spoken in the US. Data have been collected by Haugen (1953), Hjelde (1992), and more recently through the spoken corpus CANS (Johannessen et al. 2015). Eide & Hjelde (2015) investigate V2 in American Norwegian based on the corpus. (1) provides an example of V3.

(1) nå je fløtte nerri her, kjinner alle her, veit du. now I move down here, know everyone here, know you ‘Now I’m moving down here, I know everyone here, you know.’ (Eide & Hjelde 2015: 86)

We provide an analysis of V3 patterns and the relationship to V2, demonstrating that V2 structures appear more easily with adjuncts as the initial constituent, for which we provide a formal analysis.

References: • Haugen, E. (1953): The Norwegian Language in America. Indiana UP • Walkden, G. (in press): Language contact and V3 in Germanic varieties new and old. Journal of Comparative Ger- manic Linguistics 20.

237 narr. Wissen mit Profil.

DER TREFFPUNKT FÜR LINGUISTEN www.vernarrt-in-sprache.de AG9

Towards an ontology of modal flavors

Ryan Bochnak, Anne Mucha & Kilu von Prince Universität Leipzig/Universität Konstanz, Institut für Deutsche Sprache, Mannheim, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.22

Short description Our understanding of modal meanings is crucially based on the notion of various modal flavors, which distinguish, for example, between epistemic and deontic readings. However, neither within nor across linguistic subfields is there any consensus about the exact ontology of those modal flavors. This workshop aims to provide a forum for researchers in formal semantics, typology, syntax, language description, psycholinguistics and language acquisition to address these issues in the analysis of linguistic modality, in order to gain a better understanding of the role of modal flavors in grammar and cognition.

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Flavors of existential/possessive modals

AG9 Aynat Rubinstein The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Mittwoch [email protected] 08.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.22 In many unrelated languages, expressions of possession give rise to modal meanings in which they express obligation (e.g., English have as in I have a bottle of wine vs. have to as in I have to save it for a special occasion; Bybee et al. 1994; Bhatt 1998; Bjorkman and Cowper 2016). Modern Hebrew seems to conform to this crosslinguistic tendency with the existential copula yeš ‘there is’ (Boneh 2013; also eyn ‘there is not’), although there are two wrinkles: the construction is not fully possessive, and adding a possessor phrase gives rise to a specific type of goal-oriented modality, not obligation. Moreover, earlier varieties of Hebrew constitute a counterexample to the crosslinguistic possession- obligation generalization. While modal uses of the copula are documented throughout the history of Hebrew, these uses differ from the modern ones in terms of both force and flavor. In terms of force, historical yeš can express possibility and not necessity. In terms of flavor, it can refer to non-normative possibilities like abilities (Ben-Ḥayyim 1953/1992, Shehadeh 1991). This talk aims to provide a semantic analysis of the modern modal existential/possessive constructions in Hebrew that is informed by their trajectory of historical change, focusing on what looks like a change in modal force and morphosyntactic loss of the possessor phrase. The profile of modal flavor in the different constructions sheds light on the grammatical underpinnings of possessive modality crosslinguistically.

References: • Ben-Ḥayyim, Z. (1992): The struggle for a language. The Academy of the Hebrew Lan- guage. In Hebrew. • Bhatt, R. (1998): Obligation and possession. In Papers from the UPenn/MIT roundtable on argument structure and aspect, ed. Heidi Harley, volume 32 of MIT Working Papers in Lin- guistics, 21–40. MITWPL. • Bjorkman, B. and E. Cowper (2016): Possession and necessity: from individuals to worlds. Lingua 182(2016), 30–48. • Boneh, N. (2013): Mood and modality: Modern Hebrew. In Encyclopedia of Hebrew language and linguistics, ed. Geoffrey Khan, volume 2, 693–703. Brill.

241 AG 9 · Towards an ontology of modal flavors

Force: Topicalization, context-sensitivity, and morality

AG9 Matthew Mandelkern Jonathan Phillips Massachusetts Institute of Technology Harvard University Mittwoch 08.03.2017 [email protected] [email protected] 14:45 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.22 Recent studies have shown that moral assessments have surprising and widespread ramifications on judgments in many other apparently distinct conceptual domains. We attempt to improve our understanding of this phenomenon with a case study on force. We begin by reviewing the basic phenomenon: subjects are less likely to agree that an individual was forced to do φ if φ is judged to be a morally bad action. Then we introduce new data which show that these judgments are sensitive to topicalization: in a scenario in which A in some sense compels B to do a morally bad action φ, subjects are much more willing to agree with (1a) than with (1b):

(1) a. A forced B to φ. b. B was forced by A to φ.

Why does topicalizing B in this way affect judgments? We get a foothold on this problem by demonstrating that these judgments are also subject to counterin- tuitive order effects. We then explain the overall pattern of data by arguing for two principles: First, we suggest that immoral actions lead us to ignore substantial parts of the causal background and to instead conceptualize agents as free to act in a variety of ways. Second, however, when elements of the causal background are made salient, e.g. by topicalization, we can no longer ignore them, and thus tend to judge agents as less free to do otherwise. We model this by positing that judgments about force depend on a contextually given parameter, which is sensitive to how much information about the causal background we are taking into account. We suggest that this account of the role of morality in judgments about ‘force’ extends broadly to the array of concepts which make up the core of our practical lives.

References: • Knobe, J. (2010). Person as scientist, person as moralist. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 33(04):315-329. • Mandelkern, M., Schultheis, G., and Boylan, D. (2015). I believe I can φ. In 20th Amsterdam Colloquium, pages 256-265. • Phillips, J. and Knobe, J. (2009). Moral judgments and in- tuitions about freedom. Psychological Inquiry, 20(1):30-36. • Phillips, J. S. (2015). The Psychological Representation of Modality. PhD thesis, Yale University.

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The early production of conditionals

AG9 Eva Csipak Universität Konstanz Mittwoch [email protected] 08.03.2017 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.22 This talk investigates whether insights into the acquisition of modal verbs can be extended to conditionals by looking at production data of monolingual German-speaking children aged 1;4 to 3;8 (Szagun 2001). Conditional sentences of the form if p, q are generally assumed have a modal meaning, with the antecedent proposition p serving as the restrictor of the worlds quantified over in the consequent q (Lewis 1973; Kratzer 1986; much subsequent work). Modals exhibit modal flavour which falls into root and nonroot varities (Hoffmann 1966). Nonroot modals deal with possibilities stemming from the speaker’s knowledge, whereas root modals deal with possibilities stemming from relevant facts in the world. Bare conditionals (those without an overt modal in the consequent) have a generic, law-like flavour (von Fintel 1997). Thus they are expected to behave like root modals. Language acquisition research shows that children acquire root modality in modal verbs before nonroot modality (Papafragou 1998). By searching the Szagun subcorpus of the Child Language Data Exchange System for cases of children producing the word wenn‘if’ and classifying the resulting hits as having root or nonroot modality, it is shown that German monolingual children productively use root modality, especially deontic modality, before age 3;8. Conditionals with nonroot modality are also produced, albeit not productively. The figures should be read as follows: root modality –1;nonroot modality – 2; ambiguous cases – 9. The acquisition of conditionals follows the same pattern as the acquisition of modal verbs.

References: • von Fintel, K. (1997): Bare plurals, bare conditionals, and only. JoS 14:1-56. • Papafragou, A. (1998): The acquisition of modality. M&L 13:370-399. • Szagun, G. (2001): Learning different regularities. First Language 21:109-141.

243 AG 9 · Towards an ontology of modal flavors

Decomposing modal flavours

AG9 Jakob Maché Ọbáfẹ́mi Awólọ́wọ̀ University Ilé-Ifẹ̀ Mittwoch 08.03.2017 [email protected] 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.22 This paper shows that besides modal force, modal base and ordering source, there are two further important aspects which are essential to correctly analyse modal readings: the modal source and the sentential mood. As pointed out in the corpus study carried out by Mache (2013), there are a couple of environments in which reportative modal verbs occur and their epistemic cognates fail to: (i) in nominalisations, (ii) in adverbial infinitives (cf. (1)), (iii) embedded under tense auxiliaries and (iv) optative operators.

(1) Schließlich gab Sabine Marker nach und setzte ihre Unterschrift auf finally gave Sabine Marker after and put her signature on die Erklärung, ohne gewusst haben zu wollen, was sie da the declaration without know-ppp have-inf to want-inf what she there unterzeichnet. (DeReKo: NUN10/OKT.03036) signes ‘Finally, Sabine Marker complied and put her signature under the declaration and now she claims that she did not know what she was signing.’

In this paper, it will be shown that any modal operator introduces a variable for a modal source which has to be bound in the most local configuration. With circumstantial and reportative modal verbs, the modal source will be bound by a (covert) argument of the modal predicate. The variable of the modal source is bound within the proposition. With the variable bound, the reportative modal can be embedded in nominalisations, adverbial infinitives, optatives and under tense auxiliaries. With epistemic modal verbs however, the modal source is identified by the referent who utters the proposition. An epistemic modal verb cannot be embedded under most operators as long the variable of the modal source is not bound. Moreover, it will be shown how some epistemic modal verbs are affected by subjunctive operators, much the way Rubinstein (2012) observed.

References: • Maché, J. (2013): On Black Magic. PhD-thesis FU Berlin. • Rubinstein, A. (2012): Roots of Modality. PhD-thesis UMass.

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Weak necessity modals and modal flavor: The view from Paciran Javanese AG9

Vera Hohaus Jozina Vander Klok Mittwoch Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen University of British Columbia, 08.03.2017 [email protected] Vancouver 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.22 [email protected]

Considering that modality concerns two dimensions, modal force and modal flavor, the question arises whether the distinction of force between strongand weak necessity is independent from the type of modal flavor. That is, would natural language allow for changes in modal flavor based on secondary pri- orities? We investigate this question based on data from primary fieldwork on Paciran Javanese (a Javanese dialect spoken in East Java, Indonesia), and propose that modal flavor remains invariant in the modal force change from strong to weak. Weak necessity modals in Paciran Javanese are morphologically complex: They are transparently built by combining a necessity modal with thesuffix –ne, as in (1). We suggest that –ne overtly realizes a context-dependent secondary ordering source, which refines the ranking of the possible worlds quantified over by the modal (Kratzer 1991), drawing on analyses proposed invon Fintel & Iatridou (2008) and Rubinstein (2012).

(1) Sampean kudu-ne ora mbengok-mbengok. 2SG root.nec-ne neg red-av.shout ‘You should not shout!’

At Logical Form, –ne attach within the restrictor of the modal, modifying the set of worlds determined by the accessiblity relation and the first ordering source. We therefore correctly predict that -ne may weaken the modal force but does not alter the modal flavor of the modal.

References: • von Fintel, K. & S. Iatridou (2008): The Composition of Weak Necessity Modals. In:J. Guéron & J. Lecarme (eds.), Time and Modality, 115–141. • Kratzer, A. (1991): Modality. In: A. von Ste- chow & M. Herwig (eds.), Semantik, 639-650. • Rubinstein, A. (2012): Roots of Modality. Ph.D. thesis, UMass Amherst.

245 AG 9 · Towards an ontology of modal flavors

Modal flavor/modal force interactions in German

AG9 Lisa Matthewson Hubert Truckenbrodt UBC Vancouver ZAS and HU Berlin Mittwoch 08.03.2017 [email protected] [email protected] 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.22 Von Fintel and Iatridou (2008) show for a range of languages that counterfactual morphology, added to a strong necessity modal like must, leads to the weak necessity (WN) reading of English ought. We generalize the analysis of Rubinstein (2012) for this phenomenon and analyze German müssen and sollen against this background, building on Ehrich (2001), among others. German shows interaction with modal flavor and allows WN readings only in the synthetic form [modalKONJ.II], not with analytic forms [würdeKONJ.II + modal]. For müssen we find the expected WN reading with epistemic flavor as in(1b).

(1) a. Peter muss in der Küche sein. (only option given the evidence) b. Peter müsste in der Küche sein. (not only option) c. #Peter würde in der Küche sein müssen. (würde + modal: *WN)

However, the deontic use of müssen does not have such a WN alternative, as shown in (2b). We find instead a WN politeness reading, as indicated in(2b). The analytic form is again not possible, cf. (2c).

(2) A: Wie komme ich nach Amherst? a. B: Du musst Rt. 9 nehmen. (presented as only road to A.) b. B: Du müsstest Rt. 9 nehmen. (presented as only road to A., Konj.II adds an element like ‘if you don’t mind’) ≠ You ought to take Rt. 9. (pres. as best but not only road t.A.) c. #B: Du würdest Rt. 9 nehmen müssen. (würde + modal: *WN)

The analytic form [würde + modal] is possible where Konj.II is licensed by a counterfactual conditional and does not have a WN reading:

(3) Wenn er ein Auto hätte, würde er es anmelden müssen.

References: • Ehrich, V. (2001): Was nicht müssen und nicht können (nicht) bedeuten können (...). LB Sonderheft 9, 149-176. • von Fintel, K. & S. Iatridou (2008): How to say ought in foreign. In Time and Modality, Dordrecht, Springer Netherlands, 115-141. • Rubinstein, A. (2012): Roots of Modality. Ph.D. dissertation, UMass, Amherst.

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Swabian, German, Chinese and German Sign Language: Multi-source convergence on a cartographic array of modal flavors AG9

Daniel Hole Fabian Bross Donnerstag Universität Stuttgart Universität Stuttgart 09.03.2017 [email protected] [email protected] 09:00 – 09:30 B4 1, 0.22

The aim of this talk is to provide novel cross-linguistic evidence foranes- sentially cartographic theory (Cinque 1999) of modal meanings in several unrelated languages: Middle Swabian, Standard German; Chinese and German Sign Language. We will argue for a modal flavor that projects between deontic and circumstantial modality. We dub this flavor ‘design modality’ and leave it open as to whether it fully coincides with, or covers only a subdomain of, Ru- binstein’s (2012) goal-oriented modality. We argue that the different shades of modality conventionalize in the (morpho-)syntax as a function of their respective ordering sources/modal anchors (Kratzer 1991, Hacquard 2006). We consider the (presumably incomplete) shades of modality and their character- izations in (1). The order provided is one that, we assume, holds in the syntax as well:1

(1) a. epistemic ‘What can or must hold in view of what the speaker knows?’ b. [deictic tense] c. bouletic/volitional ‘W.c.o.m.h.i.v.o.w. the subject wants?’ d. deontic ‘Wcomhivow the asymmetric power relations are like?’ e. design ‘Wcomhivow the relevant participant was designed for?’ f. circumstantial ‘Wcomhivo causality affecting the relevant participant?’ g. root ‘Wcomhivo the inherent properties of the modal anchor?’

We will provide evidence to the effect that moving down the hierarchy in (1) makes a (morpho-)syntactic difference for each step in at least one of the languages surveyed.

References: • Cinque, G. (1999): Adverbs and functional heads. A cross-linguistic perspective. New York: Oxford University Press. • Hacquard, V. (2006): Aspects of modality (Doctoral dissertation, Mas- sachusetts Institute of Technology). • Kratzer, A. (1991): Modality. In: von Stechow & Wunderlich, D. (eds.): Semantics: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research. Berlin: de Gruyter. 639-650. • Rubinstein, A. (2012): Roots of modality (Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts Amherst).

1 W.c.o.m.h.i.v.o.w. = ‘What can or must hold in view of what’

247 AG 9 · Towards an ontology of modal flavors

The (in)stability of modal flavors: The case of English modals and their Spanish equivalents AG9

Dana Kratochvílová Donnerstag 09.03.2017 Charles University 09:30 – 10:00 [email protected] B4 1, 0.22

In English, the main instrument for expressing speaker’s attitude toward the content of his utterance are the modal verbs. In Spanish, the center of the modal system is formed by verbal moods that can co-occur with modal verbs. We may distinguish two levels of this co-occurrence: cooperation and competition. The fact that Spanish modal verbs can be subjected do tense and, moreim- portantly, modal inflection offers to Spanish speakers a possibility of double modalization which is, generally, impossible in English (cooperation). On the other hand, the strongly fusional character of the Spanish verbal system often leads to a complete omission of modal verbs and their substitution by other resources for expressing modality, especially, by the subjunctive (competition). Our research provides a contrastive study of English constructions that contain a modal verb and their respective Spanish equivalents. Using the parallel corpus InterCorp, we analyze a wide range of Spanish translations of English modals, concentrating on their frequency, on the criteria that lead to their selection and on the level of their cooperation / competition with other modal resources (complete substitution of the English modal by the subjunctive, conditional or epistemic future, modal and tense inflection of the modal verb or its combination with lexical expressions of modality). This analysis enables us to outline some of the main differences between Spanish and English modality in general and helps us to determine the position of Spanish modal verbs in the Spanish modal systems. It also shows to what extent a concrete modal flavor expressed in English can be translated into Spanish, reflecting, thus, their (in)stability.

References: • Rosen, A. - Vavřín, M. (2016): Korpus InterCorp – Spanish, English, version 9 (www.korpus.cz).

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Modal force and flavour as semantic restrictors of possible double modal combinations in Croatian AG9

Ana Werkmann Horvat Donnerstag University of Oxford 09.03.2017 [email protected] 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.22

The primary aim of this paper is to explore the manner in which modalforce and flavour impose restrictions on possible double modal (DM) combinations in Croatian. DM data shows that modal auxiliaries combine on the basis of certain semantic restrictions that occur between different modal flavour groups. While some of these semantic restrictions have already been reported in the literature, such as epistemics scoping over non-epistemics (Nauze 2008; Butler 2003), and priority modals scoping over circumstantials (Nauze 2008); Croa- tian data offers a new insight into semantic restrictions within the circumstantial group of modals. Croatian DM data suggests that what has traditionally been considered one modal flavour, i.e. circumstantial, ought to be considered three different grammatically distinct flavours, namely pure possibility, ability and disposition (Coates 1983, Kratzer 1981, Palmer 2001). They create a scope hierarchy, similarly to the above defined restrictions. Data shows that pure possibility scopes over ability and disposition, while ability scopes over disposition. Croatian data also shows that there is a constraint on the order of the modal force, i.e. necessity scopes over possibility (Cinque, 1999; Butler, 2003). This constraint holds for all flavours, but crucially only within a flavour group, and not between flavour groups. A result of this research is a hierarchical analysis which takes into account both modal flavour and modal force as crucial pieces of modal meaning and challenges the way we traditionally define modal flavours within the non- epistemic group.

References: • Butler, J. (2003). A minimalist treatment of modality. Lingua, 113(10), 967–996. • Cinque, G. (1999). Adverbs and functional heads: A cross-linguistic perspective. Oxford: Oxford Univer- sity Press. • Coates, J. (1983). The semantics of the modal auxiliaries. London: Croom Helm. • Kratzer, A. (1981). The notional category of modality. Words, worlds, and contexts, 38-74. • Nauze, F. D. (2008). Modality in typological perspective. PhD thesis, Amsterdam: Institute for Logic, Language and Compu- tation. • Palmer, F. R. (2001). Mood and modality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

249 AG 9 · Towards an ontology of modal flavors

Modal concord is not modal concord

AG9 Lavi Wolf Ben Gurion University of the Negev Donnerstag 09.03.2017 [email protected] 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.22 Modal flavors are classically divided into epistemic and root. Interestingly, while root modals have an inner division, e.g. deontic, ability, bouletic, aletic etc. epistemic modals are considered a class of their own. This is, however, not necessarily the case. This talk discusses a phenomenon that points to a division between two types of epistemic modals, termed Modal Concord (MC). When modal adverbs interact with modal auxiliaries of the same quantificational force and apparent modal flavor, one of the modals seems to become semantically vacuous:

(1) Jane might possibly be in the office.

The interpretation of (1), is interestingly not what we would expect fromtwo modals of the same flavor, i.e. a possibility of a possibility. Rather, there seems to be a single possibility here. The proposed theory is that the so-called MC is actually not MC. Instead, itre- flects an interaction between two different flavors within epistemic modality. Might is a truth-conditional epistemic modal and possibly is use-conditional. The formal account is a speech act based probabilistic account in which truth conditional epistemic modals modify the propositional content and use conditional epistemic modals modify the degree of illocutionary force by which the speech act is performed.

References: • Anand, P., & Brasoveanu, A. (2010). Modal concord as modal modification. In Proceed- ings of Sinn und Bedeutung, vol. 14 (pp. 19–36). • Geurts, B., & Huitink, J. (2006). Modal concord. In P. Dekker & H. Zeijlstra (Eds.), Concord Phenomena and the Syntax Semantics Interface, ESSLLI. Malaga. • Grosz, P. (2010). Grading modality: A new approach to modal concord and its relatives. In Proceed- ings of Sinn und Bedeutung, vol. 14, pp. 185-201. 2010. • Gutzmann, D. (2015). Use-conditional meaning: Studies in multidimensional semantics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Huitink, J. (2012). Modal Concord: A Case Study of Dutch. Journal of Semantics, 29(3), 403–437. • Potts, C. (2007). The expressive dimension. Theoretical Linguistics, 33, 165–198. • Zeijlstra, H. (2007). Modal concord. In Proceed- ings of SALT Vol. 17 (pp. 317–332).

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Veritic semantics for epistemic modals

AG9 Adam Marushak University of Pittsburgh Donnerstag [email protected] 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.22 Epistemic modals have the name they do because they are often thought to describe how things stand with bodies of knowledge. My aim in this talk is to argue that this semantics is false: epistemic modals have no special semantic ties to knowledge, evidence, or any other epistemological concept. My argument proceeds in two stages. First, I’ll raise a dilemma for any knowledge-describing semantics for epistemic modals: such a semantics either fails to explain the unembeddability of epistemic contradictions, or fails to explain the embeddability of certain sentences explicitly describing epistemic reasons. I’ll then use this dilemma to motivate an alternative, veritic semantics for epistemic modals, according to which epistemic modals describe how things stand with the contextually relevant truths. The result is a significant departure from the orthodox account of theepis- temic flavor of modality: it is reason claims, not epistemic modals, thatde- scribe knowledge.

The ontological cookbook of modal categories: There aremore Donnerstag flavors than you think 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.22

Dietmar Zaefferer Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München [email protected] modal categories via speaker’s subjectivity (Palmer 2001) or a vague appeal to necessity and possibility (Kratzer 1991) is insufficient. We define modal categories as consisting of four operators with different forces: strong, weak, anti- strong, antiweak. Whereas the set of modal flavors is open, only a few of them are central, among them the two that link up with the major sentence moods:

251 AG 9 · Towards an ontology of modal flavors volitionality and epistemicity. Strong epistemic operators map their argument P to the proposition that the epistemic subject subjectively knows that p, where p is either P (transparent case) or one of the alternatives coded by P (opaque case). Assuming that the German perfecto-present wissen codes epistemicity in this sense predicts that it has both a transparent and an opaque reading. Strong volitional operators map their argument p to the proposition that the volitional subject realistically aims at bringing about p. Assuming that the Ger- man modals wollen and sollen code volitionality in this sense predicts that applied to arguments that cannot be realistically aimed at they either result in nonsense or invite metonymic coercion.

(1) Eva will mit 23 Jahren ihre Prüfung /a. bestehen /b. bestanden haben Eva wants to /a. pass /b. have passed her exam at the age of 23

If Eva is 21 years old (1) a. is read as plain future, and (1) b. as future perfect: In both cases she aims at having the degree within two years. If Eva is 31 (1) a. is nonsense, and (1) b. gets an epistemic reading: She aims at making people think she got her degree eight years ago. Putting together these building blocks we argue that the core sentence moods are best defined as coding either material volition (imperative) orepis- temic volition: transparent (declarative) or opaque (interrogative).

References: • Kratzer, A. (1991): Modality. In: Hdbook of Semantics. De Gruyter, 639-650. • Palmer, F. R. (2001). Mood and Modality. Cambridge University Press.

252 AG10

Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding predicates

Marie-Luise Popp & Barbara Stiebels Universität Leipzig, Universität Leipzig [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.07

Short description The workshop will address the role of polysemy of clause-embedding predicates (CEPs; e.g., tell, ask) for the distributional properties of these predicates (e.g., complementation patterns, NEG-raising, control vs. raising, mood selection, restructuring/clause union) and the role of coercion in adding clausal arguments to non-clause-embedding verbs or in enhancing the syntactic flexibility of CEPs.

253 AG 10 · Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding predicates

Mittwoch Introduction: The role of polysemy and coercion in clause-embedding 08.03.2017 predicates 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.07 Marie-Luise Popp Barbara Stiebels Universität Leipzig Universität Leipzig AG10 [email protected] [email protected]

In our introduction we will address some cases that highlight the role of polysemy and coercion for the complementation patterns of clause-embedding predicates (CEPs). We will exemplify the role of the complementation type with vague or polysemous predicates in languages with small inventories of clause-embedding predicates and contrast these data with German. We will discuss the role of coercion for the syntactic flexibility of CEPs. In particular, we will demonstrate how coercion feeds the licensing of V2 complements in German. Unlike infinitival complements whose licensing is often modulated via modals, modal expressions and aspectual markers in the infinitival complement, V2 licensing is frequently enhanced via coercion ofthe matrix predicate (e.g., establishing a speech act predicate reading). This coercion mechanism is related to the fact that German allows the conflation of a manner component (e.g., sound emission) with other meaning aspects (e.g., movement, speech act). Based on Troyke-Lekschas’ (2013) study we will show that the usualization of coerced predicates paves the way from less integrated clausal complements (direct speech, V2) to more integrated structures. Based on a small-scale cross-linguistic study of NEG-raising predicates (Popp 2016) we will demonstrate that predicates that exhibit a ‘hope’/‘expect’ polysemy (e.g., Spanish, Lithuanian or Swahili), only the ‘expect’ reading allows NEG raising; ‘expect’ predicates in other languages function as “strong” NEG raisers, whereas ‘hope’ predicates only function in some languages as NEG raisers.

References: • Popp, M.-L. (2016): NEG-raising in cross-linguistic perspective. MA thesis. University of Leipzig. • Troyke-Lekschas, S. (2013): Korpuslinguistische Untersuchungen zum Phänomen der Satzein- bettung bei deutschen Geräuschverben. MA thesis, HU Berlin.

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Basic pieces, complex meanings: Building attitudes in Navajo Mittwoch 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.07 Elizabeth Bogal-Allbritten University of Gothenburg [email protected] AG10 It is crosslinguistically widely-attested for different attitude reports to be distinguished chiefly by their verbs, e.g. think/denken, vs. want/wollen. In familiar accounts, the attitude verb determines the meaning of the attitude report in its entirety. More recently, however, Kratzer (2006, 2013) and Moulton (2009) have argued that key semantic aspects of English and German attitude reports come from embedded material, not attitude verbs. I present fieldwork data from Navajo in support of Kratzer and Moulton’s compositional account. Navajo sentences in (1) express either belief or desire ((1c) is string ambiguous). Unlike their English translations, however, the Navajo sentences all contain the same verb, nízin. I show that nízin is not lexically ambiguous between meanings on par with familiar entries of think and want. Rather, Navajo is a limiting case in the empirical landscape predicted by Kratzer and Moulton: the embedded clause determines all attitude-related meaning and nízin only adds the attitude holder.

(1) a. [Nisneez] nízin. b. [Nisneez laanaa] nízin. 1sg.tall 3sg.nizin 1sg.tall desire 3sg.nizin ‘S/he thinks I am tall.’ ‘S/he wishes I were tall.’ c. [Nisneez dooleeł] nízin. 1sg.tall future 3sg.nizin (i) ‘S/he thinks I will be tall.’ (ii) ‘S/he wants me to be tall.’

Crucially, clauses embedded by nízin can also function as main clauses with meanings intuitively related to attitudes. E.g., unembedded nisneez (compare (1a)) expresses an assertion (‘I am tall’) whereas nisneez dooleeł is ambiguous much like (1c), expressing an assertion (‘I will be tall’) or a priority (‘I need to be tall’). I propose that Navajo builds beliefs and desire from nízin and operators (assertion, priority) used beyond attitude reports.

References: • Kratzer, A. (2006): Decomposing attitude verbs. Talk at the Hebrew University Jerusalem. • Kratzer, A. (2013): Modality and the semantics of embedding. Amsterdam Colloquium. • Moulton, K. (2009): Natural selection and the syntax of clausal complementation, UMass dissertation.

255 AG 10 · Polysemy and coercion of clause-embedding predicates

Mittwoch Systematic polysemy of non-factive epistemic and fiction verbs in 08.03.2017 Italian: evidence from mood variation 16:30 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.07 Alda Mari Institut Jean Nicod, ENS/EHESS/PSL/UMR 8129 AG10 [email protected]

Empirical puzzle. Semantic approaches of mood choice (e.g. Quer, 1998; Gian- nakidou, 1999; Farkas, 2003; Villalta, 2008; Anand and Hacquard, 2013) predict belief predicates to be indicative selectors by assuming a clash between (i) Hintikka (1962) semantics for belief using a homogeneous doxastic modal base, and (ii) the constraint according to which the subjunctive is triggered by the presence of alternatives. Italian credere (believe), licenses both the subjunctive and the indicative and is a notable exception to this cross-linguistic generalization. We newly note that fiction predicates in Italian also license the subjunctive, contrary to the expectations. Proposal. We will maintain that the subjunctive in the embedded clause is triggered by polar alternatives in the modal base of the matrix predicate. Lan- guages that license the subjunctive under belief and fiction verbs allow us to see a systematic polysemy previously gone unnoticed. We newly propose that belief and fiction verbs cross-linguistically are systematically polysemous between a hintikkean-type of meaning (which triggers the indicative) and what we call an ‘inquisitive’ meaning. This triggers the subjunctive as several new pieces of data show. It is a multilayered meaning that features a presupposition of epistemic uncertainty and conveys doxastic certainity in the assertion. We show that fictional predicates are ambiguous in a parallel way, and select the subjunctive whenever they feature an epistemic uncertainity layer in the presupposition.

References: • Anand, P. & V. Hacquard (2013): Epistemics and Attitudes. S&P 6: 1-59. • Farkas, D. (2003): Assertion, belief and mood choice. Esslli. • Giannakidou, A. (1999): Affective dependencies. L&P 22: 367-421 • Mari, A. (2016): Assertability conditions of epistemic (and fictional) attitudes and mood variation. SALT 26: 61-81. • Portner, P. (forthcoming): Mood. OUP. • Quer, J. (1998): Moods at the interface. PhD. • Villalta, E. (2008): Mood and gradability. L&P 31: 467-522

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Mood selection of two visual perception verbs in Hong Kong Mittwoch Cantonese 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.07 Michelle Li Caritas Institute of Higher Education [email protected] AG10

Cantonese belongs to the Yue dialect group of Chinese. This paper examines the polyfunctionality of two visual perception verbs in Hong Kong Cantonese – gin3 ‘see’ and tai2 ‘look (at)’. While gin3 refers to successful perception, tai2 is an activity verb. These verbs follow the well-known semantic extension of perception to cognition (Viberg 1984). They also function as complement- taking predicates referring to different cognitive states and activities and select clausal complements of different modal properties. Gin3 can mean ‘aware, know, notice, realize’ which selects realis complements expressing a high degree of certainty as illustrated in (1).

(1) ngo5 gin3 koei5 mei6 hou2 faan1 so2ji5 mou5 giu3 keoi5 lai4 1SG see 3SG not good back so not call 3SG come ‘Seeing that she had not yet recovered, I didn’t ask her to come.’

Tai2 refers to the act of thinking whose complements have an irrealis interpretation which not available to gin3 as shown in (2).

(2) nei5 *gin3/tai2 keoi5 wui5 m4 wui5 jeng4? 2SG *see/look 3SG will not will win ‘Do you think she will win?’

It is argued that the difference in modal properties of these two verbs can beat- tributed to their basic use as perception verbs, despite weakening of this sense in the process of semantic extension.

References: • Viberg, Å. (1984): The verbs of perception: a typological study. In Brian Utterworth, Bernard Comrie & Östen Dahl (eds.). Explanations for Language Universals, 123-162. Berlin: Mouton.

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Donnerstag How believing so is different from believing it 09.03.2017 09:00 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.07 A. Marlijn Meijer Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] AG10 This study focuses on the English propositional anaphor so, in comparison to it; see 1. Native speakers report that in embedded responses to questions, such as 1, using so is better than using it. Needham’s (2012) corpus study shows that antecedents of so mostly are questions. Furthermore, the distribution of so is quite restricted: it cannot occur with verbs such as regret or resent. Therefore, it has been suggested that so only occurs with non-factives (Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1971); that so does not presuppose that the referent is true (Cornish 1992); or that so refers to the question under discussion, to which the speaker is not committed (Needham 2012). However, Bhatt’s (2010) finding, that so can occur with know in certain contexts, e.g. in 2, is problematic for these theories. I argue that so presupposes that its referent is still under discussion and thus is not part of the common ground (CG), at the time of the occurrence of the eventuality of the predicate that so combines with. For it, I follow Moul- ton (2015) in assuming that it refers to salient propositional content, without speculating on whether the associated proposition is part of the CG or not. This explains the context-sensitive distribution of so, as well as the finding that so more is often used in response to questions. Following Farkas & Bruce (2009:24), I assume that propositions denoting polar questions are not part of the CG until the ‘asker’ (implicitly) signals agreement with the answer, whereas affirmation of an assertion can happen ‘unsignalled’. Reference toas- serted propositions by so is thus only possible in restricted environments; for example in rejecting responses such as I don’t believe so or if the assertion was not confirmed yet by other speakers (e.g. 2). 1. A: Is John coming tonight? B: I believe {so | ? it}. 2. It will rain tomorrow. I know so, because I checked the weather report.

References: • Cornish, F. (1992): So Be It: The Discourse-Semantic Roles of So and It. JoS. • Farkas, D. F. & K. B. Bruce (2009): On reacting to assertions and polar questions. JoS. • Moulton (2015): CPs: Copies and Compositionality. LI. • Needham, S. M. (2012): Propositional anaphora in English. PhD thesis, Carleton University Ottawa.

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Complementation strategies with the verb ‘know’ in Balkan Turkish Donnerstag compared to Standard Turkish and Macedonian 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.07

Julian Rentzsch Liljana Mitkovska FON University Skopje/JGU Mainz FON University Skopje [email protected] [email protected] AG10

Standard Macedonian and Standard Turkish differ greatly in how they link clausal complements to verba dicendi et sentiendi: Macedonian uses finite verb forms and free complementizers in complement clauses, while Standard Turkish generally prefers verbal nouns, i.e. bound non-finite verb forms. Both languages possess means to encode the opposition [factual]. The Western Rumelian Turkish (WRT) dialects in Macedonia use finite complementation strategies much more frequently than ST, although non-finite strategies occur as well in certain settings. The paper will investigate and compare the complementation strategies attested with the corresponding equivalents for the verb ‘know’ in Slavic and in the Turkish varieties spoken in Macedonia. The focus will be on how the semantic polysemy of the verb in the language varieties examined affects the CC patterns. Thus in the course of the paper we discuss semantic issues related to the opposition [factual] and to shades of meaning within the non-factual domain (e.g. the development to know → to be able). We address the question to which degree language contact, internal developments and universal tendencies have contributed to the emergence of the picture in WRT and demonstrate how structures in a language can adjust to reflect features of very different structures of contact languages.

References: • Dixon, R.M.W. & Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.) (2006): Complementation. A cross-linguistic typology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Friedman, Victor A. (2003): Turkish in Macedonia and beyond. Studies in contact, typology and other phenomena in the Balkans and the Caucasus. (Turcolog- ica 52.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. • Noonan, Michael (1985 [2007]): Complementation. In: Shopen, Timothy (ed.). Language typology and syntactic description. Vol. 2: Complex constructions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 52–150.

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Donnerstag Clause embedding sound emission verbs 09.03.2017 11:15 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.07 Stephen Wechsler The University of Texas [email protected] AG10 Vocal sound emission verbs like scream often take clausal complements:

(1) I remember screaming that I wanted him back every night for weeks. (interview on ABC News, 2013)

In this usage the sounds produced must be verbal utterances whose semantic content the clausal complement expresses. The clause cannot report, e.g., the content of a non-linguistic scream:

(2) The infant screamed {when / ?#that} he was hungry.

In (1), a verb meaning ‘Vocalize in a type x manner’ is extended to also mean ‘Say (content of complement clause) by vocalizing in a type x manner’. What gives rise to this polysemy pattern? One source of polysemy is sense indeterminacy: multiple alternative word senses are consistent with a given reference context (cf. Quine’s 1960 “gava- gai problem”; and Erk et al. 2012). Word senses pick out regularities across observed situations, so polysemy results when there are multiple correlated regularities. We hypothesize that the stronger the correlation between senses s1 and s2 across described situations, the more likely that a word meant to denote s1 is interpreted as denoting s2 and thus that s1 and s2 are senses of a single polysemous word. E.g. autohyponymy is common because all upward- entailing contexts consistent with s1 are also consistent with s1’s hypernyms, and all downward-entailing contexts are consistent with s1’s hyponyms. Turn- ing to verbs where s1 is ‘vocalize in a type x manner’, we expect s2 to be an activity that correlates with type x vocalizations. Whenever the vocalizations are human speech sounds (as in (1)) then the specific correlating s2 is the act of saying something by making a type x sound.

References: • Quine, Willard Van Orman (1960): Word and object. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. • Erk, Katrin, Diana McCarthy, & Nicholas Gaylord (2012): Measuring word meaning in context. Computa- tional Linguistics, November, 501–44.

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Against classifications of complement-taking predicates: the case of Donnerstag mental verbs 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.07

Natalia Serdobolskaya Russian State University for the Humanities Moscow State University of Education AG10 [email protected]

While describing complementation, many grammars and special studies use semantic classifications of complement-taking predicates (CTPs) as a descriptive tool. The claim of my paper is that such an approach is not effective dueto polysemy of CTPs, which influence the range of complement clause types the CTPs take. In support of my claim I consider the data of several non-related languages. I focus on the verbs with the meaning ‘think, believe, seem’, which have been classified as verbs of cognition in Givón (1980), propositional attitude in Noonan (1985), propositional attitude (positive) in Hengeveld (2008–2009), thinking in Dixon, Aikhenvald (2006). I describe the polysemy patterns of CTPs meaning ‘think, believe, seem’ and the complement types they can take. The described meaning shows is polysemous with the meanings of CTPs belonging to different classes, including mental (‘dream’, ‘remember’), emotive (‘hope’, ‘fear’), perception (‘feel’), wishing (‘want’), intention CTPs (‘to be going to’). I show that an adequate view on CTPs and the distribution of complement types in a given language may be obtained through an analysis of basic meanings of CTPs and cannot rely on a priori classifications of CTPs or semantic types of complements. This entails the necessity of a lexical typological research even in works on complementation that strive to limit themselves to syntax.

References: • Dixon, R.M,W. & A. Aikhenvald (eds.) (2006): Complementation. A cross-linguistic typology. Oxford University Press. • Givón, T. (1980): The binding hierarchy and the typology of complements. Studies in language 4(4), 333–377. • Hengeveld, K. (2008–2009): The typological questionnary on complement clauses. [https://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/tools-at-lingboard/questionnaire/complement- clauses_description.php] • Noonan, M. (1985): Complementation. In T. Shopen (ed.). Language typology and syntactic description 2: Complex constructions. Cambridge University Press, 42–140.

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Donnerstag ‘Chameleon verbs’: variation in argument realization 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.07 Kerstin Schwabe ZAS Berlin [email protected] AG10 There are polysemous German matrix predicates the argument realization of which varies while the argument structure remains unchanged – e.g. (es/darüber) diskutieren ‘discuss’ and (es/davon) hören ‘hear’. Their propositional argument either exhibits accusative or oblique case. Whereas accusative case expresses a direct relationship between the matrix subject and the embedded clause, the prepositional case indicates that something else is involved in the relationship. Most of the predicates denote an utterance event if used with an accusative propositional argument. If such a predicate denotes additionally an emotive attitude (mosern ‘grumble’), it can be used with the prepositional correlate darüber. Then, it relates to a proposition that follows from the matrix subject’s knowledge, that is, to a fact. As for predicates that denote mental activities (sinnieren ‘ponder’) or the manner or purpose of an utterance (polemisieren ’polemicize’), they relate to propositions that are con- tingent with or contradict the matrix subject’s knowledge if used with the propositional correlate. Another subtype of ’chameleons’ consists of verbs like wissen ‘know’ or hören ‘hear’. If they co-occur with an es-correlate, their embedded proposition is a fact. If they are used with the prepositional correlate davon, the embedded proposition follows from what the matrix subject knows or has heard. A further subgroup consists of decision predicates like abstimmen ‘vote’. Their oblique argument relates to the question that has to be decidedon whereas their accusative argument denotes the result of the decision.

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Coercing propositional anaphora Freitag 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.07 Itamar Kastner Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] AG10 The meaning of a clause-embedding predicate is often determined byits complement: know that ≠ know how (e.g. Grimshaw 1979). The current presentation discusses how meaning is conditioned by the syntactic category of the complement: CP (clausal) or DP (nominal), mirroring the contrast between a proposition and an entity. Taking into account predicates that exceptionally coerce anaphoric complements, we are led to a theory of complementation that has consequences beyond clausal embedding. Definite DP complements are salient in the discourse whereas CP complements serve to introduce a new topic to the discourse. Once this distinction is implemented in the syntax, the resulting system is able to make a number of predictions regarding the factivity, presupposition and interpretation of CP and DP complements (Kastner 2015). Recently, however, Elliott (2016) has called attention to a set of propositional anaphora: nominals with operators whose interpretation depends on another DP in the clause or in the immediately accessible discourse. These include everything, the same NP and it. Strikingly, these DPs can serve as complements to a handful of verbs that do not otherwise take DPs as complements, in particular think. I propose that a clause embedded under propositional anaphors is coerced into an entity whose propositional content must be filled in by an immediately accessible proposition. As far as selection goes, these results imply that any verb is compatible with a DP complement as long as the semantics is satisfied. This much is already known from cognate objects, where unergative verbsare able to take a restricted set of internal arguments. In sum, under specific conditions it is possible to coerce a propositional anaphor DP even if the verb is otherwise incompatible with nominal complements. This supports a theory separating syntactic selection from semantic computation, where a verbal root constrains the latter but not the former.

References: • Grimshaw, J. (1979): Complement Selection and the Lexicon. Linguistic Inquiry 10, 279–326. • Kastner, I. (2015): Factivity mirrors interpretation: The selectional requirements of presuppositional verbs. Lingua 164, 156–188. • Elliott, P.D. (2016): Explaining DPs vs. CPs without syntax. In: Proceedings of CLS 52.

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Freitag Utterance-predicate complementation 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:30 B4 1, 0.07 Marie-Luise Lind Sørensen Kasper Boye University of Copenhagen University of Copenhagen [email protected] [email protected]

In a classic work on complementation, Noonan (2007) restricts the term “utterance predicate“ to predicates such as ‘say’, ‘tell’ and ‘ask’ in constructions with a propositional complement, as in (1a). In contrast, constructions like (1b) are taken to involve a distinct type of predicate referred to as “manipulative” (examples from Noonan 2007:120).

(1) a. Floyd told Zeke that Roscoe burried the mash. b. Floyd told Zeke to bury the mash.

Thus, the term “utterance predicate” is defined as a cover term for predicates that describe assertions or polar questions, but not for predicates that describe directive speech acts. Likewise, Cristofaro’s (2013) study of utterance- predicate complementation excludes constructions like (1b). In this paper, we argue that these approaches to utterance predicates are less than ideal. Firstly, they miss generalizations across predicate types: for example, perception- and knowledge-predicate complements often exhibit contrasts that are both morphosyntactically and semantically similar to that in (1). The goals of this paper are: 1) to document the parallel between complements of utterance-predicates and other predicate types, 2) to test Cristofaro’s claim that utterance-predicate complements tend to be balanced, and 3) to argue that assertive and question predicates take propositional complements,while directive predicates take state-of-affairs complements (Boye 2012: 410-411). The study is based ondata from a genetically stratified sample of 173 languages.

References: • Boye, K. (2010): Reference and clausal perception-verb complements. Linguis- tics 48(2), 391-430. • Cristofaro, S. (2013): Utterance Complement Clauses. The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. http://wals.info/chapter/128 (19 November, 2015). • Noonan, M. (2007): Complex constructions. In: Timothy Shopen (ed.), Language Typology and Syntactic Description, vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press.

264 AG11

Coercion Across Linguistic Fields (CALF)

Hana Filip & Laura Kallmeyer Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf, Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.06

Short description The goal of this workshop is to discuss constraints on the workings ofcoercion operators that are needed in different parts of grammar, not only in semantics, pragmatics, but also in morphology, syntax, phonology and in computational linguistics. What are the similarities and differences in the coercive operations across these different domains?

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Mittwoch Coercion as a methodological tool 08.03.2017 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.06 Paul Dekker University of Amsterdam [email protected]

Proposals for semantic analysis are often based on intuitive judgments by the intended theoretical audiences about the (un-)grammaticality, (non-) well- formedness, (in-)felicity, or (im-)propriety of certain linguistic constructions. AG11 Suspending an evaluation of the soundness of such an empirical basis, it can hardly escape notice that such judgments are not uniform. It appears to be impossible to distinguish, e.g., ungrammaticality from sheer oddness if not from within a theoretical framework, which the semantic proposal often is intended ∗ ∗∗ to contribute to. Also, the marks of imperfection, ranging from and ? to and ???, often have to remain without unambiguous explanation. Often, but not often enough, these marks come with a ceteris paribus qualification, “all other things being equal”, a qualification that is widely accepted, but scientif- ically suicidal if referenced to a non-existent theory of interpretation specify- ing what these other things are. However, once we give up the hypothesis that natural language can be totally captured by a system of structural rules, the ceteris paribus assumption can be turned inside out, and figure as a methodological tool that may provide support for specific semantic hypotheses. For if an explanation of a certain infelicity (ungrammaticality, …) consists in the presence or absence of a particular semantic feature of an example deemed infelicitous (ungrammatical, …), a critical and creative linguist can construe a context that coerces absence of presence of precisely that semantic feature. If the proposed explanation is sound, the infelicity (ungrammaticality, …) disappears. Such a test or tool, stated as an “interference principle” in Dekker (2014), builds on the assumption that many semantic features, like that of countabil- ity, animicity, telicity, perfection, present, …, are not rigidly encoded in the grammar, and therefore in principle subject to contextual coercion. The principle can be seen to have been at work in actual semantic theorizing. With my talk I want to illustrate its workings and outline its scope.

References: • Dekker, P. (2014): The Live Principle of Compositionality, in: D. Gutzmann et al., Ap- proaches to Meaning, Brill, Leiden.

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Immediate commitment, but no evidence for a coercion cost, Mittwoch in individual/degree polysemy 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.06

Margaret Grant Sonia Michniewicz Jessica Rett Humboldt Universität zu University of Toronto University of California Berlin [email protected] Los Angeles [email protected] [email protected]

We present two experiments measuring eye movements during reading that investigate the processing of individual and degree interpretations of DPs. We AG11 conclude that there is evidence for immediate commitment to a single representation during processing (unlike other types of polysemy, see Frisson 2009), however we fail to find evidence for a cost to processing a dispreferred or potentially semantically enriched representation (unlike other types of semantic coercion, see Traxler et al. 2002). Rett (2014) shows that DPs have an available degree reading in the appropriate context (e.g., 1), and proposes that these degree readings are related to the canonical individual readings via a null measure phrase operator.

(1) Four/the/many pizzas ...are vegetarian. (ind.) ...is too many. (deg.)

Experiment 1 tested whether readers commit to a single analysis during real- time processing, and if so whether their preferred interpretation is constant across DP types (definites, numerals and many-DPs). We measured reading times on sentence continuations that were compatible with either a degree or an individual interpretation. Our results reveal immediate commitment during processing, although interpretations differ across DP types. With individual continuations, there was an advantage for definite DPs, and with degree continuations, there was an advantage for numeral DPs. Experiment 2 tested sentences with predicates that require a degree interpretation of the subsequent definite DP (e.g., increase) or ones that require an individual interpretation (e.g., soak). Eye movement measures fail to show a penalty for processing the definite DP following a degree predicate.

References: • Frisson, S. (2009): Semantic underspecification in language processing. L&LC, 3(1): 111-127. • Rett, J. (2014): The polysemy of measurement. Lingua, 143: 242-266. • Traxler, M. J., Picker- ing, M. J., and McElree, B. (2002): Coercion in sentence processing: Evidence from eye-movements and self-paced reading. JML, 47: 530-547.

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Mittwoch Evidential effects and mismatch resolution 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.06 Victoria Escandell-Vidal UNED [email protected]

Consider the Spanish examples in (1) and (2):

(1a) María es joven. (1b) María está joven. María be(ser).prs.3sg young María be(estar).prs.3sg young AG11 ‘María is young.’ ‘María is young [I saw her.]’ (2a) Juan va a venir mañana. (2b) Juan venía mañana. Juan go.come.prs.3sg tomorrow. Juan come.pst.3sg tomorrow. ‘Juan will come tomorrow.’ ‘Juan will come tomorrow. [Someone said so]’ The states-of-affairs conveyed in (1) and (2) are basically the same; however, the b. examples have an additional interpretive feature: (1b) is systematically understood as conveying that the speaker is the direct source for the assertion, whereas in (2b) the content has to be obligatorily attributed to someone else. In neither of the two cases is there any overt indicator responsible for the evidential reading. The aim of this talk is to argue that this additional evidential content arises as the result of a pragmatic process of mismatch resolution. In both cases, an acquisition-of-information event has to be inferred to avoid the conflict in aspectual and temporal anchoring. The mismatch obtains under very specific conditions and is solved in a fully predictable way. The analysis of these phenomena has implications for the design and properties of grammar, and provides new insights on the relations between linguistic form and interpretation.

References: • Davis, Ch. et al. (2007): The pragmatic values of evidential sentences. SALT 17, 71-88. • de Swart, H. (2011): Mismatches and coercion. In C. Maienborn et al. (eds.). Semantics. Berlin: Mou- ton de Gruyter, 574-596.

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Interpreting quantifiers: the case of ligeramente + A in Spanish Mittwoch 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.06 Silvia Gumiel-Molina Norberto Moreno- Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá Quibén Universidad de Alcalá [email protected] Universidad de Alcalá [email protected] [email protected]

The aim of this talk is to provide a description of the distribution ofadjec- tives with the quantifier ligeramente (‘slightly’) in Spanish. Kennedy & Mc- Nally (2005) propose that degree modifiers are sensitive to the dimension of AG11 the scale whereas Sassoon & Toledo (2012) propose that the element accessed by the quantifier is not the dimension of the scale but the standard ofcompari- son. In this talk, we assume the proposal developed in Gumiel, Moreno & Pérez (2015), in which we propose that the distribution on copular verbs in Spanish depends on the comparison class of the adjective: Estar appears whenever a gradable adjective merges with a within-individual comparison class; ser appears when a gradable adjective merges with a between-individuals comparison class. We also assume that the pragmatic component can access the semantics of the syntactic structure obtained by an intrusion that consist of repairing malformed logical forms. This pragmatic intrusion needs a syntactic element to be triggered, such as for-phrases or the nature of the subject, which improve the unacceptability of certain sequences ligeramente + adjective. We argue that ligeramente is a minimizer from the semantic point of view, therefore, it will be compatible with those adjectives that allow to obtain a minimal standard. In those cases in which the semantics of the minimizer is incompatible with the adjective, by lacking the minimal point, the pragmatic intrusion facilitates the well formedness of the construction by interpreting a functional standard (Kagan & Alexeyenko 2010, Bylinina 2012).

References: • Bylinina, L. (2012). Functional standards and the absolute/relative distinction. Proceed- ings of Sinn & Bedeutung 16, ed. A. Guevara, A. Chernilovskaya, R. Nowen, 1:141-157. Cambridge, MA: MITWPL. • Gumiel-Molina, S., N. Moreno-Quibén & I. Pérez-Jiménez (2015). “Comparison classes and the relative/absolute distinction: a degree-based compositional account of the ser/estar alternation in Spanish”. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 33(3). 955–1001. • Kagan, O. & S. Alexeyenko (2011). “Degree modification in Russian morphology: The case of the suffix-ovat”. Proceedings of Sinn & Bedeutung, vol. 15, 321–335. • Kennedy, C. & L. McNally (2005). “Scale Structure, Degree Modifica- tion, and the Semantics of Gradable Predicates”. Language 81(2). 345–381. • Toledo, A. & G.W.Sassoon (2011). “Absolute vs. Relative Adjectives - Variance Within vs. Between Individuals”. Proceedings of SALT 21. 135–154.

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Mittwoch Mass-count shifts and the mass-count distinction 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 B4 1, 0.06 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin Marta Donazzan CNRS/Université Paris 7 Universität zu Köln [email protected] [email protected]

Sentences such as (1) in English have been analysed in the literature as cases of coercion of a count N (apple) into a mass one, cf. the well-known Universal Grinder Hypothesis (Pelletier 1979).

AG11 (1) There is apple in the salad.

A different analysis is offered by Bale & Barner (2009), which relies ontheir generalizations stated in (2)-(3):

(2) No term that can be used in count syntax can also be used in a mass syntax to denote individuals. (3) Some mass nouns (in the context of use) have individuals in their denotation and others do not.

B&B’s explanation of (2)-(3) relies on three assumptions: (i) nouns of the fur- niture-type are derived from roots that denote individuated join semi-lattices, i.e., join semi-lattices that have individuals at their bottom, whereas all other nouns are derived from roots that denote non-individuated ones; (ii) count interpretations are obtained via a count functional head that turns a non- individuated join semi-lattice into an individuated one; (iii) the mass functional head denotes the identity function. As a consequence, according to B&B (2009), the sentence in (1) would not be obtained by coercing the count N into mass, but it would rather display the baseline use of the NP apple in English, i.e. its use when no functional structure is added on top of it. In this talk, we argue that Gen(2) faces cross-linguistic challenges, in particular with respect to languages that exhibit General Number (Corbett 2000), and we propose an analysis of the cross-linguistic variation in the coercion effects triggered by mass-count use of NPs. Our proposal relies on different algebraic structures for the domains of mass and count, and on a cross-linguistic parametric difference at the interface with morphosyntax, specifically in the requirement of morphosyntactic marking of Number.

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References: • Bale, A. & Barner, D. (2009): The interpretation of functional heads. Using comparatives to explore the mass/count distinction. Journal of Semantics 26, 217-252. • Corbett, G. (2000): Number. CUP • Pelletier, F. (1979). Non-singular reference: some preliminaries. Mass terms: some philosophical problems. 1-14.

Two takes on coercion and co-composition: Donnerstag combining distributional and formal semantics 09.03.2017 09:00 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.06

Nicholas Asher CNRS/IRIT [email protected] AG11

In this talk, I explore an integration of a formal semantic approach to lexical meaning and an approach based on distributional methods. First, I sketch the outlines of a formal semantic theory (from Asher 2011) that has the promise to combine the virtues of both formal and distributional frameworks. I then proceed to develop an algebraic interpretation of that formal semantic theory and show how at least two kinds of distributional models make this interpretation concrete. Focusing on the case of adjective-noun composition, I compare several distributional models with respect to the semantic information that a formal semantic theory would need, and we show how to integrate the information provided by distributional models back into the formal semantic framework.

References: • Asher, N. (2011): Lexical Meaning in Context: A Web of Words. Cambridge: CUP.

Mass-to-count coercion in ‘granular’ nouns Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.06 Peter Sutton Hana Filip Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf [email protected] [email protected]

Background: Nouns which denote entities that come in grains, granules, flakes, display cross- and intralinguistic variation in mass/count lexicalisation patterns (count oats, lentil-s vs. mass oatmeal, čočka (‘lentil’, Czech)). ‘Granular’

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Ns exhibit puzzling restrictions regarding mass-to-count coercion. E.g., rice can be coerced into a portion (e.g. bowls) count reading: Even with two rices between four of us, it didn’t all get eaten...1), but strongly resists coercion into an individual unit reading: ??Three rice(s) fell of my fork. (Int: grain(s) of rice). In this paper, we will provide a formal model of such puzzling restrictions on coercion. Proposal: The account is based on but adapts Sutton & Filip (2016a,b) andis partly inspired by Chierchia (2010). All predicates are interpreted at precisification contexts πi ∈ Π which model extension changes in predicates across contexts of use. For example, single grains of rice count as rice in some contexts (e.g. food allergy), but are too little in quantity to count as rice in others (e.g. making dinner). All mass nouns∩ are saturated with the null precisifica- AG11 ∈ tion context in the lexicon, π0: Pπ0 = Pπi Π (at which only Ps that are Ps at all contexts are in P at π0). Single grains can be denoted using explicit unit extracting classifiers (e.g grain of). This requires shifting the precisification context to one at which single grains are accessible. Portions can be denoted using explicit container classifier expressions (e.g. bowl of). These classifiers do not require a context shift. Classifiers triggered by numericals modifying massNs cannot induce the operation of re-writing the precisification context in the lexicon, hence single grains are inaccessible via mass-to-count coercion while whole portions are not.

References: • Chierchia, G. (2010): Mass nouns, vagueness and semantic variation. Synthese 174:99–149. • Sutton, P., Filip, H., (2016a): Mass/count variation, a mereological, two-dimensional semantics. Forthcoming in: The Baltic International Yearbook of Cognition, Logic and Communica- tion. • Sutton, P., Filip, H., (2016b): Counting in context. SALT 26, 350–370.

Donnerstag Revisiting wieder: a restitutive prefix and its coerced object 09.03.2017 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.06 Andreas Blümel Hans-Joachim Particke Universität Göttingen Universität Göttingen [email protected] [email protected]

Starting with von Stechow’s (1996) structural account of the repetitive- restitutive ambiguity of the German adverb wieder ‘again’, we investigate its hitherto unstudied verbal prefix counterpart as in wiederauferste- hen ‘resurrect’. As it is string-identical to the syntactic adverb plus verb,

1http://durhamfoodanddrink.com/gilesgate-tandoori-durham/ (accessed 10.2016)

272 AG 11 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.06 we use deverbal nominalizations like Wiederauferstehung ‘resurrection’ to avoid confusion. Wieder-prefixes occur for the most part with prefixed or particle verbs and often is the prefix/particle obligatory, see for instance Wieder*(er)öffnung ‘reopening’. A few cases without additional prefix/particle exist (e.g. Wiederkehren ‘returning’). After a series of tests, we observed that only restitutive readings are available, suggesting that prefixal wieder does not modify the event denoted by the verb but rather a structurally represented result state (pace Lieber’s 2004:147 account of English verbal prefix re- ). This observation raises the expectation that wieder-prefixation is unavailable with activity verbs (unlike the homophonous syntactic adverb). Minimal pairs like *Wiederschlafen vs. Wiedereinschlafen confirm this prediction. Fur- thermore, prefixal wieder requires an object (transitive object or object of unaccusative, cf. Horn 1980 on English re-). As many German verbs appear to AG11 form unaccusatives by means of prefixes or particles, their preponderance with wieder is not surprising. We adopt a DM-style analysis of Marantz (2007) according to which the restitutive prefix directly selects the (underlying) object DP or pro (in nominalizations) respectively. Semantically, the DP/pro is coerced from an expression of type e into a change of state event. Wieder adds the presupposition that the end state, which is part of the coerced change-of- state denotation of the DP, has existed before. Various units in the structure name the result state. After an informal semantic characterization, the cross- and intra-linguistic (un)availability of forms is considered.

References: • Horn, L. (1980): Affixation and the Unaccusative Hypothesis. In: CLS 16, 134–146. • Lieber, R. (2004): Morphology and Lexical Semantics. Cambridge: CUP. • Marantz, A. (2007): Resti- tutive re- and the first phase syntax/semantics of .the VP Ms. • Von Stechow, A. (1996): The Different Readings of Wieder ‘Again’: A Structural Account. In: Journal of Semantics 13, 87–138.

Postnominal temporal adverbs in the German prefield Donnerstag 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.06 Eva Csipak Sarah Zobel Universität Konstanz Universitäten Göttingen/Tübingen [email protected] [email protected]

Temporal adverbs like gestern (‘yesterday’) can occur post-nominally in the German prefield (e.g. Alexiadou et al. 2007, Bücking 2012, Gunkel & Schlot- thauer 2012). Adverbs in this position are nominal modifiers and do not tem- porally locate the event described by the verbal predicate. Hence, sentences

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with postposed temporal adverbs in the prefield (1a) and sentences with the adverb in the middle field (1b) are not synonymous.

(1) a. {Das Mädchen / der Unfall} gestern war schlimm. the girl the accident yesterday was awful b. {Das Mädchen / der Unfall} war gestern schlimm. the girl the accident was yesterday awful

In (1a), gestern locates times associated with the individuals/events that are described by girl/accident. Hence, it functions as a restrictive modifier of the noun. In (1b), gestern locates the state of being awful; the girl and the accident are uniquely identified independently. AG11 Temporal adverbs are lexically specified as modifiers of the temporal domain and, hence, combine freely with temporal nouns (e.g., der Nachmittag gestern, ‘yesterday afternoon’). With individual nouns and event nouns, weargue, temporal adverbs can only combine via coercion. To capture this combina- toric flexibility,we adopt the system developed in Asher 2011. Hence, temporal adverbs, like gestern in (2), license dependent types.

∗ yesterday − ∧ (2) λP.λt.λπ.yesterday(t, π arg1 : time ϵ(hd(P))) P(π)(t) The times that are inferred with individual and event nouns need to beinti- mately connected to the individuals/events that are described by that noun. For events, these are their run-times (τ(e)). For individuals, we coerce the run- times of events in which the individual participated. References: • Alexiadou, A. L. Haegeman & M. Stavrou (2007): Noun Phrase in the Generative Perspec- tive. De Gruyter. • Asher, N. (2011): Lexical meaning in context: a web of words. Cambridge University Press. • Bücking, S. (2012): Kompositional flexibel. Stauffenburg. • Gunkel & Schlotthauer (2012): Ad- nominale Adverbien im europäischen Vergleich. In: Deutsch im Sprachvergleich, 273–300.

Donnerstag Phonological coercion in Pawnee 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:15 B4 1, 0.06 Masanori Deguchi Western Washington University [email protected]

This study examines certain phonological coercion processes in Pawnee, a North Caddoan language (Parks 1976). As shown in the contrast between (1) and (2), the voicelss alveolar stop /t/ is coerced as an affricate [c] when fol-

274 AG 11 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.06 lowed by a homorganic consonant.

(1) a. /t/+/t/ → [ct]: /ta-t+tau:t-∅/ → [tactaPu] ‘I stole it.’ b. /t/+/s/ → [ct]: /ta-t+sa-∅/ → [tacta] ‘I’m lying.’ c. /t/+/c/ → [ct]: /ta-t+cak-∅/ → [tactat] ‘I shot it.’ (2) a. /t/+/p/ → [tp]: /ta-t+paks/ → [ta-tpaks] ‘I hit the boy…’ b. /t/+/k/ → [tk]: /ta-t+kawi/ → [tatkawi] ‘I’m grinding it.’

I demonstrate that /t/ undergoes coercion in order to improve the transition between syllables. Specifically, I argue that /t/ in the coda is coerced as [c], rendering it more sonorous than the onset of the following syllable. Based on this observation, I propose a syllable contact constraint (Vennemann 1988) defined in terms of sonority (Davis & Shin 1990). Since this constraint makes AG11 reference to the relative sonority between segments, it accounts for not only the coercion of /t/ into [c] (in the coda) but also the coercion of /c/ into [t] (in the onset) as in (1c). I further propose that this constraint be conjoined with a constraint that millitates against homorganic clusters (Smolensky 1995). As support, I discuss predictions for the coercion patterns in geminates. In summary, the phonological coercion discussed above is triggered for syllable contact, but it does not target a specific segment or a specific syllable position; while coda segments are usually coerced, onset segments are also coerced occasionally.

References: • Davis, S. & S.-H. Shin (1990): The Syllable Contact Constraint in Korean. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 8, 285–312. • Parks, D. (1976): A Grammar of Pawnee. Garland Publishing. • Smolen- sky, P. (1995): On the Structure of the Constraint Component Con of UG. Handout, UCLA. • Vennemann, T. (1988): Preference Law for Syllable Structure. Mouton de Gruyter.

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Donnerstag Coercion in loanword adaptation 09.03.2017 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.06 Ruben van de Vijver Vicky Tsouni Kim Strütjen Heinrich-Heine- Heinrich-Heine- Heinrich-Heine- Universität Universität Universität Düsseldorf Düsseldorf Düsseldorf [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Loan words are often adapted to fit the phonotactics of the borrowing language. AG11 Such adaptation is a phonological instantiation of coercion. We will present the results of a production experiment and a nonce word learning experiment with Japanese speakers. Japanese has a very restrictive syllable phonotactics. Codas can only be nasals or geminates that are homorganic with the following onset. Sphinx, for example, is borrowed as [sWfiNkWsW] (Dupoux et al. 1999). The clusters are bro- ˚ ˚ > ken up by vowels. Zeitgeist is borrowed as [tsaitogaisWto]. The epenthetic ˚ vowel after t is [o]–not [W]–for phonotactic reasons (Kubozono 2015). Percep- tually the vowels are real (Dupoux et al. 1999). Kwon (2017) found that more proficient speakers of the host language adapt loans less. We investigated the properties of the epenthetic vowels in production and whether they are used to store words in memory; both as a function of language experience. We will conduct two experiments, both in Germany and in Japan. In the first one, we will present Japanese participants with audio recordings of German bisyllabic nonce words with intervocalic consonant clusters that are illegal in Japanese (e.g. okto). The participants are asked to produce each nonce in a carrier sentence. The clusters are then phonetically analyzed to investigate whether there is a vowel and its quality. In the word learn experiment, we will associate the nonce words with fantasy animals. We will then investigate whether the nonce okto is stored as [okto] or as [okWto]. We expect ˚ that the Japanese speakers in Germany are less likely to need coerced vowels than the ones in Japan.

References: • Dupoux, E., K. Kakehi, Y. Hirose, C. Pallier and J. Mehler (1999): Epenthetic vowels in Japanese: A perceptual Illusion? In: Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Perfor- mance 25(6), 1568–1578. • Kubozono, H. (2015): Loanword phonology. In: Handbook of Japanese Pho- netics and Phonology, H. Kubozono (Ed.), Mouton de Gruyter. • Kwon, H. (2017): Language experience, speech perception and loanword adaptation: Variable adaptation of English word-final plosives into Korean. In: Journal of Phonetics 60, 1–19.

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Polysemy and coercion – Freitag A frame-based approach using LTAG and hybrid logic 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:00 B4 1, 0.06

William Babonnaud Laura Kallmeyer Rainer Osswald ENS Cachan, Université Heinrich-Heine- Heinrich-Heine- Paris-Saclay Universität Universität william.babonnaud@ens- Düsseldorf Düsseldorf cachan.fr [email protected] [email protected]

∗ In this work , we propose an analysis of polysemy and coercion phenomena AG11 within Lexicalized Tree Adjoining Grammar (LTAG) and frame semantics. Consider for instance the inherent polysemy of book between a physical object reading (“The book is heavy”) and an information content reading (“The book is interesting”). Following Pustejovsky (1998), our frame structure for book contains two nodes information and phys-obj respectively, related via a content attribute (see frame on the right). Read can select such a dot object,

perception stimulus book ordered- perc-comp overlap content content agent reading information information ment-comp content comprehension but also enables coercion of its complement from information (“story”) or phys- obj (“blackboard”). In our analysis, the reading frame has a perceptual and a mental component, related by an ordered-overlap. The former has an attribute stimulus, and the latter has an attribute content that is identical to the content of the stimulus (see the left frame above). The syntax-semantics interface specifies that the object can contribute either the stimulus value or its content. Combining our two sample frames, the book node therefore necessarily unifies with the stimulus and the two information nodes unify as well. Further details and examples will be discussed in the talk. ∗ This work was supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG) within CRC 991 and by ENS Cachan, Université Paris-Saclay.

References: • Pustejovsky,James (1998): The semantics of lexical underspecification. Folia Linguistica 32(3-4), 323–348.

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Freitag Empirical evidence for the study of coercion mechanisms 10.03.2017 in predicate-argument composition 12:00 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.06

Elisabetta Jezek Università di Pavia [email protected]

Within the context of building an Italian resource of corpus-driven typed predicate argument structured (T-PAS, such as (1) [Human]-subj] raggiunge AG11 ‘reaches’ [[Location]-obj]) for linguistic analysis and NLP tasks (Jezek et al. 2014), we are building a repository of corpus-derived type mismatches in argument positions (for example in (1) “Abbiamo raggiunto l’isola alle 5” ‘We reached the island at 5’ (matching) vs. “Ho raggiunto il semaforo e ho svoltato a destra ‘I reached the traffic light and turned right’ (mismatch)), meant to provide a structured dataset for studying semantic type coercions (Asher 2011, Pustejovsky and Jezek 2008, Lauwers and Willems (2011)) both quantitatively and qualitatively. Two main issues we are currently addressing are the following: – examine how argument semantic type coercions are spread among verb classes, i.e. which verbs tend to be more coercive than others. Preliminary results show that these include: aspectual verbs, communication verbs, perception verbs, avoid verbs, forbid verbs, verbs of desire, directed motion verbs, verbs of motion using a vehicle; – collect empirical data to clarify whether coercion mechanisms differ from mechanisms of systematic meaning modulation licensed by the interplay of lexical information, ontological complexity and contextual selection (Jezek and Vieu 2014). In the presentation, I will provide empirical evidence on both points above and discuss how empirical evidence can be integrated in a formal model of context-sensitive lexical semantics.

References: • Asher, N. (2011) Lexical meaning in context. CUP. • Jezek, E. and V. Quochi (2010): Capturing Coercions in Texts: a First Annotation Exercise. In: LREC 2010. • Jezek, E. and L. Vieu (2014) Distributional analysis of copredication: Towards distinguishing systematic polysemy from coercion. In Proceedings of CLiC-it. • Jezek E., B. Magnini, A. Feltracco, A. Bianchini and O. Popescu (2014): T-PAS: a resource of corpus-derived Typed Predicate Argument Structures for linguistic analysis and semantic processing. In: LREC 2014. • Lauwers P.and D. Willems (2011): Coercion: Definition and Challenges. In: Linguistics. • Pustejovsky, J. and E. Jezek (2008): Semantic Coercion in Language: Beyond Distributional Analysis. In: IJL.

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An experimental study on coercion in Spanish adjectival phrases Freitag 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B4 1, 0.06 José Manuel Igoa Maria del Carmen Horno Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Universidad de Zaragoza [email protected] [email protected]

Scalar adjectival phrases may be classified in two broad categories: bounded (or absolute), with adjectives such as dry, wet or full, and open (or relative), with adjectives like tall, fat or clever. The former have a maximum and/or minimum degree and an internal standard of comparison, whilst the latter lack specific limits and have a contextual standard of comparison. From alexi- calist standpoint, the difference lies in the distinction between two kinds of scalar adjectives (Kennedy & McNally, 2005): absolute adjectives, which combine with quantifiers like totally, completely or slightly, and relative adjectives, which usually combine with a quantifier like very. The current experimental study was designed to test this. We created two lists of sentences, one with absolute and the other with relative adjectives, combined with two different quantifiers, slightly versus very, and put the sentences to test by means of a self-paced reading task. As a control condition, we made up another list of sentences where the same adjectives under a metaphorical reading were combined with the “expected” quantifier. Results showed significant differences between literal and metaphoric uses of all adjectives. As for the combination with quantifiers, open adjectives showed significantly longer reading times for adjectives with unexpected quantifiers, which is interpreted as evidence for coercion. On the contrary, bounded adjectives show no differences in reading times as a function ofquan- tifiers, which seems to indicate that there is no coercion in this case. Thus,the current results purport to show that absolute adjectives acquire their standard of comparison in syntax, whilst relative adjectives do so on the basis of lexical information.

References: • Kennedy, C. & L. McNally (2005) Scale structure, degree modification, and the semantics of gradable predicates. Language 81, 345-381.

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AG12

Morphologische Variation – Theorie und Empirie

Antje Dammel & Oliver Schallert Universität Freiburg, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.05

Short description Die Kernfrage dieser AG ist, ob und wie sich moderne morphologische Theorien in der Modellierung und Erklärung empirischer morphologischer Variation fruchtbar machen lassen. Diskussionsbeiträge verschiedener theoretischer Ausrichtungen (z.B. Konstruktionsmorphologie, Paradigm Func- tion Morphology) und Perspektiven auf morphologische Variation und ihre Schnittstellen (areal, sozial, diachron, kognitiv) sind willkommen.

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Mittwoch Morphomes and variation: a Scandinavian perspective 08.03.2017 13:45 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.05 Hans-Olav Enger Universitetet i Oslo [email protected]

Aronoff’s (1994) morphome has been found useful also in diachrony, in particular in the study of Romance languages (e.g. Maiden 2016, Loporcaro 2013). Re- cently, however, this “morphomic approach” has been criticised (e.g. by Bow- ern 2015). In my talk, I’ll submit that some of this criticism is misplaced. The arguments involve Scandinavian mostly, but some will involve Romance. I wish to reflect on how some historical changes proceed, to see if themor- phome concept is useful there. The indefinite plural of a subset of neuters has AG12 been changed, in varieties of Danish, Swedish and Norwegian, from having no suffix to having the suffix -r, and this is usually analysed as analogy from feminines. In this way, a mixed (heteroclitic) paradigm arises. However, some varieties that had got -r in these neuters innovate again, replacing -r by -n, and this innovation must be given another account – but, intriguingly, it targets the same neuters. Also in many varieties, there is a next step after the introduction of -r, a change involving the definite plural. Another case we shall go into is the introduction, in the definite sg., of the old masculine suffix -a in some few feminines in East Norwegian. Again, this results in a “mixed” paradigm. The diachronic evidence indicates that we should not see inflectional classesas ‘flags’ (cf. e.g. Dammel et al. 2010, Enger 2010). I shall ask what implications, if any, this has for the morphome. An over-zealous hunt for morphomes may lead us to neglect semantic relations, yet some semantic relations traditionally postulated are perhaps rather morphomic. If time allows, we shall consider that, too.

References: • Aronoff, M. (1994): Morphology by itself. MIT. • Bowern, C. (2015): Diachrony. In: The Oxford Handbook of Inflection. OUP, 233–250. • Dammel, A. (2011): Konjugationsklassenwandel. De Gruyter. • Dammel, A. et al. (2010): Strong verb category levelling. JGL 22(4), 337–359. • En- ger, H.-O. (2010): How do words change their inflection class? LgSci 32(3), 366–379. • Loporcaro, M. (2013): Morphomes in Sardinian Verb inflection. In: The boundaries of pure morphology. OUP, 137–160. • Maiden, M. (2016): Some lessons from history. In: The morphome debate. OUP, 33–64.

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The interaction of morphological and phonological variation Mittwoch A case study on Zurich German 08.03.2017 14:45 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.05

Anja Hasse Universität Zürich / Surrey Morphology Group [email protected]

Zurich German shows an interesting case of competing forms. The dative cell of the indefinite article exhibits several forms: masc./neutr. eme and emene, fem. ere and enere. These cell-mates, in turn, occur in several phonological variants. Besides the forms mentioned above, the forms can be reduced for instance by aphaeresis (e.g. fem. nere as opposed to enere). Both the factors conditioning the morphological and the phonological variation are still largely unknown. Despite being considered rare and diachronically unstable, AG12 cf. Fehringer (2004: 285–28-6), morphological doublets have been reported in several studies, cf. Fehringer (inter alia 2004) on Standard German, Thornton (inter alia 2012) on Italian. While those studies are all based on written data, studies on spoken language are still widely missing. Thus, understanding the factors conditioning the preference of one form over another enables us not only to explain the distribution of these competing forms in Zurich German, but also to get an insight on overabundance in spoken language. In my talk, I present results from a study on spontaneous spoken data of Zurich German and discuss to what extent the morphological and the phonological variation are governed by the same phonological and syntactic factors. In doing so, I compare overabundance, as a pure morphological phenomenon, to phonological variation.

References: • Fehringer, C. (2004): How Stable are Morphological Doublets. A Case Study of @ ∼ Ø Variants in Dutch and German. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 16(4), 285–329. • Thornton, A. (2011): Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Non-canonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology. In: Morphological Autonomy. Perspectives from Romance Inflectional Morphology. OUP, 358–381. • Thornton, A. (2012): Reduction and maintenance of overabundance. A case study onItal- ian verb paradigms. Word Structure 5(2), 183–207.

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Mittwoch Phonotaktik jenseits der Silbe – Quantitative Analysen zur Relevanz 08.03.2017 phonotaktischer Strukturen für die Morphologie 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.05 Alfred Lameli Alexander Werth Forschungszentrum Deutscher Forschungszentrum Deutscher Sprachatlas, Marburg Sprachatlas, Marburg [email protected] [email protected]

Während die Silbe klassischerweise als diejenige Domäne gilt, auf der phono- taktische Regeln appliziert werden, ist wenig darüber bekannt, inwiefern auch Morpheme zur Strukturierung von Lautverbindungen beitragen können. Bereits Trubetzkoy (1939: 225) vermutet, dass dem Morphem diesbezüglich eine besondere Relevanz zukommt, doch fehlt es an empirischen Unter- AG12 suchungen, die zeigen, dass die Verkettung von Lauten innerhalb von Morphe- men anderen Regularitäten folgt als innerhalb von z. B. Silben oder Wörtern. Wir möchten an diesem Punkt ansetzen und die morphologische Relevanz phonotaktischer Muster aus zwei Perspektiven heraus betrachten. Anhand von natürlich-sprachlichen und phonetisch fein transkribierten Daten aus 182 Orten untersuchen wir auf der einen Seite, welchen Erklärungsmehrwert das Morphem für die Strukturiertheit phonotaktischer Muster im Deutschen besitzt. Darüber hinaus wollen wir im Vortrag zeigen, dass der Phonotaktik einsilbiger Wörter im Deutschen ein indexikalischer Wert für die Differen- zierung von Wortklassen und Wortarten zukommen kann. So werden in den Daten z. B. einsilbige Grammeme deutlich häufiger mit einer minimalen CV- Struktur realisiert als Lexeme. Diese Tendenz verstärkt sich deutlich, wenn statt CV-Skelett eine feinere Differenzierung der Laute in Vokale, Obstru- enten, Nasale und Liquide vorgenommen wird. Gleichzeitig lässt sich zeigen, dass bestimmte Silbenstrukturtypen signifikant häufiger mit bestimmten Wortarten auftreten, wobei teilweise sogar ein komplementäres Verhältnisfür die Präferenzen phonotaktischer Strukturen bei verschiedenen Wortarten zu verzeichnen ist.

References: • Trubetzkoy, N. S. (1939): Grundzüge der Phonologie. Prag.

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/t/-realization in German – A case for hybrid models? Mittwoch 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.05 Pia Bergmann Universität Duisburg-Essen [email protected]

Reduction and deletion of /t/ has been the centre of interest of several empirical studies in the recent past, displaying a complex interplay of phonological, morphological and other factors in sound production (cf. e.g. Zimmerer et al. 2014). The proven relevance of usage-based and postlexical factors for there- alization of words calls into question some basic assumptions of “traditional” accounts of Lexical Phonology which suppose a division between lexical and postlexical processes in word production (cf. e.g. Wiese 2000). To address this problem, hybrid models have come into play, aiming to reconcile systematic AG12 usage-based effects including phonetic detail with more formal processes and abstract representations (cf. e.g. Hinskens et al. 2014). Against this backdrop, the paper presents the results of a corpus study of spontaneous speech of ca. 600 instances of /t/ in complex German words. The dependent variables included categorical /t/-deletion as well as gradient durational reduction of the cluster. Next to controlling for several possible influences for the realization of /t/, the independent factors were token frequency and semantic transparency of the complex word, as well as type frequency and semantic bleaching of the first constituent. The results underline the reductional effect of tokenfre- quency on gradient duration as well as on categorical deletion of /t/. However, gradient reductions and categorical deletions do not always react to the same factors. All in all, the results can be seen to support the call for hybrid models where on the one hand some gradient and categorical effects should be separated, while on the other hand usage-based and word-based information can exert a systematic influence on sound production in complex words.

References: • Hinskens, F. et al. (2014): Grammar or lexicon. Or Grammar and Lexicon? Rule-based and usage-based approaches to phonological variation. Lingua 142, 1–26. • Wiese, R. (2000): The phonology of German. 2. ed. OUP. • Zimmerer, F. et al. (2014): Phonological and morphological constraints on German /t/-deletions. Journal of Phonetics 45, 64–-75.

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Mittwoch Zum Wandel des Drei-Formen-Plurals im salzburgisch-bayerischen 08.03.2017 Grenzgebiet. Eine Pilotstudie zur intraindividuellen 17:00 – 17:30 morphologischen Variation B4 1, 0.05

Lars Bülow Hannes Scheutz Dominik Wallner Universität Salzburg Universität Salzburg Universität Salzburg [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Im Untersuchungsgebiet ist im Basisdialekt noch der Drei-Formen-Plural in der Verbkonjugation anzutreffen (1a). Die Verhältnisse sind allerdings auch intraindividuell betrachtet instabil. Dabei ist insbesondere ein Wandel vom Drei- zum Zwei-Formen-Plural zu beobachten. Häufig wird die Endung der 1. P. Pl. auf die 3. P. Pl. ausgedehnt (1b). Es kommt aber auch zu Übertragun- AG12 gen der 3. P. Pl. auf die 1. P. Pl. (1c). Bei manchen Sprechern ist sogar der sprachgeschichtlich „verdrehte“ Zustand belegt.

(1) a. mi(a) keem-an es kem-dds se keem-and b. mi(a) keem-an es kem-dds se keem-an c. mi(a) keem-and es kem-dds se keem-and

In unserer Analyse geht es um genau diese intraindividuelle Variation, auf deren Relevanz für die Prozesse der Sprachveränderung erstmals die Complex Dynamic Systems Theory (CDST) aufmerksam gemacht hat. Die CDST betrachtet den Idiolekt als ein dynamisches und komplexes adaptives System (El- lis 2011), dessen Variation über die Zeit nicht als „Rauschen“ in den Daten, sondern als eine wichtige Informationsquelle betrachtet werden muss. Wir vergleichen erstens Aufnahmen von denselben Sprechern, die mehr als 10 Jahre auseinanderliegen. Diese stammen aus einem EuRegio-Projekt (Scheutz 2007) und aktuellen Erhebungen, die im Rahmen des SFB-Projekts „Deutsch in Österreich“ durchgeführt wurden. Zweitens untersuchen wir die intraindividuelle Variation innerhalb kürzerer Zeitintervalle. Dafür werden fünf Sprecher über einen Zeitraum von zwei Monaten fünfmal mit Hilfe eines Sprachproduktionstests untersucht.

References: • Ellis, N.C. (2011): The Emergence of Language as a Complex Adaptive System. In: The Routledge Handbook of Applied Linguistics. Routledge, 654–667. • Scheutz, H. (2007): Drent und herent. EuRegio.

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Veni, vidi, vici – Mittwoch Ich bin gekommen, habe gesehen und gesiegt? 08.03.2017 17:30 – 18:00 Perfektexpansion und Präteritumschwund im Deutschen B4 1, 0.05

Hanna Fischer Philipps-Universität Marburg [email protected]

Das deutsche Perfekt (ich habe geschrieben) hat in seiner Verwendung stark expandiert und das Präteritum (ich schrieb) zu großen Teilen marginalisiert. Dieser Prozess wird umso deutlicher, wenn wir einen Blick auf die gesprochenen Varietäten (v.a. Dialekte) werfen. In den oberdt. Dialekten führte die Per- fektexpansion zu einem Schwund der Präteritumformen. Dieser Prozess lässt sich zum einen anhand dialektologischer Dokumente in seiner arealen Struk- AG12 tur beschreiben. Zum anderen kann anhand historischer und kontrastiver Studien der Expansionsweg der Perfektform rekonstruiert werden, so dass die Mechanismen hinter dieser für das dt. Verbalsystem so wichtigen Entwick- lung sichtbar werden. Der Vortrag geht anhand von Sprachkarten auf die Arealstruktur des sich im Raum abbildenden Präteritumschwunds ein und benennt die Fak- toren der verbspezifischen Formendistribution (u.a. Tokenfrequenz, Aus- drucksverfahren, Verbalsemantik). In einem zweiten Schritt wird der Ex- pansionsprozess der Perfektform nachgezeichnet und in Form eines Mod- ells operationalisiert, das die Bedeutungsbereiche zwischen „Perfektbedeu- tung“ und „Präteritalbedeutung“ mithilfe der Kategorien temporale. Veror- tung, Definitheit der temporalen. Verankerung und Gegenwartsrelevanz ab- grenzt. Das Modell wird im Anschluss exemplarisch auf das regionalsprach- liche Korpus des Projekts Regionalsprache.de (REDE) angewendet. Zur Frage steht, ob die ober- und mitteldeutschent. Perfektformen stärker expandiert haben als die niederdeutschent. Perfektformen und damit die Arealstruktur in den Sprachkarten erklären.

References: • Lindgren, K. (1957): Über den oberdt. Präteritumschwund. Helsinki. • Rowley, A. (1983): Das Präteritum in den heutigen dt. Dialekten. ZDL 50(2), 161–182. • Dentler, S. (1997): Zur Per- fekterneuerung im Mittelhochdt. Göteborg. • Sapp, C. (2009): Syncope as the cause of Präteritum- schwund. JGL 21(4), 419–450. • Amft, C. (2013): Das präteritale Konzept im Frühneuhochdt. Uppsala. • Fischer, H. (2015): Präteritumschwund in den Dialekten Hessens. In: Dt. Dialekte. Steiner, 107–133.

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Donnerstag Das No-Blur-Principle und nominalmorphologische 09.03.2017 Variation im Deutschen 09:00 – 09:30 B4 1, 0.05

Christian Zimmer Freie Universität Berlin [email protected]

Nach Carstairs-McCarthy (1994) hat jedes Allomorph eine eindeutige in- tralinguistische Bedeutung. Dies formuliert er in seinem No-Blur-Principle folgendermaßen: „Within any set of competing inflectional affixal realizations for the same paradigmatic cell, no more than one can fail to identify inflection class unambiguously“ (Carstairs-McCarthy 1994: 742). Demnach sei jedes Morph entweder class-default (und käme in mehreren Flexions- AG12 bzw. Makroklassen vor) oder class-identifier (und käme in nur einer einzi- gen Flexions- bzw. Makroklasse vor), wobei es nicht mehr als einen class- default geben könne (vgl. hierzu auch Enger 2007, 2013, 2016). Dies ist im Großen und Ganzen mit der deutschen Nominalflexion kompatibel – wenn man allerdings auch Variation berücksichtigt, ergeben sich Probleme (z.B. viele Punk-s; des Punk-Ø vs. des Punk-s). In meinem Vortrag möchte ich mich von dieser Beobachtung ausgehend dem empirischen und theoretischen Sta- tus des No-Blur-Principles widmen, wobei einige weiterführende Fragen aufge- worfen und diskutiert werden, die in diesem Zusammenhang relevant sind. So stellt sich z.B. die Frage, wie der Terminus Flexionsklasse (bzw. auch der Be- griff Makroklasse) definiert wird und wie eine solche Definition mit morphologischer Variation kompatibel ist. Bei den empirischen Fragen werde ich mich auf umfangreiche Untersuchungen zur Synchronie und Diachronie der rele- vanten morphologischen Varianten in den Korpora DECOW2012, DeReKo und DTA sowie auf experimentell erhobene Akzeptabilitätsurteile beziehen.

References: • Carstairs-McCarthy, A. (1994): Inflection classes, gender, and the principle of contrast. Language 70(4), 737–788. • Enger, H.-O. (2007): The No Blur Principle meets Norwegian dialects. Stu- dia Linguistica 61, 279–309. • Enger, H.-O. (2013): Vocabular Clarity meets Faroese noun declensions. Folia Linguistica 47(2), 345–373. • Enger, H.-O. (2016): The No Blur Principle and Faroese conjugation. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB) 138(1), 1–29.

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A dynamic systems approach to morphological irregularity Donnerstag 09.03.2017 09:30 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.05 Arjen Versloot Elżbieta Adamczyk Eric Hoekstra Universiteit van Universität Wuppertal Fryske Akademy Amsterdam [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

The study of stability of linguistic structures is confronted with two seemingly contradictory tendencies, namely: • The persistence of “marked” (= low type frequency) inflectional types, such as irregular plurals or strong and irregular verbs; • the continuous analogical pressure of morphological patterns with high type frequency, leading to regularization. AG12 In the traditional interpretation of structuralism, irregularity and diachronic change are always a disturbance of a given state, which, ideally, should be in balance. Irregularity is considered to be a burden to the system, its emergence counter-intuitive and its only temporary “‘stability”’ unexplained. Rather than looking for explanations of the deviations from the stable, regular system, one should aim for a model of language that explains both regularities and apparent “‘irregularities”’ by means of the same set of underlying mechanisms. The two mentioned contradictions become logical and can be explained in a dynamic systems approach to language (Beckner et al. 2009). In such systems, regularities and (temporary) stability are products of dynamic self- organisation. In this paper we will present such a model using the data from English and Frisian nominal morphology. The controlling factors in this model are absolute and relative frequencies of the plural form, as well as its salience. These three factors interact with each other and sometimes show sometimes a nonlinear feedback pattern, which is a typical prerequisite for dynamic systems behaviour.

References: • Beckner, C. et al. (2009): Language Is a Complex Adaptive System: Position Paper. Lan- guage Learning 59(2), 1–26.

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Donnerstag Case marking variation – an evolutionary perspective 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.05 Dankmar Enke Roland Mühlenbernd Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen München [email protected] [email protected]

Jäger (2007) developed a game-theoretic model that involves the formaliza- tion of case marking strategies in terms of encoding-decoding processes. The analytic component of Jäger’s study is the detection of evolutionarily stable case marking systems under evolutionary dynamics. His analysis shows that exactly those case marking systems are evolutionarily stable (Maynard Smith 1982) – thus particularly resistant against forces of change –, which are pre- AG12 dominant among the languages of the world (cf. Bickel & Nichols 2008). Their frequent presence can therefore be explained on the basis of insights from evolutionary game theory, such as the notions of evolutionary stability. How- ever, the model struggles to motivate the strategies and parameters in the cognitive constraints of the individual agents, as determined by so-called “processing cues” (cf. the Competition Model by MacWhinney & Bates 1989). The interaction of these cues varies across languages (cf. ibid.) and the language- specific weighting (cue strength) depends on cue validity (measuring how helpful a given cue actually is in determining an interpretation). Together, the Competition model and a game-theoretic model for communication will allow for providing new insights into the evolutionary emergence and development of ideal actor identification strategies, from both a neurocognitive and a communicative perspective. In our talk, we will present a game-theoretic model that extends Jäger’s (2007) work by implementing processing cues in order to determine whether the model can detect the same case systems as evolutionarily stable as are also detected by the original model. In total, the talk will give new insights into ranges and boundaries of the diversity and change of case marking systems.

References: • Bates, E. & B. MacWhinney (1989): Functionalism and the competition model. In B. MacWhinney & E. Bates (eds.), The Crosslinguistic Study of Sentence Processing. CUP, 3–73. • Bickel, B. & J. Nichols (2008): Case marking and alignment. In A. Malchukov & A. Spencer (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Case. OUP, 304–321. • Jäger, G. (2007): Evolutionary game theory and typology: A case study. Language 83(1), 74–109.

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Content and form of Upper German case paradigms. Donnerstag A formalist approach to usage-based data? 09.03.2017 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.05

Sophie Ellsäßer Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg [email protected]

By its focus on describing divergences of content and form paradigms, Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM) (see, e.g. Stump 2015) is an interesting approach for modelling and describing inflectional paradigms with complex syncretic patterns. Since case marking in German dialects represents such complex systems, it provides a good testing ground for the theory. Based on a corpus of spoken Upper German dialects (Ruoff 1984), I attempt an in- depth analysis of closely related case systems in an exemplarily selected AG12 dialect area. The texts in the corpus represent idiolectal systems of individual speakers. All potentially case marking word forms, such as definite and indefinite articles, pronouns and adjectives, are analysed. In this way, I aim at identifying the areal variation of case marking patterns on the one hand, but also to investigate patterns shared by all idiolects, revealing general principles of case marking on the other hand. When applying PFM to the data gathered in the study, special attention has to be given to the properties of dialectal systems such as the geographical aspect of variation, which is but rarely implemented in the theory yet. An issue to cope with in particular is the decision to assume either one global or several different content paradigms (that is, the set of morphosyntactic properties providing canonical case forms). Thus, apart from outlining the design of my project and presenting first results, I will especially address problematic issues arising from modelling usage-based data of spoken language in its geographical variation from a general perspective beyond PFM.

References: • Ruoff, A. (1984): Alltagstexte I. Transkriptionen von Tonbandaufnahmen aus Baden-Würt- temberg und Bayrisch-Schwaben. Niemeyer. • Stump, G. (2015): Inflectional Paradigms. Content and Form at the Syntax-Morphology Interface. CUP.

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Donnerstag Das possessive -s im Deutschen: 09.03.2017 Entwicklung, Variation und theoretischer Status 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.05

Tanja Ackermann Freie Universität Berlin [email protected]

Hinsichtlich der Kasusmarkierung haben im onymischen Bereich in den let- zten Jahrhunderten sowohl Allomorphieabbau als auch Markerschwund in starkem Maße stattgefunden (vgl. z.B. Nübling 2012). Im Genitiv hat sich zum Neuhochdeutschen hin mit dem invarianten -s ein überstabiler Marker entwickelt, der seit dem späten 18. Jh. allerdings dort schwindet, wo der Geni- tiv an einem anderen Element eindeutig markiert ist (z.B.: der Abschied de-s AG12 Lukas Podolski-Ø). In adnominalen Konstruktionen, in denen der Name artikel- los auftritt (z.B.: Lukas Podolskis Abschied), ist das -s hingegen stabil und er- fährt aktuell sogar eine Ausbreitung. Solche pränominalen Possessivphrasen sind bislang vor allem aus theoretisch-syntaktischer Perspektive beschrieben worden (vgl. z.B. Demske 2001, Fuß 2011); eine theoretisch-morphologische Beschreibung des s-Markers steht hingegen noch aus. Anhand von diachronen und synchronen Korpusdaten (DTA und DECOW2012) soll im Vortrag gezeigt werden, wie sich das -s von einem Genitivflexiv mit Allomorphie zu einem invarianten Marker entwickelt hat, der gegenwärtig zwischen einem noch auf Wortebene operierenden Flexiv und einem auf Phrasenebene operierenden Marker schwankt. Auf Basis der empirischen Befunde soll diskutiert werden, welche Konsequenzen sich für verschiedene theoretische (synchrone und diachrone) Modellierungen der pränominalen Possessivphrasen ergeben: Haben wir es mit Degrammatikalisierung oder Exaptation zu tun? Was be- deutet eine Analyse als Klitikon vs. Flexiv für Modellierungen, die das -s als Kopf analysieren? Hilft uns die Annahme einer s-construction?

References: • Demske, U. (2001): Merkmale und Relationen. De Gruyter. • Fuß, E. (2011): Eigennamen und adnominaler Genitiv im Deutschen. Linguistische Berichte 225, 19–42. • Nübling, D. (2012): Auf dem Weg zu Nicht-Flektierbaren: Die Deflexion der deutschen Eigennamen diachron und synchron. In: Nicht-flektierte und nicht-flektierbare Wortarten. De Gruyter, 224–246.

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Mit einem stetigem Anstieg – Variation in der Adjektivflexion Donnerstag 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.05 Astrid Niebuhr Philipps-Universität Marburg [email protected]

Thema des Vortrags ist ein an der Schnittstelle von Morphologie undSyn- tax angesiedeltes Variationsphänomen in der Adjektivflexion des Deutschen. Die Norm ist diesbezüglich eindeutig: „Wenn dem Adjektiv ein Artikelwort mit Flexionsendung vorangeht, wird das Adjektiv schwach flektiert, sonst stark“ (Duden -Grammatik 2009: 363). Dennoch treten vermehrt Dativkon- struktionen wie vor einem kleinem Publikum und sogar solche mit dem bestimmten Artikel auf, obwohl z.B. Sahel (2011) für die Entwicklung ähnlicher Variationsphänomene in der NP klare Tendenzen zur Monoflexion diagnos- AG12 tiziert. Das Auftreten starker Formen nach dem bestimmten Artikel ist zudem insofern erstaunlich, als diese Kombination – von der Umbruchsituation im Frühneuhochdeutschen abgesehen (vgl. Demske 2000: 82–84ff.) – keinerlei historisches Vorbild hat. Und während z.B. die Parallel- und Wechselflexion bei zwei koordinierten attributiven Adjektiven ohne Artikel verschiedentlich untersucht wird (vgl. z.B. Nübling 2011), fehlt eine Untersuchung der Kon- struktion mit Artikel bislang. Im Vortrag wird dem Tatbestand auf Basis eines aktuellen Zeitungskor- pus nachgegangen, denn es gilt herauszufinden, welche (z.B. phonologischen, morphologischen oder pragmatischen) Faktoren das Auftreten der starken Flexionsendung nach Artikel begünstigen. Außerdem soll geprüft werden, inwiefern theoretische Zugänge, z.B. die Konstruktionsgrammatik, zur Erk- lärung des Phänomens beitragen können.

References: • Demske, U. (2000): Merkmale und Relationen. De Gruyter. • Duden-Grammatik (2009). Dudenverlag. • Nübling, D. (2011): Unter großem persönlichem oder persönlichen Einsatz? Der sprachliche Zweifelsfall adjektivischer Parallel- vs. Wechselflexion als Beispiel für aktuellen grammatischen Wandel. In: Grammatik – Lehren, Lernen, Verstehen. De Gruyter. • Sahel, S. (2011): Monoflexion als Erklärung für Variation in der Nominalphrasenflexion des Deutschen. In: Gram- matik und Korpora 2009. Narr.

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Donnerstag Stark oder schwach? – Oder: wie die Informationsstruktur 09.03.2017 morpho-syntaktische Variationen steuert 13:45 – 14:15 B4 1, 0.05 Helmut Weiß Seyna Carlucci-Dirani Goethe-Universität Frankfurt Goethe-Universität Frankfurt [email protected] [email protected]

Wortarten wie Personalpronomen und Definitartikel weisen in deutschen Dialekten systematisch mindestens zwei verschiedene morphologische Rei- hen auf (volle und reduzierte Formen), deren syntaktische Distribution von pragmatischen Faktoren abhängt. Wir möchten zeigen, dass die Distribution der verschiedenen Formen bei beiden den gleichen Restriktionen unterliegt. Dafür konzentrieren wir uns insbesondere auf Phänomene wie Deixis, Kon- AG12 trastfokus, Topik-Shift und Relativsätze, in denen ausschließlich die jeweiligen vollen Formen auftreten können. Der Grund für die Distribution starker/voller und schwacher/reduzierter Formen liegt in deren Struktur. Ausschließlich erstere werden in D0 basis- generiert, während letztere eine Kopfposition unterhalb davon ausbuchsta- bieren (je nach Ansatz n0/AgrD0/φ0, cf. Wiltschko 1998, Roberts 2010, Weiß 2015, Trutkowski & Weiß 2016). Syntaktisch präsent sind zwar immer volle DPs (kontra Cardinaletti & Starke 1999), die Artikel und Pronomen buchsta- bieren aber unterschiedliche Teile davon aus – was letztlich deren informa- tionsstrukturelle Unterschiede erklärt.

References: • Cardinalleti, A. & M. /Starke , M. (1999): The typology of structural deficiency: On the three grammatical classes. In: Clitics in the languages of Europe. De Gruyter, 145–-233. • Roberts, I. (2010): Agreement and head movement: clitics, incorporation, and defective goals. MIT Press. • Trutkowski, E. & H. Weiß (2016): When Personal Pronouns Compete with Relative Pronouns. In: The Impact of Pronominal Form on Interpretation. De Gruyter, 135–166. • Weiß, H. (2015): When the subject follows the object. On a curiosity in the syntax of personal pronouns in some German dialects. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 18, 65–92. • Wiltschko, M. (1998): On the Syntax and Semantics of (Relative) Pronouns and Determiners. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 2, 143–181.

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Variation of agreement forms: Donnerstag Investigations on lexical hybrids in German dialects 09.03.2017 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.05

Stephanie Leser-Cronau Philipps-Universität Marburg [email protected]

The term lexical hybrid (Corbett 2006: 213–215ff.) designates nouns within- consistent agreement patterns concerning number or gender. The current presentation focuses on lexical hybrids with an internal conflict between grammatical gender and biological sex. One famous example is the German lexeme Mädchen (‘girl’), which is biologically female but grammatically neuter. Agree- ment targets of Mädchen may either show agreement with the biological sex (semantic agreement) or the grammatical gender (formal agreement). Corbett AG12 (1979) established a hierarchy based on agreement patterns from multiple languages allowing a prediction about the possibility of semantic agreement. This agreement hierarchy is shown below:

(1) attributive > predicate > relative pronoun > personal pronoun

The possibility for semantic agreement increases consistently from the leftto the right. If semantic agreement is possible in a given position, it should also be possible for all elements to the right of that position. There are also a couple of other factors influencing the choice of formal or semantic agreement, like e.g. the linear distance between controller and target. All previous studies have in common that they analyze written standard language. In contrast, the current presentation follows a novel approach by using oral data of dialect speakers. The project Syntax of Hessian Dialects (SyHD) collected written and oral data from so called NORMs and NORFs (non-mobile , older rural males/females). In addition, a corpus investigation is used to test as to whether German dialects behave differently from the standard language concerning agreement patterns.

References: • Corbett, G. G. (1979): The Agreement Hierarchy. Journal of Linguistics 2(15), 203–224. • Corbett, G. G. (2006): Agreement. CUP.

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Freitag Complex heads in Pomeranian: Some morphosysntactic 10.03.2017 considerations 11:30 – 12:00 B4 1, 0.05 Göz Kaufmann Universität Freiburg [email protected]

Translating the sentence yesterday I could have sold the ring, several Brazilian speakers of Pomeranian produced the following two variants:

(1) jestern hätt ik kütt de Fingerring verköft hewe yesterday had I could the ring sold have (2) jestern hätt kütt ik der Fingerring verkauft hat hewe AG12 yesterday had could I the ring sold had have While the verbal sequence in (1) is common to West Germanic varieties, the translation in (2), which features two verbal elements in C0, is a rarum for which our data suggest a theoretically intriguing explanation that is based on the informants’ behavior with regard to two other morphosyntactic phenomena. The first one is the fact that the informants responsible for (2) –butnotthe ones responsible for (1) – produce the cluster V3-V1-V2 in dependent clauses, for example in the translation of the conditional clause if he really had wanted to write this letter […]:

(3) wenn her auf ehrlich de Karte schriewe hätt wutt if he in earnest the letter write had wanted

If we derive the cluster schriewe hätt wutt by head movement and right adjunc- tion of V2 wutt to V1 hätt in I0, the fact that informants who produce (3) also produce (2) can be explained by assuming that complex heads such as hätt wutt in (3) or hätt kütt in (2) form morphologically bound units and are moved as a whole from I0 to C0 in root contexts. The other phenomenon in (2), entirely absent from the data of the informants responsible for (1), is the doubling in had hewe (‘had have’). Our explanation in this case is that the non-finite features of the participle kütt in (2) clash with the finiteness requirements of C0. Therefore, these morphological features may have to be produced clause- finally with a lexically light element suchas hewe (‘have’).

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Dat hätt kéinten anescht gemaach ginn – IPP und Freitag supinale Formen bei luxemburgischen Modalverben 10.03.2017 12:00 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.05

Caroline Döhmer Universität Luxemburg [email protected]

In diesem Beitrag geht es um den IPP-Effekt (Ersatzinfinitiv) von Modalverben im Luxemburgischen, denn hier stehen nicht nur „echte“ Infinitive zur Verfü- gung, sondern auch modifizierte Formen, so genannte Supina. Der Beispiel- satz aus dem Titel soll dieses Phänomen im Luxemburgischen (LUX) sowie im Standarddeutschen (ST-DT) verdeutlichen.

(1) LUX: Dat hätt kéinten anescht gemaach ginn. (Inf.: kënnen, Supinum: kéinten) AG12 (2) ST-DT: Das hätte anders gemacht werden können. (Inf.: können)

Für die vorliegende Untersuchung wurden über 8000 drei- und viergliedrige Verbalkomplexe des Typs AUX + MOD + V bzw. AUX + MOD + AUX + V in Haupt- und Nebensätzen aus einem umfangreichen Korpus (ca. 80 Mio. Wort- formen) ausgewertet. Dabei lassen sich zwei zentrale Beobachtungen machen: (A) Aus quantitativer Sicht zeigt sich, dass supinale Formen (Typ kéinten) im Schnitt etwa ein Viertel der IPP-Konstruktionen ausmachen. (B) Aus qualita- tiver Sicht lässt sich eine gewisse Modussensitivität der Supina erkennen, d.h., dass sich deren morphologische Form offenkundig nach dem Modus des Per- fektauxiliars richtet. Es wird zu überprüfen sein, wie diese Supina paradig- matisch festzuhalten sind (Stump 2015) und welche morphologische Basis für die unterschiedlichen Verbformen ausschlaggebend ist. Darüber hinaus bleibt auch zu klären, unter welchen (weiteren) syntaktischen Bedingungen die supinalen Formen auftreten können bzw. blockiert sind.

References: • Schallert, O. (2014a): Zur Syntax der Ersatzinfinitivkonstruktion: Typologie und Variation. Stauffenburg. • Stump, G. (2015): Inflectional Paradigms. Content and Form at the Syntax-Morphology Interface. CUP.

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Freitag Negative concord im Alemannischen: Eine morphologische Erklärung 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B4 1, 0.05 Ann-Marie Moser Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München [email protected]

Negative concord tritt in den deutschen Dialekten sowohl als negative doubling als auch negative spread auf. Folgendes Beispiel zeigt negative spread im Aleman- nischen:

(1) Miir säit me jo nie nüt (Muster/Bürkli 2001:206) Mir sagt man ja nie nichts ‘Mir sagt man ja nie etwas’ AG12 Während diese Form im gesamten alemannischen Sprachgebiet belegt ist, wird dagegen negative doubling, also negative concord in Form von Satznegation und negativem Indefinitum, kaum bis gar nicht akzeptiert. Ergebnisse ausak- tuellen Syntaxprojekten, Dialektgrammatiken oder auch Kommentare in der Forschungsliteratur bezeugen diese Diskrepanz. Der Kontrast ist besonders auffällig, wenn man diese Auftretensfrequenz mit jener anderer deutscher Di- alekte (Bairisch, Ost- und Westmitteldeutsch, Niederdeutsch) vergleicht (vgl. Moser 2015). Bisherige Erklärungen zu negative concord (z.B. Jäger 2008, Weiß 1998, Zeijlstra 2004) nehmen auf syntaktischer Ebene eine (c)overte Satznega- tion an. Ich möchte hingegen einen Ansatz vorstellen und auf das Aleman- nische anwenden, den Tubau (2016) für die britischen Varietäten entwickelt hat: Negative spread wird hier nicht mithilfe der Abhängigkeit von einer coverten Satznegation, sondern mit der Existenz von zwei verschiedenen morphologischen bzw. /lexikalischen Varianten erklärt, die sich in ihrer (Nicht– )Interpretierbarkeit des [Neg]-Merkmals unterscheiden.

References: • Jäger, A. (2008): History of German negation. John Benjamins. • Moser, A. (2015): Dop- pelte Negation in den deutschen Dialekten. [unpublizierte Abschlussarbeit] • Muster, H. P. & B. Flaig Bürkli (2001): Baselbieter Wörterbuch. Christoph-Merian-Verl. • Tubau, S. (2016): Lexical variation and Negative Concord in Traditional Dialects of British English. Journal of Comparative Germanic Lin- guistics 19, 143–177. • Weiß, H. (1998): Syntax des Bairischen. Niemeyer. • Zeijlstra, H. (2004): Senten- tial Negation and Negative Concord. LOT Publications.

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Concurrent gender systems in Europe: Freitag a new look at the Asturian neuter 10.03.2017 13:00 – 14:00 B4 1, 0.05

Michele Loporcaro Universität Zurich [email protected]

Recent work in Canonical Typology (Fedden & Corbett 2016) pursues a quest, started in Corbett (1991: 184–188), for languages with more than one gender system, with examples mostly found in languages that have been maintained to possess gender alongside classifiers, since “the traditional division between gender and classifiers as fulfilling similar functions in languages of different types is ever harder to maintain” (p. 1). Languages with concurrent systems occur in Australia, Papua New Guinea and the Americas. The closest one gets to Romance so far is Michif, a French/Cree mixed language of Ontario (cf. Bakker 1997: 109 for the data and Corbett 2012: 176 for discussion), while no Romance language has been analyzed as featuring two gender systems: thus, implicitly, the room for variation in time and space in Romance has been held to be constrained by the (unitary) three-valued gender system inherited from Latin. In this paper, I argue that Central Asturian has changed in a more radical way, becoming a language with two concurrent gender systems. This language famously has a kind of neuter agreement (marked with an o-ending on non- prenominal adjectives) that stirred an unrelenting debate, with traditional analyses – which called it a (neuter) gender value –rightly criticized, by proponents of alternative analyses because of the mismatch with the common Romance binary gender agreement seen on determiners: e.g. el café frio vs. la tsiche frio ‘cold coffee/milk’. Linking theory (i.e., recent research in Canonical Typology) with empirical evidence, here, automatically yields the best analysis, leading to the conclusion that a) the Asturian neuter is a gender value, but b) within a second gender system, concurrent with the binary common Romance one.

References: • Bakker, P.(1997): A language of our own. The genesis of Michif. OUP. • Corbett, G.G. (1991): Gender. CUP. • Fedden, S. & G.G. Corbett (2016): Gender and classifiers as concurrent systems: a first typology. Ms. University of Sidney and /Surrey Morphology Group.

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Aria Adli & Anke Lüdeling Universität zu Köln, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected], [email protected] Raum: B4 1, 0.04

Short description This workshop deals with the variationist modelling of register variation. The term register is used here to describe a variety of a language that is associated with particular functional or situational features, thus describing intra- speaker variation. Variation exists on each linguistic level (phonology, morphology, syntax, lexicon, etc.). We welcome variationist research on qualitative and quantitative aspects of synchronic and diachronic register variation.

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Mittwoch Recursive embedding and register variation 08.03.2017 14:15 – 15:15 B4 1, 0.04 Elisabeth Verhoeven Nico Lehmann Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

Recursive embedding is a core property of the language faculty. We know a lot about the cognitive limitations in parsing recursive structures (e.g. Roeper & Speas, eds. 2015), but less so about the determinants of their occurrence in naturalistic communication. In this paper we explore the use and limits of recursive embedding in spoken discourse in public vs. non-public speech situations in German. We report results of an ongoing study on the depth of (self-)embedding of C, V,and N projections, i.e. we measured instances of [C [C …]], [[…V] V], and [N [N …]]. The analyzed data stem from the Datenbank für gesprochenes Deutsch (DGD) Grundstrukturen: Freiburger Korpus and FOLK (both available at http://agd.ids-mannheim.de, IDS Mannheim) from which 22 conversations were selected and classified according to contextual factors forming a public and a non-public subcorpus of 11 conversations of about 1000 AG13 tokens each. The public subcorpus features argumentative public conversation with four to nine unacquainted speakers whereas the non-public subcorpus features argumentative talk from social settings with two to three fairly familiar speakers per conversation. The investigated texts contain further properties that cannot be kept invariant in a study of natural data but which may influence the choice of a particular structure (Biber & Conrad 2009). Hence, aset of 10 features relating to the communicative setting (speaker symmetry, communicative role of participant, discourse topic, etc.) have been annotated and integrated in the model as random factors. The findings confirm the hypothesis that speakers use significantly more (self-)embeddings in all three studied projections in public registers compared to non-public registers. In addition, we found evidence that the depth of recursion between different projections is correlated across speakers, which suggests that [α [α …]] structures are an entity of grammar that is relevant for speaker’s reality, i.e., may be selected for particular purposes.

References: • Biber, D. & Conrad, S. (2009): Register, genre, and style. Cambridge: CUP. • Roeper, T. & Speas, M. eds. (2015): Recursion: Complexity and cognition. Springer.

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Register specificity in the English genitive alternation. Mittwoch Do variable cues reflect different grammars? 08.03.2017 15:15 – 15:45 B4 1, 0.04

Jason Grafmiller University of Leuven [email protected]

We examine variability in the genitive alternation (the president’s decision vs. the decision of the president) across five written registers of 20thcentury Amer- ican English, focusing on quantitative differences in the constraints on writers’ deployment of this variable in different stylistic contexts. We argue that variation in written registers of this kind is a clear example of complex ‘style switching’ (Rickford, 2014), and discuss how our findings speak to the relationship between grammatical representation and quantitative variability in constraints across styles. We draw on data from the Brown and Frown corpora, sampling a subset of registers in the early 1960s (Brown) and 1990s (Frown): Press reportage, Non-fiction (memoirs), Learned, General fiction, and Adventure fiction. We AG13 extracted 5098 genitive tokens from the two corpora (Brown N = 2497; Frown N = 2601), annotating for factors known to condition the choice of genitive variant (see e.g. Grafmiller, 2014). Such factors include: the length (in words) of both constituents; the semantic relation between possessor and possessum; the presence of a final sibilant on the possessor; and the animacy, frequency, givenness, and NP type (common vs. proper) of the possessor. Data were analyzed using mixed-effects logistic regression. We find sizable differences among registers in the influence of possessor animacy, which has a significantly weaker effect in Press than in other registers. Additionally, the relative ranking of this constraint is lower in Press than in other registers, and in general, the relative constraint rankings vary notice- ably across registers. Within registers, there is little intra-author variability in the constraint effects, however, inter-author rates of genitive use vary con- siderably across the registers. Fiction writers vary the most, while journalists vary the least. We interpret these patterns in Press writing as reflections of journalists’ semi-conscious move toward more economical and colloquial modes of expression (Biber, 2003). But does the variability we observe imply that we are dealing with distinct, register-specific grammars, a la Guy (2015)? We believe that

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within an experience-based, probabilistic approach to grammar, the multiple- grammar model is ill-defined, and argue instead for an alternative modelin which situational/stylistic cues can directly shape the influence of internal constraints within a single ‘grammar’.

References: • Biber, D. (2003): Compressed noun-phrase structures in newspaper discourse. In: New Media Language, 169–181. • Grafmiller, J. (2014): Variation in English genitives across modality and genres. English Language and Linguistics 18(3), 471–496. • Guy,G.R. (2015): Coherence, constraints and quantities. NWAV 44. • Rickford, J. (2014): Situation: Stylistic variation in sociolinguistic corpora and theory. Language and Linguistics Compass 8(11), 590–603.

Mittwoch Register-specific interference in translation 08.03.2017 16:30 – 17:00 B4 1, 0.04 Stella Neumann Stefan Evert Gert De Sutter RWTH Aachen University FAU Erlangen- Nürnberg Universiteit Gent [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] aachen.de

This paper discusses a quantitative corpus analysis of register-specific trans- AG13 lator behaviour, in terms of the extent to which interference of the source language is admitted into the translation. Evert & Neumann (in press) provide corpus evidence for source language interference and differences depending on translation direction, arguably due to the prestige of the languages involved. However, they do not further differentiate the findings according to register, although there is growing evidence that translators are susceptible to register conventions (e.g. Delaere 2015). This is in line with assumptions about language being essentially organised into registers as subsystems that capture the probabilistically distributed features of a language (Halliday 1991). Accordingly, a feature may be highly likely to occur in one register and vir- tually blocked in another. These assumptions would predict that translators adapt to the specific situational context of both the source and target register and that they modulate the extent to which they allow the source language to interfere or adapt to register conventions in the target language. We will use the multivariate methodology developed by Diwersy et al. (2014) to examine the influence of register on interference. We use lexico-grammatical features capturing dimensions of register extracted semi-automatically from the English-German CroCo Corpus and from the Dutch Parallel Corpus so as to test whether the findings reflect more general patterns across language pairs. The

304 AG 13 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.04 findings will also shed light on more general claims about the role of register in language.

References: • Delaere, I. (2015): Do translators walk the line? University of Ghent. • Diwersy, S., Evert, S., & Neumann, S. (2014): A weakly supervised multivariate approach to the study of language variation. In: Aggregating Dialectology, Typology, and Register Analysis. de Gruyter, 174–204. • Evert, S., & Neumann, S. (in press): The impact of translation direction on characteristics of translated texts. In: Empirical Translation Studies. New theoretical and methodological traditions. de Gruyter. • Halliday, M. A. K. (1991): Towards probabilistic interpretations. In: Functional and Systemic Linguistics. Approaches and Uses. Mouton de Gruyter, 39–61.

Patterns of cohesion as dependent variables in a contrastive study of Mittwoch registers in English and German 08.03.2017 17:00 – 17:30 B4 1, 0.04 Kerstin Kunz, Erich Steiner, Ekaterina Lapshinova-Koltunski, José Martinez, Katrin Menzel [email protected]

In studies of register so far, the focus has usually been on variation in lex- icogrammar, and within one language (exceptions include Biber 1995). We AG13 argue in favour of adding cohesion as a linguistic level to the modelling of register, and we argue that lexicogrammatical properties can to some extent be understood as interacting with principles of cohesion in different text- types. Our talk will report on empirical testing of our hypotheses, relying on a linguistically annotated corpus of English and German texts in a number of parallel registers. The talk is based on the ongoing GECCo project funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (http://www.gecco.uni-saarland. de/GECCo/index.html). The features we investigate are derived from five main types of cohesion (Halliday & Hasan 1976) as linguistic variables and their concrete instantiated variants. These variants include cohesive devices (e.g. proforms, ellipses, conjunctions and lexical items), and properties of co-reference chains and lexical chains (e.g. number of and distance between elements in chains, types of semantic relations (cf. Kunz et al in press; Kunz et al 2016)). Our findings demonstrate that cohesion is an important linguistic dimension for modeling functional variation. They provide important information on how registers varyin the development of topics in texts, the types of semantic relations established, the frequency and strength of cohesive relations, and the degree of variation in cohesion.

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References: • Biber, D. (1995): Dimensions of register variation. A cross-linguistic comparison. Cam- bridge University Press • Halliday, M. A. K. and Hasan, R. (1976): Cohesion in English. Longman. • Kunz, K., Degaetano-Ortlieb, S., Lapshinova-Koltunski, E., Menzel, K. and Steiner, E. (in press): English-German contrasts in cohesion and implications for translation.Empirical Translation Studies. New Theoretical and Methodological Traditions. Mouton de Gruyter. • Kunz, K., Lapshinova-Koltun- ski,E., Martinez-Martinez, J.M. (2016): Beyond Identity Coreference: Contrasting Indicators of Tex- tual Coherence in English and German. Proceedings of CORBON at NAACL-HLT2016, San Diego, 16 June.

Donnerstag Automatic register annotation for linguistic research? 09.03.2017 09:00 – 10:00 B4 1, 0.04 Felix Bildhauer Roland Schäfer IDS Mannheim Freie Universität Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

Corpus linguists often require document-level meta data such as document registers. Since manual annotation of registers is infeasible for very large corpora (such as crawled web corpora), the only viable alternative is automatic classification. Most approaches to automatic register annotation rely on a (usually high) number of linguistic features extracted from the docu- AG13 ments. In our talk, we explore the usefulness of automatically annotated register categories for models of alternation phenomena in morpho-syntax. An obvious conceptual problem of such models is circularity if the registers are op- erationalized in terms of document-internal morpho-syntactic features. How- ever, we discuss a technical aspect, namely that models can be of much higher quality if the raw features are used instead of aggregated register categories. To this end, we conducted two case studies on German: a) case variation after prepositions and b) inflection of adjectives after pronominal adjectives. We created an ad-hoc corpus of approx. 0.6 m documents/ 0.4 bn tokens sampled from the DECOW16 web corpus (Schäfer and Bildhauer, 2012) and the DeReKo corpus (Kupietz et al., 2010) and extracted a large number of features at the document level. First, we used these as predictors in a generalized linear model (GLM) modeling the two alternation phenomena. Second, we used the features to induce document categories in the corpus, then fitting a number of alternative models with these categories as predictors. Additionally, we used Monte Carlo simulations to demonstrate how aggregation of features into register categories can systematically affect the quality of GLMs. We compare the quality of the different models thus obtained and discuss the implications ofour findings for using automatically annotated high-level categories in research

306 AG 13 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.04 on grammatical and morphological alternation phenomena.

References: • Kupietz, M., Belica, C., Keibel, H. and Witt, A. (2010). The German Reference Corpus DeReKo: A Primordial Sample for Linguistic Research. In N. Calzolari, et al. (eds.), Proceedings of LREC’10, pages 1848–1854, Valletta, Malta: ELRA. • Schäfer, R. and Bildhauer, F.(2012). Building large corpora from the web using a new efficient tool chain. In N. Calzolari, et al. (eds.), Proceedings of LREC’12, pages 486–493, Istanbul: ELRA.

A functional stylistics for register and genre Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:00 – 10:30 B4 1, 0.04 Thomas Haider Alexis Palmer Universität Heidelberg University of North Texas [email protected] [email protected]

Work on register for German is rather scarce, compared to English. We nar- row this gap by (i) developing a theoretically grounded comparative typology for genre and register analysis, (ii) compiling a corpus of German register and genre out of DeReKo (Kupietz et al., 2010), (iii) developing high accuracy machine learning algorithms for supervised text genre classification, (iv) providing an extensive description of prototypical register classes through the ag- AG13 glomeration of style feature loadings. We thus contribute both to linguistic theory building and to research on genre adaptation of NLP methods within the LiMo project. Register can be understood as the function between situational context and linguistic analysis (Biber & Conrad, 2009) or as functional stylistics i.e. the distribution of style features in communicative areas (Jakobson, 1960). In designing the corpus typology (taxonomy) we make use of prototype theory (Rosch, 1973) that affords the embedding of a basic-level category (communicative purpose) within a super-level (social text use) and a sub-genre (topic modelling). We model the prototypical text classes using dimensions such as document size, a ‘natural’ distribution of topics, or the dominant register of a genre. We then develop a machine learning system for register and genre classification. We focus on a high-quality feature extraction pipeline which imple- ments style features through numerous morphosyntactic annotations, lexi- cons of linguistic nature (i.a. verb classes), psycholinguistic word norms (i.a. concreteness), and topic models. We identify the best models for supervised text genre classification, achieving results comparable to the state-of-the-art for English. Finally, we show that our work is also applicable to English. Here,

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we are able to identify pervasive functional dimensions using PCA (to wit, interpersonal and narrative dimensions in literary genre).

References: • Biber, D. and Conrad, S. (2009). Register, genre, and style. Cambridge University Press. • Jakobson, R. (1960). Closing statement: Linguistics and poetics. Style in language, 350:377. • Kupietz, M., Belica, C., Keibel, H., and Witt, A. (2010). The german reference corpus DeReKo: A primordial sample for linguistic research. In LREC. • Rosch, E. H. (1973). Natural categories. Cognitive psychology, 4(3):328–350.

Donnerstag Prosodic aspects of style and register of 09.03.2017 live sports commentaries in radio and television 11:15 – 11:45 B4 1, 0.04

Jürgen Trouvain Friederike Kern Universität des Saarlandes Universität Bielefeld [email protected] [email protected]

In phonetic research, there is raising acknowledgment with regard to the diversity of authentic speech that goes beyond highly controlled read speech. Different communicative situations require an adaptation of phonetic and AG13 linguistic resources that leads to various forms of non-scripted speech. Live sports commentaries provide good examples for studying such adaptions empirically. For instance, horse race commentaries are characterized by a dramatic rise of pitch and perceived increasing tempo as well as extreme syntactic restrictions. Studies have shown that live football commentaries feature narrative, pre- dramatic and dramatic phases that can be distinguished by different speech styles with typical phonetic and syntactic characteristics. E.g., the climax of the dramatic phase usually leads to an affective goal comment often produced as roaring with extremely high pitch. Dramatic phases that usually occur before goal scenes are characterized by a shortening and simplification of syntactic phrases co-occuring with a predominant use of pre-fabricated lexical units. In addition, dramatic phrases are marked prosodically by raising pitch and tempo (articulation rate and pausing). This prosodic behaviour serves as a communicative tool to signal increasing affect. It overrides the linguistic prosodic structure: we can observe sharp pitch rising at places where we would expect falling pitch contours (at the end of declaratives) or no marked pitch movement (at non-accented syllables). In our current research, we investigate the phonetic variation found in dra-

308 AG 13 · Gebäude B4 1, Raum 0.04 matic phases of live football commentaries of the same game (Germany v. Eng- land at world cup 2010) across languages (German vs. English), media (radio vs. TV) and media culture (public vs. private stations). The results of acoustic and perceptual analysis reveal the general tendency that sets of prosodic features, with pitch as the most important, are typical for dramatic speech.

Prosodic variation in French: Donnerstag self-repairs in conceptual distance and proximity 09.03.2017 11:45 – 12:15 B4 1, 0.04

Johanna Stahnke Bergische Universität Wuppertal [email protected]

This contribution investigates the conversational functions and prosodic forms of French self-repairs in conceptual distance and proximity (Koch & Oesterreicher 1985), relating to the questions of how register variation can be modeled and how it may lead to language change. While in paraphrases the relation between repairable and repair is semantic equivalence, seman- AG13 tic difference is established in corrections (Gülich & Kotschi 1996). Theinto- national structure of repairs is deaccented for paraphrases and overaccented for corrections (Morel & Danon-Boileau 1998). A total of 379 repairs from two sample corpora was coded for function (paraphrase, correction), register (distance, proximity) and prosodic structure (standard, de-, overaccentua- tion). 35% of proximity corrections are deaccented; only 23% are overaccented. Deaccentuation is significantly influenced by conceptual variation (p<.001), with proximity as the favoring factor. By contrast, functional variation does not have a significant effect (p=.229). To account for these results, amodel of speaker-strategic routinization is proposed (Detges & Waltereit, to appear). Corrections are more disruptive than paraphrases with regard to continuous discourse flow and turn-maintaining, and these problems are specifically related to proximity. Speakers in proximity possibly encode corrections as paraphrases by violating conversational maxims. This type of variation may eventually lead to linguistic change, as has been shown for lexical elements which develop into discourse markers.

References: • Detges, U. & Waltereit, R. (to appear): Grammaticalization and pragmaticalization. In: Fischer, S. & Gabriel, C. (eds.): Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance. De Gruyter. • Gülich, E. & Kotschi, T. (1996): Textherstellungsverfahren in mündlicher Kommunikation. In: Motsch, W. (ed.): Ebenen der Textstruktur. Niemeyer, 37-80. • Koch, P. & Oesterreicher, W. (1985): Sprache der Nähe – Sprache der Distanz. Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit im Spannungsfeld von Sprachtheorie und Sprachgeschichte. In: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 36, 15-43. • Morel, M.-A. & Danon-Boileau, L. (1998): Grammaire de l’intonation. Ophrys. 309 AG 13 · Register in linguistic theory: Modeling functional variation

Donnerstag Register-dependency of deliberate metaphor 09.03.2017 12:15 – 12:45 B4 1, 0.04 Markus Egg Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected]

Topic of my talk is the dependency of metaphor on register (Deignan et al. 2013): Register is functionally determined linguistic variety; and the function and motivation of metaphor (as a non-literal mode of communication) has been the focus of an intensive debate. I will investigate this dependency by comparing a specific kind of metaphor, viz., deliberate metaphor (DM), indif- ferent registers. Following Lakoff and Johnson (1981), metaphor introduces target domains (TDs) by mapping the structure of another, the source domain (SD) onto the respective TD, e.g., in the well-known metaphor of life as a journey. This process often goes unnoticed both in the production and processing of metaphor, but not in DMs, which are recognised by their hearers/readers (Steen 2009). DM intends to change the addressee’s perspective on a topic (Steen 2008), AG13 and therefore is one way of alienation (Schklowski 1971). Alienation through metaphor brings together quite dissimilar domains, thus the mapping of the SD structure onto the TD introduces an unfamiliar perspective on the TD. DM dependency on register will be investigated in a corpus-based approach, investigating texts of two domains, viz., sermons, and academic lectures. The texts are taken from the genre of didactic discourse, because DM – though otherwise quite rare – appears in didactic discourse with a higher frequency than usual (Beger 2011; Beger 2015). The variable is the use of metaphor as defined above for the reference to key concepts in the texts. The variants are different instantiations of metaphor for these, in particular, either as deliberate or as non-deliberate metaphor, or in terms of literal, non-metaphorical expressions. As subvariants, different ways of indicating DM in form and content (Steen 2009; Krennmayr 2011) will be distinguished, among them signalled metaphor (similes, expressions like as it were, inverted commas...), direct metaphor (perhaps excluding clichéd phrases like he is a pig), and extended metaphor. We will also distinguish the source domain of the metaphor, following the ‘Master Metaphor List’ (Lakoff et al. 1991) of the Cognitive Linguistics Group. The presentation targets the questions a, c, and e as listed in the call for papers.

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References: • Beger, A. (2011). Deliberate metaphors? An exploration of the choice and functions of metaphors in US-American college lectures. metaphorik.de 20, 39–60. • Beger, A. (2015). Metaphors in psychology genres. Counseling vs. academic lectures. In B. Herrmann and T. Sardinha (eds), Metaphor in specialist discourse, 53–75. Amsterdam: Benjamins. • Deignan, A., J. Little- more, & E. Semino (2013). Figurative language, genre and register. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press. • Krennmayr, T. (2011). Metaphor in newspapers. Ph.D. thesis, Vrije Universiteit Am- sterdam. • Lakoff, G., J. Espenson, & A. Schwartz (1991). Master metaphor list. available from http://araw.mede.uic.edu/~alansz/metaphor/METAPHORLIST.pdf. • Lakoff, G. & M. Johnson (1981). Metaphors we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. • Schklowski, V. (1971). Kunst als Verfahren. In J. Striedter (ed.), Russischer Formalismus. Texte zur allgemeinen Literaturtheorie und zur Theorie der Prosa, 3–35. München: Fink. • Steen, G. (2008). The paradox of metaphor: Why we need a threedimensional model of metaphor. Metaphor and Symbol 23, 213–241. • Steen, G. (2009). Delib- erate metaphor affords conscious metaphorical cognition. Cognitive Semiotics 5, 179–197.

On the role of intra-speaker variation for language change Donnerstag 09.03.2017 13:45 – 14:15 B4 1, 0.04 Richard Waltereit Newcastle University [email protected]

Intra-speaker variation as implied by register has long been shown to exist in the “styles” used in variationist analysis (conversation, reading, word-lists), AG13 i.e., controlled by the researcher. In his search for intra-speaker variation within conversation, Labov (2013) found that the most vernacular speech is in oral narrative of events that the speaker has personal knowledge of, and even more so when those events revolve around three “universal centres of interest” that invite “dramatic” verbalization: (i) death and danger of death (including violence, illness, etc.); (ii) sex (including marriage, affairs, etc.); (iii) moral in- dignation (blame, injustice, social norms etc.). This finding is of interest to diachronic linguistics. A popular assumption in historical linguistics is that innovations may originate in potentially hyper- bolic, dramatic speech and then spread, by rhetorical devaluation, across the speech community (e.g. Haspelmath 1999, Detges & Waltereit 2002). The implication of Labov’s findings is that it may be the other way round, namely that dramatic speech is simply the most vernacular register, and that its features may spread through the community by ordinary linguistic diffusion without the need to invoke any rhetorical devaluation. A prediction of this hypothesis is that new variants of a variable have a higher concentration in discourse contexts that relate to the three centres of interest referred to above than elsewhere. In my talk, I will assess this hypothesis for the spread of French bi-

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partite negation (e.g. ne…pas) at the expense of simple negation (ne) in Old and Middle French (cf. Detges & Waltereit 2002, Hansen 2009).

References: • Detges, U. & R. Waltereit (2002): Grammaticalization vs. reanalysis: a semantic-pragmatic account of functional change in grammar. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 21, 151-195. • Hansen, M.-B. M. (2009): The grammaticalization of negative reinforcers in Old and Middle French: a discourse-functional approach. In: M.-B. M. Hansen & J. Visconti (eds.), Current trends in diachronic semantics and pragmatics, Bingley, 227-251. • Haspelmath, M. (1999): Why is grammaticalization irreversible? Linguistics 37, 1043–1068. • Labov, W. (2013): The language of life and death. The transformation of experience in oral narrative. Cambridge.

Donnerstag Register variation in OHG: evidences for 09.03.2017 register based variation in the recordings of OHG 14:15 – 14:45 B4 1, 0.04

Gohar Schnelle Karin Donhauser Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

In our talk we will present the results of a pilot study designed to find out AG13 whether register is a relevant parameter when it comes to explaining the distribution of variants in OHG recording. As a textbase we use the Evan- gelienharmonie of Otfrid von Weißenburg. This text is particularily suitable for our study because it was written by a single author (Otfrid von Weißen- burg) in a specific place (Weißenburg) and within a short period of time (between 863 and 871). Data is collected with a corpus-based approach from a register-annotated version of the DDD-Referenzkorpus Altdeutsch (Don- hauser et al. 2016)) using the search and visualization architecture ANNIS (Krause & Zeldes (2016)). Different core-linguistic features are then quantitatively analyzed according to Biber (2009) in order to explore the existence of patterns distributed in correlation with register. Our study focuses on syntactical phenomena such as verb position in main clauses (V1, V2, VL), realization of pronominal subjects (pro-drop, non-pro-drop), position of attributive adjectives (N ADJ, ADJ N), realization of verbal complements (infinitives, subordinated clauses).

References: • Biber, D. (2009). Multi-Dimensional Approaches. In: Lüdeling, A. & Kytö, M. (ed.) Corpus Linguistics. An International Handbook. Vol 2. Mouton de Gruyter, 822-855. • Don- hauser, K. (2015). Das Referenzkorpus Altdeutsch. Das Konzept, die Realisierung und die neuen Möglichkeiten. In: Gippert, J. & Gehrke, R. (ed.) Historical Corpora. Challenges and Perspektives. Narr, 35-49. • Donhauser, K.; Gippert, J. & Lühr, R. ddd-ad (Version 0.1), Humboldt-Univer-

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sität zu Berlin. http://hdl.handle.net/11022/0000-0000-7FC2-7 • Fleischer, J.(2006). Zur Methodologie althochdeutscher Syntaxforschung. In: Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB) 128(1):25-69. • Krause, T. & Zeldes, A. (2016). ANNIS3: A new architecture for generic corpus query and visualization. Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 2016 (31). http://dsh.oxfordjournals.org/content/31/1/118 • Schlachter, E. (2012). Syntax und Informa- tionsstruktur im Althochdeutschen. Untersuchungen am Beispiel der Isidor-Gruppe. Winter.

The register-specificity of variation grammars Freitag 10.03.2017 11:30 – 12:30 B4 1, 0.04 Benedikt Szmrecsanyi KU Leuven [email protected]

Variationist linguistics is concerned with how language users choose between alternative ways of saying or writing the same thing. The set of relevant probabilistic constraints on a particular variation phenomenon constitutes what I call a “variation grammar”. The talk addresses the extent to which language users may have available different variation grammars for different types of situational context (“registers”). Thus, the crucial question is whether or not our linguistic choicemak- AG13 ing processes differ depending on whether we engage in e.g. informal conversation or write blog entries. This issue is under-researched but loaded theoretically: variationist sociolinguists tend to believe that “internal constraints […] are normally independent of social and stylistic factors” (Labov 2010:265), but preliminary evidence (Grafmiller 2014) suggests that there may actually be a good deal of register-specificity. I outline a methodology to address this matter empirically, drawing on both observational corpus evidence (i.e. customary multivariate modeling of linguistic choice making in naturalistic production data) and supplementary rating task experiments in the spirit of Bresnan (2007). To exemplify, I will discuss a case study covering syntactic variation in multiple spoken and written registers in varieties of English around the world (see Szmrecsanyi et al. 2016).

References: • Bresnan, J. (2007): Is syntactic knowledge probabilistic? Experiments with the English dative alternation. In: Roots: Linguistics in Search of Its Evidential Base, 75–96. • Grafmiller, J. (2014). Variation in English genitives across modality and genres. English Language and Linguistics 18, 471–496. • Labov, W. (2010): Principles of linguistic change. Vol. 3: Cognitive and cultural factors. Wiley-Blackwell. • Szmrecsanyi, B., Jason G., Heller, B. & Röthlisberger, M. (2016). Around the world in three alternations: Modeling syntactic variation in varieties of English. English World-Wide 37, 109-137.

313 AG 13 · Register in linguistic theory: Modeling functional variation

Freitag Register variation in the use of DRDs in argumentative texts 10.03.2017 12:30 – 13:00 B4 1, 0.04 Ines Rehbein Leibniz ScienceCampus, IDS Mannheim / Universität Heidelberg [email protected]

This contribution studies the use of discourse relational devices (DRDs) inar- gumentative texts in different communicative settings. By DRDs we refer to linguistic devices that are used to structure and organise the discourse, such as discourse connectives, adverbials, or linguistic cue phrases. DRDs are highly ambiguous and polyfunctional and can vary across different dimensions, depending on the medium (spoken vs. written), the discourse situation (monologic vs. dialogic, formal vs. informal), the purpose of communication, and more. Recent work on argumentation mining has pointed out the important role of DRDs for analysing argumentation structure (Eckert-Kohler et al. 2015). Our main interest is in investigating how the different dimensions of variation can impact the linguistic behaviour of an individual speaker during the production of argumentative texts. The data we use in our analysis are political AG13 articles, interviews and talks by the same author, Noam Chomsky. Our data covers spoken and written texts and ranges from highly edited to less edited, including monologic as well as dialogic data. We follow the tradition of Biber’s register analysis (Biber 1995) and perform a Principal Component Analysis (PCA), based on raw counts of word forms of DRDs, to identify the main variables of variance. The PCA allows us to identify DRDs typical for written articles and those that are used in the less edited, dialogic interview data. To investigate how the different distribution of DRDs reflects different strategies used to pursue a communicative purpose, we provide an analysis of discourse relations according to Prasad et al. (2008), with a focus on causal relations such as Cause and Result which play a crucial role in argumentation.

References: • Biber, D. (1995): Dimensions of register variation: A cross-linguistic comparison. Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press. Amsterdam: Elsevier. • Eckle-Kohler, J., Kluge, R., & Gurevych, I. (2015): On the Role of Discourse Markers for Discriminating Claims and Premises in Argumentative Discourse. In: LREC 2015, 2249–2255. Lisbon, Portugal. • Prasad, R., et al. (2008): The Penn Discourse Treebank 2.0. In: LREC 2008, 2961–2968. Marrakech, Morocco.

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Register variation across social media Freitag 10.03.2017 13:00 – 13:30 B4 1, 0.04 Tatjana Scheffler Universität Potsdam [email protected]

It is known that speakers can vary their use of linguistic features across different channels and discourse situations, but little previous research has addressed the question which linguistic phenomena are affected. In one exception, Tagliamonte & Denis (2008) study linguistic features of teens in spoken and instant-messaging conversations, who show a mix of conservative and innovative behaviors in text messaging vs. speech. Our contribution investigates intra-speaker variation across different social media platforms, which elimi- nates the differences wrt. transmission mode (oral vs. written). Research questions are: (i) Does the same speaker’s language differ across social media platforms? (ii) Are the observed differences of the same kinds, i.e., can we observe the formation of register norms? (iii) Which phenomena show variant vs. stable expression across the different registers? We analyze tweets and blog posts for the same speakers with respect to the following frequent “non-standard” AG13 phenomena: across-the-board capitalization, letter duplication, intensifiers, abbreviations, novel sound and emotion words, sentence particles, and neolo- gisms. We observe both inter-speaker variation in the usage of the above features, as well as intra-speaker variation across the two types of platforms. All speakers make much greater use of non-standard linguistic features in their tweets than in their (full-length) blog posts. In particular, we find: (i) Each speaker in our study adapts their language use to the platform in both conscious and unconscious ways. (ii) The direction of the observed difference in feature frequency is always the same, indicating the development of register norms. (iii) The studied non-standard features all vary across the platforms, though other phenomena such as word order (Rehbein, 2014) have been shown to be more stable in previous work.

References: • Tagliamonte, S. A., & Denis, D. (2008). Linguistic ruin? LOL! Instant messaging and teen language. American speech 83(1), 3-34. • Rehbein, I. (2014). Using Twitter for linguistic purposes: three case studies. Slides, DGfS 2014.

315 AG 13 · Register in linguistic theory: Modeling functional variation

Freitag Factor analysis of Russian register and linguistic variation 10.03.2017 13:30 – 14:00 B4 1, 0.04 Roland Meyer Luka Szucsich Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

Slavic register phenomena have traditionally been captured by a fixed set of functional styles (FS). With modern linguistic corpora, registers may be derived bottom-up by a factor analysis of the (non-)occurrence of selected linguistic features across text types (Biber 1995; Baayen 2009, ch.5). In this paper, we undertake such an analysis on the hand-corrected “gold standard” corpus of Russian (1.6 Mio tokens), annotated with morphosyntactic tags and (text- wide) ascriptions of FS and text types (article, critique, discussion, speech etc.) –- http://ruscorpora.ru/en/corpora-usage.html. FS-related candidate properties were derived from the relevant literature (28 clearly identifiable features from a set of >600, based, among others, on Kožina etal. 2010). They included (i) lexical occurrences (e.g. particles and adverbs), (ii) certain morphemes (e.g. in internationalisms), (iii) POS categories (e.g. nouns, gerunds). A factor analysis with 3 factors was run on these categories across text types, dimension scores were calculated for factors above a certain threshold, and text types were ranked according to their dimension scores (cf. Biber 1995). Preliminary conclusions are: (i) Factor 1 (main dimension of variation) supports an interpretation like „reporting actions“ vs. „static, argumentative“. The written/spoken divide does not seem to be at stake here, discussions and conversations being at opposite ends of the scale. This is but one of the relevant distinctions which have been overlooked in the traditional taxonomy of FS. (ii) Traditional FS cannot explain the opposite scalar positions of certain linguistic features – e.g., AdvP (gerunds) and –acija internationalisms should both characterize written, especially scientific FS, contrary to their loadings. The bottom-up register distinctions will be compared to the distributions of well- defined linguistic variables, such as subtypes of sentential noun modifiers.

References: • Biber, D. (1995): Dimensions of register variation. • Baayen, H. (2009): Analyzing linguistic data. CUP. • Kožina, M.N. et al. (2011): Stilistika russkogo jazyka. Nauka. • Lapteva, O.A. (2003): Živaja russkaja reč’ s teleėkrana. URSS.

316 Sprachwissenschaft im Stauffenburg Verlag

Elisabeth Leiss / Dmitrij Dobrovol’skij Sonja Zeman (Hrsg.) Kognitive Aspekte Die Zukunft von der Idiom-Semantik Grammatik – Studien zum Thesaurus deutscher Idiome Die Grammatik der Eurogermanistik, Band 8 Zukunkft 2., aktualisierte und erweiterte Auflage 2016 Festschrift für Werner 399 Seiten, kart. Abraham anlässlich ISBN 978-3-86057-368-6 € 68,– seines 80. Geburtstags Olga Heindl Studien zur deutschen Grammatik, Band 92 Anfang 2017, ca. 340 Seiten, kart. Aspekt und ISBN 978-3-95809-543-4 € 64,– Genitivobjekt Der Band umfasst Beiträge zu einem Symposium über die Eine kontrastiv-typologische „Zukunft von Grammatik – Die Grammatik der Zukunft“, das Untersuchung zweier vom 12. bis 13. Februar 2016 zu Ehren des 80. Geburts- Phänomene der historischen tags von Werner Abraham an der LMU München abgehal- ten wurde. Thematisiert wird der Stellenwert von Gramma- germanischen Syntax tikschreibung, Grammatiktheorie und Universalgrammatik in Stauffenburg Mediävistik, Band 1 einer Zeit, die sich zunehmend von der Beschreibung und Ende 2016, ca. 285 Seiten, kart. Erklärung grammatischer Strukturen sowie von übereinzel- ISBN 978-3-95809-850-3 € 49,80 sprachlichen Generalisierungen abwendet. Erwin Tschirner / Olaf Bärenfänger / Iris Meißner / Eva Lia Wyss (Hrsg.) Jupp Möhring (Hrsg.) Begründen – Erklären – Deutsch als fremde Bildungssprache Argumentieren Das Spannungsfeld von Fachwissen, Konzepte und Modellierung sprachlicher Kompetenz, Diagnostik in der angewandten Linguistik und Didaktik Stauffenburg Linguistik, Band 93 Deutsch als Fremd- und Zweitsprache, Frühjahr 2017, ca. 270 Seiten, kart. Schriften des Herder-Instituts, Band 7 ISBN 978-3-95809-514-4 ca. € 39,80 2016, 266 Seiten, kart. ISBN 978-3-95809-071-2 € 39,80 Sandra Döring / Bildungssprachliche Kompetenzen in der Fremd- und Zweit- Jochen Geilfuß-Wolfgang (Hrsg.) sprache Deutsch stellen für Schüler und Studierende eine Probleme der der wichtigsten Voraussetzungen für ihren fachlichen Er- folg dar. Die Beiträge diese Bandes unterbreiten Vorschlä- syntaktischen Kategorisierung: ge, wie bildungssprachlicher Bedarf empirisch ermittelt Einzelgänger, Außenseiter und mehr und beschrieben werden kann, wie Tests und Diagnose- instrumente zur Messung bildungssprachlicher Kompetenz Stauffenburg Linguistik, Band 90 gestaltet sein sollten und wie sprachliche Fertigkeiten an 2016, ca. 330 Seiten, kart. Schule und Universität gezielt gefördert werden können. ISBN 978-3-95809-511-3 ca. € 49,80

Stauffenburg Verlag GmbH Postfach 25 25 D-72015 Tübingen www.stauffenburg.de

Postersession der Sektion Computerlinguistik

Organisation: Vera Demberg, Asad Sayeed Ort: Gebäude B4 1 (Foyer)

CL-Postersession

Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

15:45–16:30 Jagoda Bruni, Daniel Duran & Grzegorz Dogil Simulating Language Change in Tswana Max Ionov & Christian Chiarcos A vector-based phonological search for cognates across dictionaries Anke Lüdeling, Carolin Odebrecht, Gohar Schnelle & Laura Perlitz Die Normalisierung von Komposita in frühneuhochdeutschen Texten am Beispiel des RIDGES-Korpus Felix Bildhauer & Roland Schäfer A lexico-grammatical document annotation framework for very large German corpora Asad Sayeed, Pavel Shkadzko & Vera Demberg A large corpus automatically annotated with semantic role information Heike Zinsmeister & Jessica Katharina Sohl How to make manual annotation more efficient – Ensemble dependency parsing as a pre-processing step to obtain high-quality annotation in an efficient way

Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017 CL Poster

10:30–11:15 Jannik Strötgen Multilingual and Domain-sensitive Temporal Tagging with HeidelTime Laura Bostan & Jonathan Oberländer Color distributions in German poetry Asad Sayeed, Xudong Hong & Vera Demberg Roleo: distributional space visualisation for thematic fit modeling Holger Grumt Suárez, Natali Karlova-Bourbonus & Henning Lobin Semi-automatische TEI Repräsentation der Diskursstruktur eines deutschsprachigen Blogkorpus

321 CL-Postersession

Petra Steiner Using contextual information for deep-level morphological analysis Zarah Weiß, Detmar Meurers, Anke Lüdeling, Uwe Springmann, Brian McWhinney & John Kowalski A digital infrastructure to study Latin and historical German 12:45–13:45 Christian Chiarcos, Ralf Plate & Maria Sukhareva A clash of methods? Comparing quantitative and qualitative studies of word order flexibility in historical German Mohammad Fazleh Elahi, Dimitra Anastasiou & Hui Shi A unified approach to dialogue model for situated referential grounding Laura Bostan & Jonathan Oberländer Distributional and neural gastronomics Markus Gärtner & Kerstin Eckart In support of self-assessment – exploiting available information from tools Stephan Druskat, Thomas Krause & Carolin Odebrecht Agile creation of multi-layer corpora with corpus-tools.org

CL Poster

322 CL-Postersession

Simulating language change in Tswana Mittwoch 08.03.2017 15:45 – 16:30 B4 1, Foyer Jagoda Bruni Daniel Duran Grzegorz Dogil Universität Stuttgart Universität Stuttgart Universität Stuttgart [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] stuttgart.de stuttgart.de stuttgart.de

This study describes the influence of socio-political changes in theSouth African phylum on the current shape of Tswana, a Bantu language of the Sotho group. Tswana has phonetically marked post-nasal devoicing which has been described in detail by Zsiga et al. (2006) and Coetzee & Pretorius (2010). It has been well-documented that post-nasal devoicing (/mb/ → [mp]) is a phonetically unintuitive phenomenon which costs more articulatory effort than producing sequences of nasals followed by voiced stops (Wesbury & Keating, 1984). We use simulations based on Social Impact Theory (Nettle, 1999). In particular, we model social dynamics of Tswana speakers by assigning them either to small world (parochial) communication networks or whole world intensive code switching networks typical of the present linguistic situation in SA. With our in-house instantiation of Wedel’s (2004) exemplar model, we examine the behavior of contrasting voicing realizations across speakers. The model simu- lates emergence and maintenance of contrast in the context of speaker/hearer interactions. Exemplar-based categories compete for assignment and storage of incoming percepts and the production process is biased towards gesture re- CL Poster use. By employing this model, we can ascertain, via simulation, how the contrasting realizations can emerge and stabilize within a generation, inspect the selection processes which yield these realizations, and examine the acoustic changes which bring about the contrast.

References: • Coetzee, A.W. and Pretorius, R. (2010): Phonetically grounded phonology and sound change: The case of Tswana labial plosives. J. of Phonetics, 38(3), 404–421. • Nettle, D. (1999): Using Social Impact Theory to simulate language change. Lingua, 108(2–3), 95–117. • Wedel, A. (2004): Cat- egory competition drives contrast maintenance within an exemplar-based production/perception loop. In: Proc. of ACL Special Interest Group in Computational Phonology. 1–10. • Westbury, J.R. and Keating, P.A.(1986): On the naturalness of stop consonant voicing. J. of Linguistics, 22(1), 145. • Zsiga, E., Gouskova, M. and Tlale, O. (2006): On the status of voiced stops in Tswana: Against *ND. In: The Proc. of NELS 36. 721–734.

323 CL-Postersession

Mittwoch A vector-based phonological search for cognates across dictionaries 08.03.2017 15:45 – 16:30 B4 1, Foyer Max Ionov Christian Chiarcos Goethe-Universität Frankfurt Goethe-Universität Frankfurt [email protected] [email protected]

We present an ongoing work on searching phonologically similar words in related languages in and across dictionaries. This is a part of a larger project devoted to unravelling both synchronic and diachronic lexical connections in related less-resourced languages. The task of searching for phonologically similar words has two applications: in one language, applied to a corpus, it can cluster inflectional forms of one lexeme, which is extremely useful for low-resourced languages with high inflection and no POS-taggers available. In several related languages, applied across dictionaries or wordlists, it can detect possible cognates – words with the common etymological origin. The latter is a common method for dialectometry (e.g. Heeringa et al. 2006), but it was also applied to the field of historical linguistics (List and Moran 2013). We present an approach that employs PHOIBLE dataset, the universal phonological inventory (Moran et al. 2014) and vector-based phoneme representation and compare it with several well-known approaches, starting from simple yet popular minimum edit distance approach (Holman et al. 2011 inter CL Poster alia) to more sophisticated approaches like LexStat (List 2012). Using linguistic insight, we examine the limitations of automatic approaches and propose directions for overcoming them.

References: • Heeringa, W., Kleiweg, P., Gooskens, C., Nerbonne, J. (2006): Evaluation of String Distance Algorithms for Dialectology. Proceedings of the Workshop on Linguistic Distances, 51–62. • Holman, E.W., Brown C.H., Wichmann S., Müller A., Velupillai V., Hammarström H., Sauppe S., Jung H., Bakker D., Brown P., Belyaev O., Urban M., Mailhammer R., List J.-M., Egorov D. (2011): Au- tomated Dating of the World’s Language Families Based on Lexical Similarity. Current Anthropology 52(6), 841–875. • List, J.-M. 2012: LexStat. Automatic detection of cognates in multilingual wordlists. Proceedings of the EACL 2012 Joint Workshop of Visualization of Linguistic Patterns and Uncover- ing Language History from Multilingual Resources, 117–125. • List, J.-M., Moran S. 2013: An Open Source Toolkit for Quantitative Historical Linguistics. Proceedings of the 51st Annual Meeting of the ACL: System Demonstrations, 13–18. • Moran S., McCloy D., Wright R. 2014: PHOIBLE Online, http://phoible.org/.

324 CL-Postersession

Die Normalisierung von Komposita in fnhd. Texten am Beispiel des Mittwoch RIDGES-Korpus 08.03.2017 15:45 – 16:30 B4 1, Foyer Anke Lüdeling, Carolin Odebrecht, Laura Perlitz, Gohar Schnelle (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Institut für deutsche Sprache und Linguistik, Lehrstuhl für Korpuslinguistik und Morphologie) Anke.Lüdeling;odebreca;perlitzl;[email protected]

Wie lassen sich Komposita im Frühneuhochdeutschen variationistisch untersuchen? In dieser Sprachstufe existiert keine graphematische Norm, die die Getrennt- und Zusammenschreibung von Komposita regelt. Demzufolge ist ihre zweifelsfreie Identifikation nicht möglich, da konzeptuelle Abgrenzungs- probleme gegenüber Syntagmen wie z.B. Nominalphrasen mit Adjektivat- tributen (leinen Tuechlein vs. Leinentüchlein) oder vorangestellten Geniti- vattributen (Widers Teuffels Biſſz vs. Teufelsbiss) bestehen (vgl. Pavlov 1983, 105). Um Komposita in einem Korpus systematisch suchen und analysieren zu können, ist daher eine Normalisierung notwendig. Dies zeigen wir anhand von RIDGES, einem diachrones Kräuterkundekorpus. Auf folgenden linguistischen Ebenen wird normalisiert (vgl. Belz et al. 2016): graphematisch (Teuf- fels Biſſz → Teufelsbiss); phonologisch (wieh=rauch → Weihrauch); morphol- ogisch (Kolfewer → Kohlenfeuer). Bei ambigen Fällen greift das Prinzip der Konser- vativität (auff das Stro das leinen tuechlein → das leinene Tüchlein). Weitere CL Poster Annotationen helfen, verschiedene Forschungsfragen über Komposita zu untersuchen, z.B. die Getrennt- und Zusammenschreibung (vgl. Perlitz 2014, 31- 32).

References: • Belz et al. (2016): Annotationsrichtlinien zu Ridges Herbology Version 5.0, HU Berlin. https:// hu.berlin/ridges_annotationsrichtlinien_v5. • Lüdeling, A.; Odebrecht, C.; Zeldes, A.: RIDGES-Herbology (Version 5.0), Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. https://hu.berlin/ridges. • Ode- brecht, C., Belz, M., Zeldes, A., Lüdeling, A., Krause, T. (eingereicht): RIDGES Herbology - Designing a Diachronic Multi-Layer Corpus. • Pavlov, V. M. (1983): Zur Ausbildung der Norm der deutschen Literatur- sprache (1470- 1730). Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. • Perlitz, L. (2014): Konkurrenz zwischen Wortbildung und Syntax - historische Entwicklung von Benennung (Bachelorarbeit, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin). http://edoc. hu-berlin.de/master/perlitz-laura-2014-08-08/PDF/perlitz.pdf.

325 CL-Postersession

Mittwoch COReX und COReCO: A lexico-grammatical document annotation 08.03.2017 framework for large German corpora 15:45 – 16:30 B4 1, Foyer Felix Bildhauer Roland Schäfer Institut für Deutsche Sprache, Freie Universität Berlin Mannheim (DFG SCHA1916/1-1) [email protected] [email protected]

As an unstructured collection of documents, very large modern corpora would be of little use for many linguists. The automatic creation of linguistically relevant meta data is therefore crucial. We present an open-source annotation framework developed for the German DECOW and DeReKo corpora that provides (1) topical and (2) grammatical text categorization. The classification methods are based on document-internal features because this is the most viable approach for automatic classification, and it has conceptual advantages. Classifying documents by internally defined text types rather than situationally defined categories such as register or genre (Lee 2001) avoids many and potentially insolvable conceptual problems of determining and operationalizing the true set of register and genre categories (see the less than satisfying results in Biber & Egbert 2016). We classify documents by (1) distributions of words and (2) distributions of grammatical features. For the lexical classification, we use topic modeling algorithms (e. g.,La- CL Poster tent Dirichlet Allocation; Blei et al. 2003) combined with supervised machine learning to annotate documents with a coarse-grained set of twenty easily interpretable topic domains (such as Politics or Sports). For the grammatical classification, we annotate each document with automatically extracted features similar to Biber’s (1988) features. We generate over thirty per-document features such as the density of modal verbs, genitives, or passive constructions. Users have access to the raw distributions of these features and aggregated categories obtained by clustering.

References: • Biber, Douglas. 1988. Variation across speech and writing. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge university Press. • Biber, Douglas and Egbert, Jesse. 2016. Using Grammatical Features for Automatic Register Identification in an Unrestricted Corpus of Documents from the Open Web. J. Res. Des.& Stat. in Ling. & Comm. Sc. 2, 3–36. • Blei, David M., Ng, Andrew Y. and Jordan, Michael I. 2003. La- tent dirichlet allocation. J. M. L. Res. 3, 993–1022. • Lee, David. 2001. Genres, registers, text types, domains, and styles: Claryfying the concepts and navigating a path through the BNC jungle. L. Learn. & Tech. 5(3), 37–72.

326 CL-Postersession

A large corpus automatically annotated with semantic role Mittwoch information 08.03.2017 15:45 – 16:30 B4 1, Foyer Asad Sayeed Pavel Shkadzko Vera Demberg Universität des Universität des Universität des Saarlandes Saarlandes Saarlandes [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

We present Rollenwechsel-English (RW-eng), large, automatically labeled corpus based on the ukWaC web crawl corpus and the British National Cor- pus (BNC). Our automatic annotations contain predicate-argument relation information at a sentence level. The basic annonation is performed by acom- bination of semantic role labelling using the SENNA SRL tool and MALT dependency parsing. SENNA provides PropBank-style role labelling over whole phrases through a sequence-labelling model. We use MALT parses to identify predicate-head relations within the text spans found by SENNA. The large size of this corpus (approx. 78 million sentences) makes ituse- ful for distributional semantic modeling, in which semantic relations are required, but human annotation at scale is unrealistic to obtain. It has already been successfully used in large-scale models of thematic fit/selectional preferences, both count-based and neural. The presence of both whole phrases and identified heads allows for richer semantic modelling applications. The XML-formatted, UTF8-compliant corpus lists every automatically- CL Poster identified predicate per sentence that is found in the source corpora and with these predicates, each role-filling phrase, including the automatically- discoved head. Head-finding is performed by a cascading series of heuristics, and the found heads are listed with the heuristic used to identify them. RW-EN is available at http://rollen.mmci.uni-saarland.de/RW-eng/.

References: • Collobert, R., Weston, J., Bottou, L., Karlen, M., Kavukcuoglu, K., Kuksa, P.(2011): Natu- ral language processing (almost) from scratch. JMLR. • Sayeed, A., Demberg, V.,Shkadzko, P. (2015): An exploration of semantic features in an unsupervised thematic fit evaluation framework. IJCoL: 1(1), 25–40. • Tilk, O., Demberg, V., Sayeed, A., Klakow, D., Thater, S. (2016): Event participant modelling with neural networks. EMNLP.

327 CL-Postersession

Mittwoch How to make manual annotation more efficient 08.03.2017 - Ensemble Dependency Parsing as a preprocessing step to obtain 15:45 – 16:30 high-quality annotation in an efficient way B4 1, Foyer

Heike Zinsmeister Jessica Sohl Universität Hamburg Universität Hamburg [email protected] [email protected] hamburg.de

The “multistrategy approach” of ensemble tagging is a method of tagging texts automatically by a cluster of taggers, resulting from training different learning algorithms on the same data (von Halteren et al. 2001, p. 201, e.g., Rehbein et al. 2014). In this poster, we will present ongoing work of using this method for dependency parsing as a pre-processing step for manual annotation of German textbook texts. An ensemble of three parsers is used to annotate sentences automatically and to identify sentences that need to be checked manually. We deviate from the original ensemble idea by including a rule-based system in the cluster in addition to the machine learning approaches. We will present qualitative analyses of sentence types that the ensemble fails to parse correctly and provide cross-validation results for two training corpora (Hamburg De- pendency Treebank (Menzel et al. 2014), TIGER Corpus v2.2 dependency con- CL Poster version (Seeker & Kuhn 2012)) and the accuracy of adapting the trained ensemble to our target domain of textbook texts.

References: • Foth, Kilian, Köhn, Arne, Beuck, Niels, Menzel, Wolfgang (2014): Because Size Does Matter: The Hamburg Dependency Treebank. In: Proceedings of the Language Resources and Evaluation Conference 2014 / European Language Resources Association. • Rehbein, Ines, Schalowski, Sören, Wiese, Heike (2014): The KiezDeutsch Korpus (KiDKo) Release 1.0. In: Proceedings of the 9th International Con- ference on Language Resources and Evaluation, p. 3927-3934. Reykjavík, Iceland. • Seeker, Wolfgang, Kuhn, Jonas (2012): Making Ellipses Explicit in Dependency Conversion for a German Treebank. In: Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation, p. 3132-3139, Istan- bul, Turkey. • Van Halteren, Hans, Daelemans, Walter, Zavrel, Jakub (2001): Improving Accuracy in Word Class Tagging through the Combination of Machine Learning Systems. In: Computational Lin- guistics 27(2), p. 199-229.

328 CL-Postersession

Multilingual Domain-sensitive Temporal Tagging with HeidelTime Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:30 – 11:15 B4 1, Foyer Jannik Strötgen Max Planck Institute for Informatics, Saarland Informatics Campus [email protected]

Due to the prevalence of temporal expressions in diverse types of documents and the importance of temporal information in any information space, the detection of temporal expressions and the normalization of their semantics to some standard format is an important task in NLP. This task is known as temporal tagging, and many types of applications, e.g., in information retrieval, question answering, and digital humanities, can benefit from the output of temporal taggers to provide more meaningful and useful results. Research on temporal tagging has focused on processing English news articles for quite a long time. Only more recently, challenges of texts of other domains have also been studied (e.g., clinical documents, literary narratives, and colloquial text), and further languages have been addressed. A general overview on temporal tagging is given by Strötgen & Gertz (2016). In this system demonstration, we present the temporal tagger HeidelTime. It uses Timex3 tags, which are defined in the temporal markup language TimeML (Pustejovsky et al., 2005), to annotate dates (July 2017), times (9 pm), durations (two days), and set expressions (twice a week). Heidel- Time is a rule-based system initially developed for English news articles, but CL Poster later extended to process more languages and to tackle the challenges of different domains. It is publicly available (https://github.com/HeidelTime/ heideltime/) and constantly maintained, e.g., it was recently extended with automatically created language resources for more than 200 languages in addition to the 13 languages for which resources have been manually developed by several researchers. The main goals of this demonstration are (i) to show how to use HeidelTime for multilingual, domain-sensitive temporal tagging, (ii) to explain how Hei- delTime’s language resources can be adapted without even touching Heidel- Time’s source code, and (iii) to discuss further application scenarios that can benefit of a temporal tagger’s output.

References: • Pustejovsky et al. (2005): Temporal and Event Information in Natural Language Text. Language Resources and Evaluation, 39(2-3):123–164. • Strötgen & Gertz (2016): Domain-Sensitive Temporal Tagging. Synthesis Lectures on Human Language Technologies, Morgan & Claypool Publishers.

329 CL-Postersession

Donnerstag Color distributions in German poetry 09.03.2017 10:30 – 11:15 B4 1, Foyer Laura Bostan Jonathan Oberländer Trento University Trento University [email protected] [email protected]

We investigate the usefulness of color frequencies in identifying the period in which a poetic work was created. We predict that these features alone aren’t able to discriminate time periods with great accuracy, but by adding them a classifier can get better results. McManus (1983) showed that the distribution of color words in English and Chinese poetry correlates with the order of evolution of color words across languages (Berlin and Kay, 1963). Later, McManus (1997) continued the experiment computationally on a larger English dataset. We also intend to repeat this study for German poetry, and possibly for other languages. We crawled all poems available on Project Gutenberg-DE1.The number of different authors was 299, most of which are German, Austrian or Swiss. The rest are of different nationalities (with their works translated to German). After the crawling, we counted the color word distribution for each author using a set of regular expressions. We then balanced the raw counts by dividing the occurrence count of a color to the count of all word occurrences for each author. Using Wikipedia, the list CL Poster of authors was automatically enriched with information about their years of birth and death. We intend to further enrich it with a label of literary period. As we were interested in seeing whether the color distribution changes over time, we created a small visualization2 to explore the data, but no obvious development can be seen. We are currently working on extending the experiments to include new datasets in languages other than German. Here, interesting future work would be to investigate the relationship between poetry in different source languages and different literary currents.

References: • McManus, I. C. (1983): Basic colour terms. Language and Speech 26, 247–252. • Mc- Manus, I. C. (1997): Half-a-million basic colour words: Berlin and Kay and the usage of colour words in literature and science. Perception 26, 367–370. • Berlin B., Kay P. (1969): Basic Color Terms: Their Universality and Evolution. Berkeley, CA.

1http://gutenberg.spiegel.de/genre/gedicht-poem 2https://jsfiddle.net/4w6vx11s/1/embedded/result/

330 CL-Postersession

Roleo: distributional space visualisation for thematic fit modeling Donnerstag 09.03.2017 10:30 – 11:15 B4 1, Foyer Asad Sayeed Xudong Hong Vera Demberg Universität des Universität des Universität des Saarlandes Saarlandes Saarlandes [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

We demonstrate Roleo, a web tool for visualizing selectional preferences. Different structured vector space models trained on large amounts ofdata (e.g., Distributional Memory, word embeddings) are in the back end of the tool and allow us to query different thematic role fillers of a given verb. For example, one can ask for agent, patient, or instrument of “eat” and can compare prototypical role fillers to a given role filler (e.g., “sausage” as apatient or “knife” as an instrument). Our tool provides a variety of options for visualizing such queries and comparing the query results of different models. These vector space models can be used for language applications involving the prediction of predicates and event participants. Vector-space models differ in dimensionality and many other parameters; visualization helps us compare and hypothesize about fine-grained differences between models on this task. Roleo is a Django-based web tool that allows users to qualitatively compare different approaches to constructing distributional spaces for the selectional preferences task. Roleo’s basic paradigm is to construct a representative role-filler for a given verb-role from the vector CL Poster space, and then surround this centroid with candidate noun fillers projected down from higher dimensions (via, e.g., singular value decomposition) to a two-dimensional canvas. The source code for Roleo is provided at http://github.com/tony-hong/roleo and can be downloaded and easily customized to include new kinds of distributional spaces. Roleo can be used directly at http://roleo.coli.uni-saarland.de/.

References: • Baroni, M., Lenci, A. (2010): Distributional memory: a general framework for corpus-based semantics. Computational Linguistics: 36(4):673–721. • Sayeed, A., Demberg, V., Shkadzko, P.(2015): An exploration of semantic features in an unsupervised thematic fit evaluation framework. IJCoL: 1(1), 25–40. • Sayeed, A., Greenberg, C., Demberg, V.(2016): Thematic fit evaluation: an aspect of selectional preferences. ACL RepEval. • Tilk, O., Demberg, V., Sayeed, A., Klakow, D., Thater, S. (2016): Event participant modelling with neural networks. EMNLP.

331 CL-Postersession

Donnerstag Semi-automatische TEI Repräsentation der Diskursstruktur eines 09.03.2017 deutschsprachigen Blogkorpus 10:30 – 11:15 B4 1, Foyer Holger Grumt Suárez Natali Karlova- Henning Lobin Justus-Liebig-Universität Bourbonus Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen Justus-Liebig-Universität Gießen [email protected] Gießen Henning.Lobin@uni- giessen.de Natali.Karlova- giessen.de [email protected] giessen.de

Das Poster „Semi-automatische TEI Repräsentation der Diskursstruktur eines deutschsprachigen Blogkorpus“ informiert über das Vorgehen sowie die ersten Forschungszwischenergebnisse und die weiteren Ziele der Kompilierung und Annotation eines deutschsprachigen Blogkorpus. Bislang existiert kein Standard für das Repräsentieren von sogenannten Computer-Mediated Communication-Daten (kurz CMC), allerdings arbeitet die TEI CMC Special Interest Group (vgl. Beißwenger 2016) seit 2013 an einem Schema für die Repräsentation von CMC-Genres. Unser Forschungsvorhaben leistet einen Beitrag zur Standardisierung der Text Encoding Initiative (TEI) für die CMC. Das Hauptziel des Vorhabens umfasst die semi-automatische Kompilation sowie die Repräsentation der Blogdiskursstruktur. Dabei sollen CL Poster die Relationen zwischen den textuellen und multimodalen Elementen (Blog- beiträge, Kommentare, Hyperlinks, Bilder und Töne) und den verschiedenen Textproduzenten (Blogger, Kommentatoren) abgebildet werden. Die Grund- lage des Korpus bildet das Wissenschaftsblogportal SciLogs – Tagebücher der Wissenschaft (SciLogs 2016). Zusammenfassend soll das Poster nicht nur unser Vorhaben vorstellen, sondern auch einen Einblick in unser grundsät- zliches Vorgehen bei der Erstellung eines CMC-Korpus geben.

References: • Abendroth-Timmer, D. et al. (2014). Corpus d’apprentissage INFRAL (Interculturel Fran- co-Allemand en Ligne). Banque de corpus CoMeRe. Ortolang.fr: Nancy. https://hdl.handle.net/11403/ comere/cmr-infral. • Beißwenger, M. (2016). SIG:Computer- Mediated Communication. Http://wiki. teic.org/index.php/SIG: Computer-Mediated_Communication. • SciLogs (2016). SciLogs. Tagebücher der Wissenschaft. Spektrum der Wissenschaft. • WebCorp (2013). Birmingham Blog Corpus. WebCorp: Linguist’s Search Engine. Birmingham City University.

332 CL-Postersession

Using Contextual Information for Donnerstag Deep-Level Morphological Analysis 09.03.2017 10:30 – 11:15 B4 1, Foyer

Petra Steiner Institut für Deutsche Sprache [email protected]

For detailed semantic processing, e.g. in information retrieval or the building of terminology databases, the recognition of hierarchical structures is a prerequisite. But concerning these structures, many word forms are leading to ambiguous structure interpretations. Using ontologies of specific domains can be helpful, if available (see Bretschneider & Zillner 2015 for compound splitting). Information about general semantic similarities (e.g. Ziering et al. 2016) does not take into account the ambiguities of linguistic forms if drawn from large corpora. By contrast, the methodological framework of this investigation builds on the hypothesis that morphological analysis can be improved by the specific contextual information of the lexical items without necessitating an ontology or other semantic networks. Steiner & Ruppenhofer (2015) and Steiner (2016) developed a method for building parts of morphological structures by using counts from a morphological database and a corpus for computing the weighting measures, thereby using a wide notion of context. The current approach uses more restricted context definitions, as it works with frequencies of smaller and more homogenous CL Poster texts and corpora. We use a corpus of a small domain, gather information from wider and narrower contexts and show to what extent these can improve morphological analyses.

References: • Bretschneider, C. & S. Zillner (2015): Semantic Splitting of German Medical Com- pounds. In: Král, P.& Matoušek, V.,eds. Text, Speech, and Dialogue: Proceedings of the 18th International Conference, TSD 2015, Pilsen, Czech Republic, September 14–17, 2015. Cham: Springer International Pub- lishing. 207–215. • Steiner, P. (2016): Kontextbasiertes morphologisches Parsing. Poster presentation at the 38rd Annual Conference of the German Linguistic Society (DGfS 2016), University of Konstanz, February 24–26, 2016. • Steiner, P.& J. Ruppenhofer (2015): Growing Trees from Morphs: Towards Data-Driven Morphological Parsing. In: Fisseni, B., B. Schröder & T. Zesch, eds. Proceedings of the International Con- ference of the German Society for Computational Linguistics and Language Technology (GSCL 2015), Univer- sity of Duisburg-Essen, Germany, September 30 – October 2, 2015. 49–57. • Ziering, P., S. Müller & L. van der Plas. (2016): Top a Splitter: Using Distributional Semantics for Improving Compound Splitting. In: Proceedings of the 12th Workshop on Multiword Expressions, Berlin, Germany, August 7–12, 2016. 50–55.

333 CL-Postersession

Donnerstag A Digital Infrastructure to Study Latin and Historical German 09.03.2017 10:30 – 11:15 B4 1, Foyer Zarah Weiß Gohar Schnelle Universität Tübingen Humboldt Universität zu Berlin [email protected] [email protected]

We present the current state of the LangBank project, which is developing a web-based corpus infrastructure dedicated to support the study of Latin and Early New High German (ENHG). It provides authentic language input enhanced by computational and corpus linguistic methods: We are working on providing in-line translations and adjusting Weiß & Meurers’ (submitted) complexity analysis to Latin and ENHG. The resulting multi-layer corpora may be queried for grammatical constructions, and texts may be grouped together based on similar complexity or vocabulary. Currently, we are designing a small, but expandable data basis: For Latin, we augmented the standardized editions of widely taught classical texts from the LatinLit corpus (Almas & Beaulieu 2016). For ENHG, we use diplomatic and normalized texts with highly variable word order, grammar, and spelling from the RIDGES corpus (Odebrecht et al. submitted). We addressed the lack of standardized punctua- tion in ENHG by introducing our own guidelines for manual, non-graphematic sentence segmentation (Weiß & Schnelle to appear). Also, we investigate the applicability of automatic normalization approaches to augment the data ba- CL Poster sis. We started to design two interfaces for our resource, which we will make freely accessible online: For complex linguistic queries, we converted all annotations layers to the ANNIS format using Pepper (Krause & Zeldes 2014). For assisted reading, we are working on another interface featuring in-line translations, vocabulary information, and text selection based on text complexity and topic or specific linguistic constructions.

References: • Almas, B. & M.-C. Beaulieu (2016): The Perseids Platform: Scholarship for all! Digi- tal Classics Outside the Echo-Chamber: Teaching, Knowledge, 171–186. • Krause, T. & A. Zeldes (2014): ANNIS3: A New Architecture for Generic Corpus Query and Visualization. Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 33(1), 118–139. • Odebrecht, C., M. Belz, A. Zeldes, A. Lüdeling, T. Krause (Submitted): RIDGES Herbology - Designing a Diachronic Multi-Layer Corpus. • Weiß, Z. & G. Schnelle (To appear): Sentence Segmentation Guidelines for Early New High German. • Weiß, Z. & D. Meurers (Sub- mitted): Fine-Grained Linguistic Modeling of Textual Complexity Improves German L1 Grade Level Assessment. COLING Workshop on ”Computational Linguistics for Linguistic Complexity”.

334 CL-Postersession

A clash of methods? Comparing quantitative and qualitative studies Donnerstag of word order flexibility in historical German 09.03.2017 12:45 – 13:45 B4 1, Foyer

Christian Chiarcos Ralf Plate Maria Sukhareva Goethe-Universität Universität Trier Goethe-Universität Frankfurt [email protected] Frankfurt [email protected] [email protected] frankfurt.de frankfurt.de

Qualitative and quantitative methods frequently seem to point to different results. This abstract represents an ongoing effort to investigate how the results obtained by the two methods can be brought in accordance with each other on the example of German word order. In its historical dimension, ordering preferences for direct (DO) and indirect objects (IO) have been studied by (Speyer, 2011) with a corpus-based, but qualitative methodology. Speyer retrieved corpus samples using a pre-established list of verbs, covering the Early Mod- ern High German (EMHG) and Modern High German (DE) periods, using a philologically sound and balanced sample of texts from different genres. He observed an apparent increase of word order flexibility since the 16th c., with earlier samples indicating a higher degree of stability. We describe results of a quantitative pilot study of the same phenomenon. We sampled both Speyer’s texts and larger corpora and extended the analysis to Old High German, Old Saxon, Old English and Gothic. CL Poster In DE middle field, the DO tends to follow the IO. However, Old English, Old Saxon and Gothic show 40%-50% “non-canonical” DO-IO order, and remaining at high levels until Middle High German. The drop in usage of IO-DO constructions in favor of canonical DO-IO starts in the 14th c. and continues till the 17th century. Our quantitative, but partially heuristic analysis confirms Speyer’s flexibility minimum in the 14th-15th c.c. but fails to confirm a significant increase in word order flexibility since then: Though the decrease continues over the 15th-16th c.c., the difference is not statistically significant and we could not confirm that this decrease continued later on. Our poster elabo- rates on these findings and discusses possible explanations for these apparent deviations.

References: • Speyer, A. (2011). Die Freiheit der Mittelfeldabfolge im Deutschen. Ein modernes Phänomen. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur PBB, 133:14–31.

335 CL-Postersession

Donnerstag A unified approach to dialogue model for situated referential 09.03.2017 grounding 12:45 – 13:45 B4 1, Foyer Mohammad Fazleh Elahi Dimitra Anastasiou Hui Shi Ludwig Maximilian Luxemburg Institute of Universität Bremen University of Munich Science and Technology [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] muenchen.de

This poster presents a spoken dialogue system, which combines the Agent- Oriented Dialogue Management (AODM) model (Ross & Bateman, 2009a) and the generalized dialogue modelling approach proposed in Shi et al. (2011) for referential grounding. Benefiting from theories, the approach deals with user description and the mental state (of the participants) to enable effective dialogues to make the referential task successful. The aim of the dialogue system is to identify objects that user refers to in the environment. To demonstrate the application of this approach to human and robot interaction, the model is implemented on the backbone of situated dialogues (Ross & Bateman, 2009b). In this framework, the user spoken utterance is converted to text and then sent to the language analyser module applying CCG parsing. The parse is then analysed by “linguistically motivated ontology” (Bateman et al, 2010) that provides spatial semantics. The system then relates the language with the physical CL Poster world. The dialogue management then plans dialogues that are then givento the language generator. Unlike the dialogue graph based approach; the unified approach is capable of enabling clarification dialogues based on object description and spatial relations.

References: • Bateman, J. A., Hois, J., Ross, R., & Tenbrink, T. (2010). A linguistic ontology of space for natural language processing. Artificial Intelligence, 174 (14), 1027-1071, September 2010. • Ross, R., & Bateman, J. A. (2009a). Agency & Information State in Situated Dialogues: Analysis & Com- putational Modelling. Proceedings of DiaHolmia 2009 Workshop on the Semantics and Pragmatics of Dialogue. • Ross, R., & Bateman J. A. (2009b). DAISIE: Information state dialogues for situated systems.12th International Conference on Text, Speech and Dialogue (TSD), 2009, September 13-17, 2009. • Shi, H., Jian, C., & Rachuy, C. (2011). Evaluation of a unified dialogue model for human-computer interaction. In International Journal of Computational Linguistics and Applications (IJCLA), Vol 2, S. 155-173. Bahri.

336 CL-Postersession

Distributional and Neural Gastronomics Donnerstag 09.03.2017 12:45 – 13:45 B4 1, Foyer Laura Bostan Jonathan Oberländer Trento University Trento University [email protected] [email protected]

The goal of this project is to explore the potential for computational creativ- ity in gastronomy by developing a data-driven recipe generation system. The completed system should be able to learn events from a corpus of recipes, learn which events follow which by looking at ordered event co-occurrences, and then sequence events to form the basis of a new recipe using a model trained on event sequences of previous recipes. We used Open Recipes1, a database of recipes, automatically collected by crawler scripts.This dataset was enriched with cooking instructions by crawling the original websites of the recipes. After getting a collection of cleaned recipes; ingredients, modifiers, units, utensils and events were extracted. Cleaned ingredients were hard to obtain, because even though they are specifically listed per recipe normalizing them was difficult because ingredient names are intertwined with amounts, units, and other noise. Events of cooking are simply verbs that take an ingredient as an argument. This requires previous POS-tagging and parsing of the cooking instructions. We noted that the approach used by Kiddon et al. (2015) is more elaborate and we plan to follow their heuristics for extracting events. CL Poster We then created a semantic vector space using co-occurrence counts (ingredients co-occurring with ingredients, modifiers, amounts, and units), reweighted the resulting matrix with PPMI and reduced the dimensions to 100 using SVD. These enriched learned representations are used as the inputsto our generator. We experimented with building our generator using different neural models (char/word based LSTM language models, seq2seq) on the possible events given the ingredients. We have thought of different ways of evaluating the quality of the automatically generated recipes, such as manual linguistic analysis of the output recipe, blind taste tests, or Turing tests comparing “real” recipes with generated ones and with competitor systems.

References: • Kiddon C., et al. (2015): Mise en Place: Unsupervised Interpretation of Instructional Recipes. Proceedings of the 2015 EMNLP.

1https://github.com/fictivekin/openrecipes 337 CL-Postersession

Donnerstag In support of self-assessment – exploiting available information 09.03.2017 from tools 12:45 – 13:45 B4 1, Foyer Markus Gärtner Kerstin Eckart Universität Stuttgart Universität Stuttgart [email protected] [email protected]

Many automatic tools for natural language processing tend to produce less reliable results if presented with data which differs from an expected standard. Users in search of the most suitable tool for their out-of-domain data have to either perform some additional error detection after processing (cf. Dickinson, 2015, for an automatic approach) or invest significant manual effort into the detailed evaluation of several tools. Interestingly enough, automatic tools are often internally aware of a relative reliability of their output, since they make use of probabilities and forced guessing to decide on a single analysis. Such information can be understood as the internal confidence for the complete analysis, e.g. n-best lists of outputs correspond to a ranking according to confidence. We argue for an approach where tool output is transparent with respect to its internal confidence estimation (e.g. BitPar; Schmid 2004). A single confidence value does not have to cover the whole analysis, but can refer to subparts, such as a dependency relation or a specific label. CL Poster We suggest that tool output includes confidence values as an additional annotation layer which will be an advantage when handling large data sets that rely on automatic annotation: Users can restrict their queries to more reliable parts or find interesting cases by inspecting parts with low confidence. That is, transparent confidence estimation will not increase the quality of theout- put as such, but its usability in that it helps users to assess if an analysis, or a specific part of it, is sufficiently reliable. Moreover, providing confidence values as annotation raises the awareness with regard to reliability, which we think can foster the application of state- of-the-art tools on out-of-domain data also in related fields such as the Digital Humanities.

References: • Dickinson, M. (2015): Detection of annotation errors in corpora. Language and Linguis- tics Compass 9(3), 119–138. • Schmid, H. (2004): Efficient parsing of highly ambiguous context-free grammars with bit vectors. In: Proceedings of the 20th International Conference on Computational Lin- guistics (COLING 2004). Geneva, Switzerland.

338 CL-Postersession

Agile creation of multi-layer corpora with corpus-tools.org Donnerstag 09.03.2017 12:45 – 13:45 B4 1, Foyer Stephan Druskat Thomas Krause Carolin Odebrecht HU Berlin HU Berlin HU Berlin [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Agile corpus creation replaces the linear corpus creation process with itera- tive cycles of query, schema edits, annotation and analysis. We demonstrate corpus-tools.org, a suite of generic tools tailored to the agile creation of multi- layer corpora. It consists of Salt, a graph-based meta model and API for linguistic data; Pepper, a conversion platform; Atomic, an extensible annotation software; ANNIS, a search and visualization architecture for multi-layer corpora. As of now, Atomic lacks search capabilities for agile workflows. ANNIS provides a search system based on annotation graphs, and the ANNIS Query Language (AQL). ANNIS, however, has been optimised for linear workflows, which graphANNIS (https://git.io/vijrI), a new C++-based implementa- tion, will change. It will also make ANNIS self-contained, dropping the dependency to a separate database installation. graphANNIS supports a large subset of AQL, aligns its data representation more closely with the Salt model, and provides a Java API. Its encapsulation allows for graphANNIS to be embedded in Atomic, as its search engine. While Atomic will be responsible for storage of corpus data, graphANNIS provides an additional index which is updated whenever a document is changed. For search tasks, Atomic will provide a GUI CL Poster section for AQL queries. These will be parsed by the ANNIS AQL parser and passed to the graphANNIS search system, which will return the Salt IDs of the matched nodes, in turn used in Atomic to present the results. This setup will provide corpus-tools.org with capabilities for agile multi-layer corpus creation.

References: • Druskat, S.; Krause, T.; Odebrecht, C. (preprint): Agile creation of multilayer corpora with corpus-tools.org. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.157166. • Voormann, H.; Gut, U. (2008): Agile corpus creation. CLLT, 4(2), 235–251. • Zipser, F.; Romary,L. (2010): A model oriented approach to the mapping of annotation formats using standards. In: Proceedings of LREC 2010, Valletta. • Zipser, F.; Zeldes, A.; Ritz, J.; Romary, L.; Leser, U. (2011): Pepper: Handling a multiverse of formats. Poster, DGfS 2011, Göttingen. • Druskat, S.; Bierkandt, L.; Gast, V.; Rzymski, C.; Zipser, F. (2014): Atomic: an open-source software platform for multi-level corpus annotation. In: Proceedings of KONVENS 2014, 228–234. • Krause, T.; Zeldes, A. (2016): ANNIS3: A new architecture for generic corpus query and visualization. DSH, 31(1), 118–139.

339 CL Poster Linguistische Berichte

Ingo Reich, Augustin Speyer Franz d’Avis, (eds.) Horst Lohnstein (Hg.) Co- and sub Normalität ordination in in der Sprache German and other languages

Augustin Speyer, Ingo Reich: Introduction: Franz d’Avis und Horst Lohnstein: Einleitung Alternations in co- and subordinations Franz d’Avis: Konzessivität und Normalvorstellungen Mailin Antomo: Marking (not-)at-issue content Eva Breindl: Konnexion in lernersprachlichen und in by using verb order variation in German muttersprachlichen argumentativen deutschen Ermenegildo Bidese, Alessandra Tomaselli: The Texten decline of asymmetric word order in Cimbrian Frederike Eggs: Das personale Indefinitum man subordination and the special case of umbrómm Daniel Gutzmann und Katharina Turgay: Normal Patrick Brandt, Beata Trawinski, Angelika Wöllstein: exklamationen – normal! (Anti-)Control in German: evidence from com Holden Härtl: Normality at the boundary between parative, corpus- and psycholinguistic studies word-formation and syntax Nicholas Catasso, Roland Hinterhölzl: On the question Julia Kolkmann: What makes a default interpretation? of subordination or coordination in V2-relatives Considerations from English attributive posses in German sion Christian Fortmann: Da capo je-desto – On the com Horst Lohnstein: Normalität und sprachliche Form parative conditional construction in German Sonja Müller: Normalität im Diskurs – Implikations Werner Frey: On some correlations between interpre verstärkung in (halt eben-/eben halt-)Asserti tative and formal properties of causal clauses onen Ulrike Freywald: Clause integration and verb position Sven Müller: Konzessivität und Normalvorstellungen in German Olav Müller-Reichau: Normalitätseffekte in Existenz Robert Külpmann, Vilma Symanczyk Joppe: Argument sätzen des Russischen omission in imperative-declarative conjunctions

Rosemarie Lühr: Causal clauses in Old Indo-European Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 22 languages Ca. 350 Seiten. 978-3-87548-789-3 Stefanie Pitsch: Syntax and semantics of causal Kartoniert, ca. Euro 68,00 nachdem-clauses in German (für LB-Abonnenten ca. Euro 58,00) Marga Reis: Consecutive so…V2-clauses in German Lieferbar Sophie von Wietersheim: Variable binding as evidence for clausal attachment Linguistische Berichte, Sonderheft 21 Ca. 350 Seiten. 978-3-87548-746-6 Die Sonderhefte der Linguistischen Berichte Kartoniert, ca. Euro 68,00 geben einen Überblick über die wesentlichen (für LB-Abonnenten ca. Euro 58,00) Probleme und Entwicklungen von Theoriebereichen Lieferbar (z.B. Phonologie, Semantik, Dialektsyntax, Sprach erwerb, historische Linguistik und Pragmatik) und buske.de informieren über den aktuellen Stand der Forschung.

Tutorium der Sektion Computerlinguistik

CL Tutorium

Automatische Syntaxanalyse für diachrone und synchrone Linguistik: Vorverarbeitung, Tagging, Parsing

Gerold Schneider, Kyoko Sugisaki Universität Konstanz und Universität Zürich, Universität Zürich [email protected] Raum: A2 2, 2.14 Zeit: Dienstag, 07.03.2017, 10:00–17:00 Uhr

Short description Nach einer kurzen Einführung in Parsingtheorie zeigen wir schrittweise, wie man Texte vorverarbeitet, und syntaktisch analysiert, und geben einen Aus- blick auf Anwendungen. Wir beschränken uns auf Englisch und Deutsch als Objektsprachen. Die Vorverarbeitung beinhaltet bei historischen Texten Standardisierung der Schreibweise (Spelling Normalisation), wozu wir die Tools VARD fürs En- glische und NORMA fürs Deutsch vorstellen. Der nächste Schritt, Wortarten- zuweisung mit einem Tagger, verlangt als Eingageformat z.B. ein Wort pro Zeile, so für den Tree-Tagger, den wir anwenden. Für die syntaktische Analyse CL Tutorium stellen wir mehrere Dependenzgrammatik-Parser vor und wenden sie an. Wir diskutieren die noch junge Forschung zur Parseranwendung und -anpassung auf historische Daten. Das Parsing kann auch durch den Einsatz eines Su- pertaggers verbessert werden, welcher nicht nur Wortarten, sondern auch wahrscheinliche Dependenz-Markierungen vorschlägt.

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Doktorandenforum

Organisation: Julia Schüler Ort: Gebäude C9 3 (Jägerheim)

PhD forum

Introduction to statistics with R

Mindaugas Mozuraitis

Raum: C9 3 (Jägerheim) Zeit: Dienstag, 07.03.2017, 09:00–17:30 Uhr

Short description This workshop will introduce you to the basic statistical tools you will needfor the analysis of experimental data (e.g., behavioral experiments in psycholinguistics, perception studies in phonetics, acceptability rating studies in experimental linguistics). We will then cover the most common statistical methods used in speech and language research such as • different types of t-tests

• different types of chi-square tests

• correlation The workshop will combine brief theoretical introductions from the instructor with hands-on exercises using the free statistical analysis software R (cran.r- project.org). The focus will be on learning how to explore and organize data for the analyses, run the analyses, interpret R output, and report the findings. At the conclusion of this workshop, you will be able to: PhD • Describe the logic behind common statistical procedures.

• Select the appropriate statistical procedure given the type of data (e.g., continuous vs. categorical), distribution of the data (e.g, skewed vs. symmetric), and experimental design (e.g., independent vs. repeated- measures).

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• Test whether your data complies with assumptions required for different statistical analyses through various data exploration techniques.

• Choose between most common transformations in cases where assumptions of parametric statistical test(s) is/are violated and some of the non- parametric alternatives that are available.

• Do basic manipulations and visualizations of data, and data analysis in R.

Schedule

09:00–10:00 Session 1 10:00–10:30 Coffee break 10:30–11:30 Session 2 11:30–12:30 Lunch break 12:30–14:00 Session 3 14:00–14:30 Coffee break 14:30–15:30 Session 4 15:30–17:30 Individual consultations

PhD

350 Sprache – Politik – Gesellschaft

Eric Wallis Kampagnensprache Wie Greenpeace mit Sprachkritik den Umweltdiskurs beeinflusst 2016. 442 Seiten, Hardcover, 978-3-944312-36-1, € 39,00. SPG Bd. 17 In der EU ist es seit 2004 verboten, genveränderte Nahrungsmittel ohne entsprechende Produktkennzeichnungen zu verkaufen. Er- laubt blieb jedoch, genveränderte Pflanzen als Viehfutter zu nutzen, ohne Endprodukte wie z.B. Milch zu deklarieren. Um darauf hin- zuweisen, startete die Umweltorganisation Greenpeace eine Kam- pagne gegen den Milchhersteller Müller-Milch. Der Streit beider Akteure dauerte mehrere Jahre. Anhand dieses Streits zeichnet Eric Wallis nach, wie sich gegnerische Sichtweisen sprachlich verbreiten, denn Sprache ist standpunktgebunden. Während einer Kampagne treffen die Standpunkte öffentlich aufeinander, sodass andere Akteure in den Streit hin- eingezogen werden. In dieser Dynamik sich aneinander orientierender Akteure verbrei- tet sich das Wissen, wie in diesem Fall die Idee, sich gegen die Milch von mit Genfutter gefütterten Kühen zu entscheiden. So lässt sich Sprachwandel u. a. als ein Symptom der Etablierung neuer und des Verschwindens alter Sichtweisen erklären.

Jana Reissen-Kosch Identifikationsangebote der rechten Szene im Netz Linguistische Analyse persuasiver Online-Kommunikation 2016. 212 Seiten, Hardcover, 978-3-944312-34-7, € 36,00. SPG Bd. 19 Eine Auseinandersetzung mit Rechtsextremismus im Alltag führt nicht an den Rand, sondern in die Mitte der Gesellschaft: Rechts extreme Gruppierungen haben heute in den verschiedensten Lebenswelten einen Platz gefunden und bieten unterschiedlichen Zielgruppen Mitmach-Potenzial. Dieses manifestiert sich unter anderem auf sprachlicher Ebene und wird auch über das Internet beworben, weshalb sich die Frage stellt, wie rechtsextremistische Internetauftritte aus linguistischer Perspektive auf ihre Zielgruppenorientierung hin untersucht werden können. Im Rahmen einer Pilotstudie entwickelt die Arbeit einen Ansatz, der Grundannahmen der Politolinguistik mit einem marketingstrategischen Zielgruppen- Modell verknüpft und für die Analyse fruchtbar macht. Als Ergebnis lassen sich verschiedene Werteprofile identifizieren, die durch die analy- sierten Websites vorrangig angesprochen werden und die wiederum mit gestalterischen Merkmalen dieser Websites verknüpft werden können.

Dr. Ute Hempen Verlag, Clausewitzstr. 12, 28211 Bremen, Tel. 0421/3479901, www.hempen-verlag.de, [email protected]

Infotag der Lehramtsinitiative der DGfS

Organisation: Stefanie Haberzettl, Magdalena Wojtecka & Lucia Hubig Ort: Gebäude C5 1, C5 2, C5 3

Lehramts- initiative

Neu zugewanderte Schülerinnen und Schüler sprachsensibel unterrichten und fördern

Ansprechpartnerinnen: Stefanie Haberzettl, Magdalena Wojtecka, Lucia Hubig [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Raum: Plenarvortrag: C5 1 (Musiksaal), Workshops: C5 2, C5 3 Zeit: Dienstag, 07.03.2017, 14:30–19:00 Uhr

Short description Neu zugewanderte Schülerinnen und Schüler stellen eine große Heraus- forderung für die Lehrkräfte sowohl an Grundschulen als auch an weiter- führenden Schulen dar. Diese Kinder und Jugendlichen haben im Unterricht immer eine Doppelaufgabe zu leisten: Sie müssen nicht nur die neuen, zu einem großen Teil sprachlich vermittelten Inhalte verarbeiten, sondern auch die Sprache zu diesen Inhalten erst lernen. Um sie dabei gezielt und erfolgre- ich zu unterstützen, muss man sie als Lehrkraft sprachsensibel unterrichten und fördern. Diese Vorgehensweise ist aber nur mit ausreichenden linguistischen Kenntnissen möglich. Der Infotag der Lehramtsinitiative im Rahmen der Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft am7. März 2017 an der Universität des Saarlandes bietet daher Lehramtsstudieren- den, ReferendarInnen und schon im Schuldienst befindlichen Lehrkräften die Möglichkeit, sich mit ausgewählten Bereichen des sprachsensiblen Unter- richts auseinanderzusetzen. Im Rahmen des Plenarvortrags, für den Gabriele Kniffka gewonnen wer- LAI den konnte, werden die TeilnehmerInnen in die Thematik des sprachsensiblen Vorgehens im Unterricht mit neu zugewanderten SchülerInnen eingeführt.

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Die anschließenden Workshops decken ein breites Spektrum des sprachsensiblen Unterrichts und der Sprachförderung für Seiteneinsteiger ab und sind so ausgewählt, dass sowohl GrundschullehrerInnen als auch Lehrkräfte an den weiterführenden Schulen angesprochen werden. Folgende Themenbere- iche werden in acht Workshops (siehe auf den folgenden Seiten) sprachwis- senschaftlich und sprachdidaktisch von den eingeladenen ExpertInnen mit den TeilnehmerInnen erarbeitet: • Berücksichtigung der Herkunftssprache und der Sprachbiographie

• Alphabetisierung

• Entwicklung eines Sprachförderkonzeptes

• Systematische DaZ-Förderung an der Grundschule

• Wortschatzförderung

• Sprachförderung in der naturwissenschaftlichen Fächern in der Sek 1

Plenarvortrag Gabriele Kniffka (Freiburg) Neu zugewanderte Schülerinnen und Schüler sprachsensibel unterrichten und fördern

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Programm

14:30–15:00 Ankommen, Schulbuchausstellung im C5 1 Foyer (Musiksaal) 15:00–16:00 Plenarvortrag: C5 1 Gabriele Kniffka, PH Freiburg (Musiksaal) Neu zugewanderte Schülerinnen und Schüler sprachsensibel unterrichten und fördern 16:00–16:30 Kaffeepause 16:30–19:00 Erkan Gürsoy C5 3, 1.20 Herkunftssprachen und Sprachbiographie Giulio Pagonis C5 3, 2.06 Systematische DaZ-Förderung in der Grundschule Katja Hirschmann C5 3, 2.09 Alphabetisierung von neu zugewanderten SchülerInnen Anja Müller C5 2, 1.12 Wortschatzförderung Elisabeth Venohr C5 2, 1.28 Sprachförderung von Seiteneinsteigern im naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht der Sek 1 Barbara Kiefer C5 3, 3.24 Sprachbildender Fachunterricht: Operatoren im Fokus Roland Nenno & Sandra Steinmetz C5 2, 1.08 Fachtexte vereinfachen – eine sprachfördernde Maßnahme? wird noch bekanntgegeben C5 3, 4.25 Sprachförderkonzepte an Regelschulen

LAI

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Dienstag Neu zugewanderte Schülerinnen und Schüler sprachsensibel 07.03.2017 unterrichten und fördern 15:00 – 16:00 C5 1 (Musiksaal) Gabriele Kniffka PH Freiburg

Die Integration neu zugewanderter Schülerinnen und Schüler in das deutsche Schulsystem stellt alle an diesem Prozess Beteiligten vor große Heraus- forderungen unterschiedlicher Art. Eine der größten Herausforderungen bildet die sprachliche Vorbereitung auf den Unterricht: Eine erfolgreiche Par- tizipation am Unterricht erfordert sprachlicher Kompetenzen in bildungs- bzw. fachsprachlichen Varietäten des Deutschen. Diese müssen von Anfang an vermittelt und im Regelunterricht weiter ausgebaut werden: Zur Vorbere- itung auf die Regelklasse bedarf es daher eines fachsensiblen Sprachunter- richts, nach dem Wechsel in die Regelklasse eines sprachsensiblen Fachunter- richts. Im Vortrag werden Möglichkeiten der Sprachbildung in Vorbere- itungsklassen und im Regelunterricht aufgezeigt.

Dienstag 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 Herkunftssprachen und Sprachbiographie C5 3, 1.20

Erkan Gürsoy Universität Essen-Duisburg, ProDaZ

Im Workshop werden Erhebungsverfahren vorgestellt, die die Herkun- ftssprachen und Sprachbiographien von mehrsprachigen Kindern und Jugendlichen erfassen sollen. Im Modellprojekt ProDaZ (www.uni- due.de/prodaz) und weiteren Projekten wurden diese Erhebungsverfahren empirisch erprobt und in Theorie-Praxis-Projekten mit Schulen eingesetzt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, welche Grundlagen zur differenzierten Erfassung von Mehrsprachigkeit beachtet werden müssen und worin auch Grenzen liegen. LAI Inwiefern solche Verfahren für neu zugewanderte Schülerinnen und Schüler möglich sind, wird ebenfalls thematisiert.

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Systematische DaZ-Förderung in der Grundschule Dienstag 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 C5 3, 2.06 Giulio Pagonis Universität Heidelberg

Eine Annahme der Sprachlern- und -lehrforschung lautet, dass Sprachver- mittlung bei Kindern (z.B. die Vermittlung von Wortschatz, grammatischen Strukturen oder Textkompetenz) umso besser gelingt, je stärker dabei Prozesse und Strategien des natürlichen kindlichen Spracherwerbs berück- sichtigt werden. In dem Workshop werden deshalb zunächst Charakteristika einer sys- tematischen Sprachvermittlung erarbeitet. Für ausgewählte Bereiche des Deutschen als Zweitsprache wird dabei aufgezeigt, wie sprachliche Systeme natürlicherweise von Kindern erworben werden. Anschließend werden in einem praxisorientierten Teil ausgehend von konkreten Materialien didaktische Vorgehensweisen diskutiert, mit denen Erwerbsprozesse bei Kindern im Primarbereich gezielt unterstützt werden können.

Alphabetisierung von neu zugewanderten SchülerInnen Dienstag 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 C5 3, 2.09 Katja Hirschmann HTW Saarbrücken

Ziel des Workshops ist es, verschiedener Methoden im Alphabetisierung- sunterricht zu erarbeiten. Die TeilnehmerInnen lernen mithilfe abwech- slungsreicher Materialien und gängiger Lehrwerke die praxisnahe Anwen- dung der Alphabetisierungsmethoden in der Arbeit mit neu zugewanderten Schülern und Schülerinnen kennen.

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Dienstag Wortschatzförderung 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 C5 2, 1.12 Anja Müller Universität Mainz

Zwei Themen bilden die Schwerpunkte des Workshops: Zu Beginn soll ausgehend von sprachwissenschaftlichen und spracherwerbstheoretischen Erken- ntnissen geklärt werden, was Wortschatz ist und wie Wortschatz aufge- baut wird. Darauf basierend werden im zweiten Teil des Workshops Bere- iche/Ebenen und Methoden der Wortschatzförderung abgeleitet und Ideen für den Unterricht entwickelt und diskutiert.

Dienstag Sprachförderung von Seiteneinsteigern im naturwissenschaftlichen 07.03.2017 Unterricht der Sek 1 16:30 – 19:00 C5 2, 1.28 Elisabeth Venohr Saarbrücken / Katowice

Kinder und Jugendliche mit Migrationshintergrund haben einen spezifis- chen Sprachförderbedarf, der stark von der jeweiligen Erwerbsbiografie ab- hängig ist (Alter der Einreise, Herkunftssprache, familiäre Rahmenbedingun- gen usw.). Seiteneinsteiger bilden hier eine besondere Zielgruppe, da bereits eine schulische Sozialisation „mitgebracht“ wird (hier: schriftsprachliche Kompetenz in der Muttersprache). Da Fachinhalte immer auch sprachlich vermittelt werden, geht es zunächst um die Spezifik der schulischen Fachsprache bzw. Bildungssprache, insbesondere um Aufgabenstellungen und deren Versprachlichung, die den Zugang zu inhaltlichem Wissen erschweren können. In einem zweiten Schritt sollen die Prinzipien des sprachsensiblen Unterrichts und die „verdeckten Sprach- schwierigkeiten“ an Beispieltexten (Schulbuchtexte, Lernertexte usw.) illus- LAI triert und in praktischen Übungen auf die Lernziele in den MINT-Fächern in der Sekundarstufe 1 umgesetzt werden.

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Ziele des Workshops: typische Lernerfehler und Indikatoren für Spracher- werbsstufe in Deutsch als Zweitsprache identifizieren können, Operatoren in den MINT-Fächern auf ihren fremd-/fachsprachlichen Schwierigkeitsgrad hin beurteilen, Verständlichkeit von Aufgabenstellungen optimieren, Verzah- nung von Regel- und Sprachunterricht erkennen und gestalten.

Sprachbildender Fachunterricht: Operatoren im Fokus Dienstag 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 C5 3, 3.24 Barbara Kiefer LPM Saarbrücken

Warum ist Sprache für das fachliche Lernen wichtig? Fachlernen und Sprach- lernen sind untrennbar miteinander verbunden, daher muss der Gebrauch der Bildungssprache von allen Schüler/innen erlernt und trainiert werden. Im Workshop werden Grundlagen und Methoden des sprachsensiblen Fachunter- richts aufgezeigt und am Beispiel der Operatoren konkretisiert.

Dienstag Fachtexte vereinfachen – eine sprachfördernde Maßnahme? 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 C5 2, 1.08 Roland Nenno Sandra Steinmetz Universität des Saarlandes Universität des Saarlandes

Wir sehen uns Merkmale von Fachtexten an und analysieren 1 oder 2 Textbeispiele aus Lehrwerken im Hinblick auf diese Merkmale. In einem Folgeschritt vereinfachen wir die Texte exemplarisch (nach versch. Niveaustufen). Der Workshop richtet sich hauptsächlich an LehrerInnen der Sek 1 und Sek 2.

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Dienstag Sprachförderkonzepte an Regelschulen 07.03.2017 16:30 – 19:00 C5 3, 4.25 wird noch bekanntgegeben

Ein Sprachförderkonzept kann nur Schritt für Schritt entwickelt und aufge- baut werden. Ziel des Workshops ist es anhand eines erfolgreichen Schul- beispiels zu zeigen, wie allgemeine Sprachbildung und gezielte Sprach- förderung in den Schulalltag integriert werden können. Dabei werden er- probte Maßnahmen und konkrete didaktische Konzepte vorgestellt. Zusät- zlich werden auch zahlreiche Tipps und Anregungen gegeben, die bei der En- twicklung eins Sprachförderkonzepts zu berücksichtigen sind.

362 Tagung der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Linguistische Pragmatik (ALP e.V.)

ALP

An den Grenzen der Pragmatik

Organisatoren: Bettina Bock, Philipp Dreesen, Konstanze Marx, Simon Meier & Robert Mroczynski

Raum: B3 2, 0.03 Zeit: Dienstag, 07.03.2017, 09:00–18:00 Uhr

Short description Als linguistische Teildisziplin ist die Pragmatik längst vollständig etabliert und wirkt ihrerseits im Fach integrierend. Entsprechend kann sich die Prag- matik nicht mehr als revolutionärer Gegenentwurf zu einer sich einseitig entwickelnden Systemlinguistik verstehen. Auch aktuelle Grammatiken und Wörterbücher ordnen ihre Belege mittlerweile pragmatisch ein, und neuere Forschungsrichtungen wie die Grammatikalisierungstheorie, die Konstruk- tionsgrammatik oder die Korpuslinguistik, die gerade die Interdependenzen von Sprachsystem und Sprachgebrauch betonen, fügen sich ohnehin nicht einer allzu strikten Zweiteilung des linguistischen Gegenstandsbereichs. Ein Aspekt dieser Entwicklung ist, dass – wenigstens im deutschen Sprachraum – die klassischen gegenstandsbezogenen Bestimmungen der Pragmatik als synchron angewandte Theorie der Deixis, Sprechakte, Im- plikaturen usw. in den Hintergrund rücken zugunsten eines Verständ- nisses von Pragmatik als einer funktionalen Perspektive auf Sprache und Sprachgebrauch, die quer zu den üblichen Teildisziplinen der Linguistik steht. Strikte Eingrenzungen des Gegenstandsbereichs der Pragmatik, aber auch die üblichen Gründungsmythen etwa um die Entdeckungen der Ordinary Lan- guage Philosophy verlieren so an Plausibilität. Dieser Befund einer gewissen Entgrenzung der linguistischen Pragmatik (die auch mit Identitätsfragen einhergeht) soll Anlass sein, auf der kom-

365 ALP-Tagung ALP menden ALP-Tagung gerade nach den Grenzen der Pragmatik zu fragen. Lassen sich überhaupt Grenzen ziehen, wo wären sie zu ziehen und wie ließe sich das begründen? Dabei wollen wir u. a. folgende Achsen unterscheiden, an deren Enden solche Grenzen zu erwarten sind: 1. Fachgeschichtlich: Wie weit lassen sich über die üblichen Gründungs- daten der Pragmatik hinaus in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte Konzepte und Theorien zurückverfolgen, die als (proto-)pragmatisch bezeich- net werden können (vgl. Nerlich/Clarke 1995, Meier 2016)? Kann man gegenwärtig bereits von einer postpragmatischen Phase sprechen (vgl. Dreesen 2015: 61), etwa angesichts diskurslinguistischer Kritik (vgl. etwa Spitzmüller/Warnke 2011: 48, 51) an für die Pragmatik so wichtigen Begriffen wie Intention, Gemeintes und Außersprachliches?

2. Gegenstandsbezogen: Was sind aus welchen Gründen genuin pragmatische Gegenstände und wo hört die Zuständigkeit der Pragmatik sin- nvollerweise auf? Wird durch den Verzicht auf klare Gegenstandsbes- timmungen nicht gleichsam unter der Hand und in anderem Gewand der Vorwurf des „pragmatic wastebasket“ (Bar-Hillel 1971) wieder aktuell, wenn alle nicht explizit an semantischen oder grammatischen Fragestellungen interessierten (interdisziplinären) Forschungsrichtun- gen kurzerhand der Pragmatik zugerechnet werden? Welche möglicher- weise ungewöhnlichen Gegenstände werden derzeit aus pragmalinguis- tischer Sicht erforscht?

3. Methodisch: Gibt es eine konsensfähige spezifisch pragmatische Methodik und Methodologie? Wie ließen sich ihre Spezifika bestim- men, etwa angesichts der Tatsache, dass auch die Grammatikforschung längst korpusbasiert mit Sprachgebrauchsdaten arbeitet? Bedarf es innerhalb der Pragmatik einer Neubestimmung ihrer theoretisch- methodischen Prämissen? Diese Fragen sollen auf der kommenden ALP-Tagung diskutiert werden. Besonders willkommen sind Vorträge mit konzeptioneller Orientierung, wobei die zu entwickelnden Bestimmungen über die Grenzen der Pragmatik selbstverständlich anhand von empirischen Fallstudien veranschaulicht werden können. Wir laden alle Vortragenden ein, zwei bis drei Thesen in der Form „Pragmatik ist (nicht) …“ zu formulieren und zur Diskussion zu stellen. Keynote Speaker Helmuth Feilke (Gießen)

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08:45–09:00 Begrüßung und Einführung 09:00–09:45 Helmuth Feilke (Gießen) “Im nächsten Moment” – Bühlers ‘Radieschen’ und die pragmatische Scheidung möglicher Welten in der Sprache 09:45–10:15 Rita Finkbeiner (Mainz) Grammatik vs. Pragmatik: Eine Programmatik 10:15–10:45 Tilo Weber (Halle) Von der linguistischen Pragmatik zu einer pragmatisch orientierten Linguistik 10:45–11:15 Kaffeepause 11:15–11:45 Daniel Schmidt-Brücken (Bremen) Selbstwidersprüche zwischen Pragmatik, Semantik und Grammatik 11:45–12:15 Wolf-Andreas Liebert und Pamela Steen (Koblenz) Grenzen der Pragmatik am Beispiel der Mensch-Tier-Kommunikation und des religiösen Sprechens 12:15–13:45 Mittagspause 13:45–14:15 Konstanze Marx (Mannheim) Ist die Internetlinguistik eine pragmatische Disziplin? Eine Problematisierung 14:15–14:45 Andreas Rothenhöfer (Bremen) Von der Protopragmatik der Emotion. Erklärungsansätze zwischen diskurslinguistischem Zentralmodell und Wastebasket im Wastebasket 14:45–15:15 Frank Liedtke und Lena Rosenbaum (Leipzig) Interjektionen als Randphänomen 15:15–15:45 Kaffeepause 15:45–16:15 Marie-Luis Merten (Paderborn) Pragmatisch geprägt: Konstruktionen-in-Praktiken-Analyse

367 ALP-Tagung ALP 16:15–16:45 François Nemo (Orléans) Prosodic marking of contributional orientation in utterances: Reconsidering the linguistic/pragmatic interface 16:45–17:00 Kurze Pause 17:00–17:30 Beatrix Weber (Dresden) Zur Verwendung des Begriffs ‘Pragmatik’ 17:30–18:00 Katharina Böhnert (Aachen) und Ilka Lemke (Bochum) Pragmatik in der Schule – Plädoyer zur Nutzung des didaktischen Potenzials pragmatischer Untersuchungsgegenstände 18:00–18:15 Abschlussdiskussion 18:30 Mitgliederversammlung der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Linguistische Pragmatik e. V.

Posterpräsentationen Khrystyna Dyakiv (Lwiw, Ukraine) Deviationen in Videointerviews. Pragmalinguistische Aspekte

Matthias Knopp (Köln) Bedeutungspotenzial und aktuelle Referenz: Das mentale Lexikon beim medial schriftlichen Sprachgebrauch

368 DFG-Informationsveranstaltung

DFG Info DFG Info

Talk and Question Time: DFG funding opportunities for Linguists

Helga Weyerts-Schweda (DFG Bonn) & Ulrike Demske (Spokesperson of the Review Board on linguistics [Fachkollegium 104])

Raum: B3 1, 0.11 Zeit: Donnerstag, 09. 03. 2017, 12:45–13:45 Uhr

Short description How to apply for DFG funding? What characterises a good DFG proposal? How does the review process work and what are the chances of getting funded? Why do applications fail and which mistakes can be avoided? These and other questions will be addressed from the perspective of the DFG and the Review Board on linguistics. For further questions individual contact time with Helga Weyerts-Schweda can be arranged, either on Thursday, 9 March from 02:00–06:00 p.m. oron Friday, 10 March from 11:30 a.m.–12:30 p.m.

371 DFG Info Texte und Materialien zur Sprachwissenschaft

978-3-15-019348-8 · € 13,80

Paperback · Format 15 x 21,5 cm 978-3-15-011056-0 · € 16,95

978-3-15-018807-1 · € 6,80

978-3-15-006922-6 · € 6,80 978-3-15-018241-3 · € 14,80

www.reclam.de Reclam notizen

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Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation

eitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation Z (ZWJW) is an open access and double-blind peer reviewed international journal published by Peter Lang. ZWJW publishes papers with respect to any language and linguistic field, e.g. morphology, syntax, lexicology, phonology, semantics, pragmatics, language history, typology, dialectology, language acquisition, language contact. he journal is published online, two volumes are released T each year. It contains original papers, reviews and general information such as announcements of conferences, meetings, workshops, etc. Special issues devoted to important topics in word formation will occasionally be published. Manuscripts are accepted in English, German, French and Spanish; every manuscript must have an English abstract of max. 350 characters (including spaces). Please send your manuscript to the editor-in-chief: Prof. Dr. Petra M. Vogel E-mail: [email protected] Website: https://www.uni-siegen.de/phil/germanistik/mitarbeiter/vogel_petra_m/

Editorship: Advisory Board: Petra M. Vogel (University of Siegen) Werner Abraham (University of Vienna Elke Donalies (Institut für Deutsche Sprache, & Munich University) Mannheim) Aleksandra Bagasheva (Sofia University) Ludwig Eichinger (Institut für Deutsche Irmhild Barz (University of Leipzig) Sprache, Mannheim) Geert Booij (University of Leiden) Mechthild Habermann (Erlangen-Nürnberg Jan Čermák (Charles University Prague) University) Gerrit J. Dimmendaal (University of Cologne) Jörg Meibauer (Mainz University) Jan Don (University of Amsterdam) Barbara Schlücker (University of Bonn) Nanna Fuhrhop (University of Oldenburg) Hans-Joachim Solms (Halle-Wittenberg Livio Gaeta (University of Turin) University) Luise Kempf (Mainz University) Pavol Štekauer (Pavol Jozef Šafárik University Lívia Körtvélyessy (Pavol Jozef Šafárik Košice) University Košice) Salvador Valera Hernández (University Elisabeth Leiss (Munich University) of Granada) Hans Christian Luschützky (University of Vienna) Francesca Masini (University of Bologna) Franz Rainer (Vienna University of Economics and Business) Anna Thornton (University of L’Aquila) Carola Trips (University of Mannheim)

Personenverzeichnis

Ackermann, Tanja, 292 Bogal-Allbritten, Elizabeth, 255 Adamczyk, Elżbieta, 289 Borgonovo, Claudia, 133 Adli, Aria, 301 Bostan, Laura, 330, 337 Agarwal, Sumeet, 98 Boye, Kasper, 264 Aguilar Guevara, Ana, 135 Bross, Fabian, 247 Alexiadou, Artemis, 237 Brunetti, Lisa, 107 Altshuler, Daniel, 109 Bruni, Jagoda, 323 Index Amaral, Patrícia, 136 Bunk, Oliver, 235 Amsili, Pascal, 97 Butt, Miriam, 203 Anastasiou, Dimitra, 336 Bülow, Lars, 286 Antomo, Mailin, 221 Anttila, Arto, 194 Cap, Fabienne, 217 Asher, Nicholas, 109, 271 Carlson, Katy, 188 Carlucci-Dirani, Seyna, 294 Bögel, Tina, 189 Castroviejo, Elena, 131 Baayen, R. Harald, 211 Cavalcante, Federico Amorim, 122 Babonnaud, William, 277 Chiarcos, Christian, 324, 335 Bacskai-Atkari, Julia, 231 Chiriacescu, Sofiana, 119 Bade, Nadine, 140, 141 Clodo, Christoph, 5 Bader, Markus, 124 Cole, Jennifer, 125 Balo, Anne-Kathrin, 5 Colesnicov, Alexandru, 151 Barnickel, Katja, 230 Coniglio, Marco, 115 Baumann, Stefan, 125 Crocker, Matthew, 83, 99 Bayer, Josef, 130 Csipak, Eva, 243, 273 Becker, Laura, 158 Bell, Melanie J., 212 Dammel, Antje, 281 Bergmann, Pia, 285 Dannenberg, Anna, 190 Best, Catherine T., 94 De Kuthy, Kordula, 107 Beutler, Janina, 228 de la Fuente, Israel, 106 Bildhauer, Felix, 306, 326 De Sutter, Gert, 304 Blümel, Andreas, 272 Degaetano-Ortlieb, Stefania, 91 Blumenthal-Dramé, Alice, 160 Deguchi, Masanori, 274 Bochnak, Ryan, 240 Dekker, Paul, 266 Bock, Bettina, 365 del Carmen Horno, Maria, 279

385 Personenverzeichnis

Delogu, Francesca, 99 Frey, Werner, 234 Demberg, Vera, 5, 89, 91, 96, 120, 327, 331 Gärtner, Markus, 338 Demske, Ulrike, 229, 371 Gaeta, Livio, 161 Deo, Ashwini, 102 Gehrke, Berit, 131 DeVeaugh-Geiss, Joseph P., 140 Geibel-Stutz, Ellen, 5 Dima, Corina, 219 Gergel, Remus, 5 Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen, 270 Gluting, Peter, 5 Dogil, Grzegorz, 323 Goldschmidt, Katrin, 152 Donazzan, Marta, 270 Goldsmith, John, 81 Donhauser, Karin, 312 Grafmiller, Jason, 303 Dorna, Michael, 210 Grant, Margaret, 267 Index Dreesen, Philipp, 365 Greco, Ciro, 112, 236 Driemel, Imke, 224 Grubic, Mira, 138 Druskat, Stephan, 339 Grumt Suárez, Holger, 332 Duran, Daniel, 323 Gumiel-Molina, Silvia, 269 Döhmer, Caroline, 297 Gutzmann, Daniel, 127 Döring, Sophia, 110 Guzmán Naranjo, Matías, 158 Dörre, Laura, 130 Gürel, Ayşe, 209 Dücker, Lisa, 148 Gürsoy, Erkan, 358

Eckart, Kerstin, 145, 338 Haberzettl, Stefanie, 5, 355 Egg, Markus, 310 Haegeman, Liliane, 112, 236 Ehrmantraut, Luise, 5 Haider, Thomas, 307 Ellsäßer, Sophie, 291 Hartmann, Stefan, 148 Enger, Hans-Olav, 282 Hartung, Nele, 5 Enke, Dankmar, 290 Haselow, Alexander, 143 Erteschik-Shir, Nomi, 202 Haspelmath, Martin, 156, 177 Escandell-Vidal, Victoria, 268 Hasse, Anja, 283 Evers-Vermeul, Jacqueline, 108 Haug, Dag Trygve Truslew, 109 Evert, Stefan, 304 Heim, Johannes, 197 Hemforth, Barbara, 106 Fazleh Elahi, Mohammad, 336 Henderson, Robert, 141 Felser, Claudia, 117 Hennecke, Inga, 215 Fenk-Oczlon , Gertraud, 157 Hennig, Mathilde, 146 Filip, Hana, 265, 271 Herment, Sophie, 192 Finkbeiner, Rita, 225 Hinrichs, Erhard, 219 Fischer, Hanna, 287 Hinterhölzl, Roland, 115 Fischer, Stefan, 91 Hinterwimmer, Stefan, 128 Freiberg, Cassandra, 114 Hirschmann, Katja, 359

386 Personenverzeichnis

Hoek, Jet, 108 Kniffka, Gabriele, 358 Hoekstra, Eric, 289 Kolbe-Hanna, Daniela, 193 Hohaus, Vera, 245 Korth, Manuela, 200 Hole, Daniel, 247 Kortmann, Bernd, 160 Holler, Anke, 106, 208 Kramp-Karrenbauer, Annegret, Hong, Xudong, 331 47 Horch, Eva, 5, 104 Kratochvílová, Dana, 248 Howcroft, David M., 105 Krause, Thomas, 339 Hubig, Lucia, 5, 355 Kravtchenko, Ekaterina, 96 Härtl, Holden, 129 Kremers, Joost, 187 Hätty, Anna, 210 Krifka, Manfred, 77 Krimou, Fanny, 204 Igoa, José Manuel, 279 Kroch, Anthony, 78 Index Immesberger, Natascha, 5 Kulakov, Sergey, 5 Inaba, Jiro, 201 Kunz, Kerstin, 305 Ionov, Max, 324 Köhnlein, Björn, 202 Iordăchioaia, Gianina, 214 Lühr, Rosemarie, 113 Jabeen, Farhat, 203 Lameli, Alfred, 284 Jagfeld, Glorianna, 214 Lapshinova-Koltunski, Ekaterina, Jain, Ayush, 98 305 Jamieson, Elyse, 196 Lebani, Gianluca E., 218 Janssen, Maarten, 149 Lehmann, Nico, 302 Jezek, Elisabetta, 278 Lemke, Robin, 5, 104 Ježek, Elisabetta, 216 Lenci, Alessandro, 218 Johnson, Cynthia A., 105 Lensink, Saskia E., 211 Josefsson, Gunlög, 202 Leonarduzzi, Laetitia, 192 Leser-Cronau, Stephanie, 295 Kaiser, Elsi, 139 Lestrade, Sander, 167 Kaiser, Sebastian, 223 Levshina, Natalia, 92, 169 Kallmeyer, Laura, 265, 277 Li, Michelle, 257 Karlova-Bourbonus, Natali, 332 Libben, Gary, 208 Kasper, Simon, 165 Lind Sørensen, Marie-Luise, 264 Kastner, Itamar, 263 Linzen, Tal, 101 Kaufmann, Göz, 296 Lobin, Henning, 332 Kentner, Gerrit, 187 Lohndal, Terje, 237 Kern, Friederike, 308 Loporcaro, Michele, 299 Khan, Geoffrey, 164 Lucente, Luciana, 191 Kiefer, Barbara, 361 Lüdeling, Anke, 301, 325 Kindermann, Dirk, 134

387 Personenverzeichnis

Müller, Gereon, 233 Neumann, Stella, 304 Mühlenbernd, Roland, 290 Niebuhr, Astrid, 293 Ma, Jianqiang, 219 Nixon, Jessie S., 94 Maché, Jakob, 244 Malahov, Ludmila, 151 Oberländer, Jonathan, 330, 337 Mandelkern, Matthew, 242 Odebrecht, Carolin, 145, 325, 339 Manzoni, Judith, 193 Osswald, Rainer, 277 Marelli, Marco, 220 Özge, Umut, 121 Mari, Alda, 256 Martinez, José, 305 Pagonis, Giulio, 359 Marushak, Adam, 251 Palmer, Alexis, 307 Marx, Konstanze, 365 Particke, Hans-Joachim, 272 Index Matthewson, Lisa, 246 Pat-El, Na’ama, 172 Mayer, Denise, 5, 11 Patterson, Clare, 117 McCready, Eric, 141 Perez, Cenel-Augusto, 151 Meier, Simon, 365 Perlitz, Laura, 325 Meijer, A. Marlijn, 258 Petkova-Kessanlis, Mikaela, 144 Meinhardt, Eric, 100 Petrova, Svetlana, 147 Menzel, Katrin, 305 Pezzelle, Sandro, 216 Meyer, Roland, 316 Phillips, Jonathan, 242 Micheli, Maria Silvia, 216 Piñango, Maria M., 102 Michniewicz, Sonia, 267 Pijpops, Dirk, 173 Miestamo, Matti, 170 Pinkal, Manfred, 96 Mitkovska, Liljana, 259 Plate, Ralf, 335 Mittmann, Maryualê Malvessi, Popp, Marie-Luise, 253, 254 122 Portele, Yvonne, 124 Modi, Ashutosh, 96 Poschmann, Claudia, 116 Mondorf, Britta, 175 Puddu, Nicoletta, 153 Moreno-Quibén, Norberto, 269 Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel, 269 Moser, Ann-Marie, 298 Mozuraitis, Mindaugas, 349 Raber, Helena, 5 Mroczynski, Robert, 365 Rajkumar, Rajakrishnan, 98 Mucha, Anne, 240 Raso, Tommaso, 122 Möbius, Bernd, 89 Rauth, Philipp, 4, 5 Müller, Anja, 360 Rawlins, Kyle, 103 Müller, Sonja, 221, 227 Rehbein, Ines, 314 Mărănduc, Cătălina, 151 Reich, Ingo, 5, 11, 104 Reinhardt, Janina , 205 Nemo, François, 204 Renans, Agata, 140 Nenno, Roland, 361 Rentzsch, Julian, 259

388 Personenverzeichnis

Rett, Jessica, 267 Sohl, Jessica, 328 Riester, Arndt, 107 Speyer, Augustin, 5, 11 Rohde, Hannah, 118 Stahnke, Johanna, 309 Rubinstein, Aynat, 241 Staraschek, Nathalie, 226 Rößler, Stefanie, 208 Stark, Julia, 5 Stede, Manfred, 111 Sanders, Ted J.M., 108 Steiner, Erich, 305 Sanfelici, Emanuela, 142 Steiner, Petra, 333 Santorini, Beatrice, 78 Steinmetz, Sandra, 361 Sawada, Osamu, 132 Stiebels, Barbara, 253, 254 Sayeed, Asad, 5, 327, 331 Strötgen, Jannik, 329 Schallert, Oliver, 281 Strütjen, Kim, 276 Schang, Emmanuel, 204 Struckmeier, Volker, 199, 223 Index Scheffler, Tatjana, 315 Suckow, Katja, 106 Scheutz, Hannes, 286 Sugisaki, Kyoko, 345 Schmidt, Jessica, 5 Sukhareva, Maria, 335 Schmidtke-Bode, Karsten, 178 Suni, Antti, 190 Schneider, Gerold, 345 Sutton, Peter, 271 Schneider, Ulrike, 175 Szczepaniak, Renata , 148 Schnelle, Gohar, 150, 312, 325, 334 Szmrecsanyi, Benedikt, 313 Scholman, Merel, 91, 120 Szucsich, Luka, 316 Schu, Josef, 5 Schulte im Walde, Sabine, 207 Teich, Elke, 5, 89, 91 Schulz, Petra, 142 Thiel, Alexander, 142 Schwabe, Kerstin, 262 Titov, Ivan, 96 Schäfer, Lisa, 5 Tokizaki, Hisao, 201 Schäfer, Martin, 212 Tomaschek, Fabian, 93 Schäfer, Roland, 306, 326 Tonhauser, Judith, 137 Schüler, Julia, 5, 347 Tourtouri, Elli N., 99 Schütze, Hinrich, 90 Trabandt, Corinna, 142 Seminck, Olga, 97 Trouvain, Jürgen, 308 Senaldi, Marco S. G., 218 Truckenbrodt, Hubert, 222, 246 Serdobolskaya, Natalia, 261 Tsouni, Vicky, 276 Seržant, Ilja A., 179 Tucker, Benjamin V., 93 Shi, Hui, 336 Turgay, Katharina, 127 Shkadzko, Pavel, 327 Turnbull, Rory, 105 Sims-Williams, Helen, 181 Singh, Vishal, 98 Uygun, Serkan, 209 Skopeteas, Stavros, 195 Smolka, Eva, 207 Vainio, Martti, 190

389 Personenverzeichnis

van Bergen, Geertje, 95 Van de Velde, Freek, 173 van de Vijver, Ruben, 276 van der Plas, Lonneke, 214 van Lier, Eva, 182 van Rijn, Marlou, 182 Vander Klok, Jozina, 245 Venohr, Elisabeth, 360 Verhoeven, Elisabeth, 302 Versloot, Arjen, 289 Voigtmann, Sophia, 5 von Heusinger, Klaus, 121 Index von Prince, Kilu, 240

Wallner, Dominik, 286 Waltereit, Richard, 311 Watkins, Jonathan, 5 Wechsler, Stephen, 260 Weiß, Helmut, 294 Weiß, Zarah, 150, 334 Werkmann Horvat, Ana, 249 Werner, Stefan, 190 Werth, Alexander, 284 Weskott, Thomas, 208 Westera, Matthijs, 123 Weyerts-Schweda, Helga, 371 White, Aaron Steven, 103 Wierzba, Marta, 198 Wiese, Heike, 232 Wojtecka, Magdalena, 5, 355 Wolf, Lavi, 250

Ye, Jingting, 184

Zaefferer, Dietmar, 251 Zaika, Natalia M., 185 Zhang, Muye, 102 Zimmer, Christian, 288 Zinsmeister, Heike, 328 Zobel, Sarah, 273

390 Gesamtübersicht der Arbeitsgruppensitzungen

AG-Gesamtübersicht Lüdeling & Verhoeven & Lehmann Kunz et al. 13 B4 1 0.04 Verhoeven & Lehmann Grafmiller et al. – Adli Enger Hasse Bülow et al. 12 B4 1 0.05 Enger Lameli & Bergmann Neumann Fischer Werth FilipKallmeyer & Grant et al. Gumiel Molina et al. 11 B4 1 0.06 Dekker Grant et al. Escandell Dobrovie- Sorin & Donaz- zan Vidal 10 B4 1 0.07 Popp & Stiebels Stiebels Bogal- Bogal- Mari Mari Li Allbritten Allbritten 9 B4 1 0.22 Rubinstein Rubinstein Popp & Mandel- kern & Philipps Csipak Hohaus &der Van- Klok son & brodt Trucken- 8 B4 1 0.23 Antomo & Müller Trucken- brodt Trucken- brodt Struck- meier & Kaiser Driemel Maché Finkbeiner Staratschek Matthew- 7 B4 1 0.24 Libben Libben Rößler et al. Uygun & Gürel Dorna Lensink & Baayen BellSchäfer & Kaffeepause & Postersession 6 B4 1 0.25 Kentner &mers Kre- Carlson Bögel Dannen- bergal. et Lucente HättyLeonar- & duzzi & Herment Kolbe- Hanna & Manzoni 5 B4 1 0.26 Fenk- Oczlon Fenk- Oczlon Becker & Guzmán Naranjo Blumenthal- Dramé & Kort- mann Gaeta Khan Kasper 4 B3 1 0.12 – – – – – – Miró & Gehrke 3 B3 1 0.13 Gutzmann &gay Tur- Hinter- Härtl Dörre & Bayer Sawada Borgonovo – wimmer & Haug 2 B3 1 0.14 Riester et al. al. Asher Asher Döring Stede Levshina Altshuler 1 0.03 Teich et al. Schütze Hoek et Schütze Degaetano- Ortlieb et al. Tomaschek & Tucker Nixon & Best 16:30– 17:00 AG Raum B3 2 13:45– 14:15 14:15– 14:45 14:45– 15:15 15:15– 15:45 15:45– 16:30 17:00– 17:30 17:30– 18:00 Mittwoch, 08. 03. 2017

393 AG-Gesamtübersicht onrtg 9 3 2017 03. 09. Donnerstag, 14:45 14:15– 14:15 13:45– 13:45 12:45– 12:45 12:15– 12:15 11:45– 11:45 11:15– 11:15 10:30– 10:30 10:00– 10:00 9:30– 9:30 9:00– 2 B3 Raum AG Linzen Linzen Meinhardt al. et Tourtouri al. et Jain Amsill & Seminck al. et Kravtchenko Bergen van 0.03 1 Rohde Rohde Felser & Patterson Hennig Tonhauser Poschmann hölzl Hinter- & Coniglio Freiberg Lühr man Haege- & Greco 0.14 1 B3 2 tal. et Renans Kaiser Grubic Tonhauser Amaral – Guevara Kindermann 0.13 1 B3 3 – al. et Dücker Petrova Hennig – – 0.12 1 B3 4 Velde Bode Schmidtke- math Haspel- dorf Mon- & Schneider de Van & Pijpops Pat-El Miestamo Anttila Levshina Lestrade 0.26 1 B4 5 Korth meier Struck- Wierzba Heim Jamieson Skopeteas Anttila 0.25 1 B4 6 itgpue&Postersession & Mittagspause afeas Postersession & Kaffeepause Marelli al. et Senaldi Beutler Hennecke 0.24 1 B4 7 Marelli al. et Dima Cap al. et Pezzele al. et chioaia Iorda- Atkari Wiese & Csipak Wechsler Marushak Barnickel 0.23 1 B4 8 Wiese Bacskai- N.N. Demske Müller – chvílová Krato- 0.22 1 B4 9 – Zaefferer Wolf Horvat Werkmann Hole & Bross cwb a de van Schwabe Meijer 0.07 1 B4 10 Schwabe skaya Serdobol- Wechsler Mitkovska & Rentzsch Meijer ivret Vijver al. Zobel Asher 0.06 1 B4 11 Deguchi Zobel & Csipak Particke & Blümel Filip & Sutton Asher Cronau Leser- Dirani Carlucci- & Weiß Niebuhr Stahnke Ackermann Ellsäßer bernd Mühlen- & Enke al. et Versloot Zimmer 0.05 1 B4 12 Don- hauser & Schnelle Schäfer & Bildhauer 0.04 1 B4 13 Waltereit Egg Kern & Trouvain Haider Schäfer & Bildhauer

394 AG-Gesamtübersicht Szmrec- sanyi Rehbein Meyer & Szusich 13 B4 1 0.04 sanyi Kaufmann Moser Loporcaro 12 B4 1 0.05 Döhmer Szmrec- Loporcaro Scheffler Babonnaud et al. IgoaHorno & Final discussion 11 B4 1 0.06 Final discussion 10 B4 1 0.07 Kastner Kastner Jezek Lind Sørensen & Boye Lind Sørensen & Boye Final discussion 9 B4 1 0.22 – – – – – 8 B4 1 0.23 Müller Frey Bunk Haegeman & Greco Alexiadou & Lohn- dal 7 B4 1 0.24 – – – – – 6 B4 1 0.25 Tokizaki & Inaba Erteschik- Shiral. et Jabeen & Butt Schang et al. Reinhardt 5 B4 1 0.26 Seržant Sims- van Lier &Rijn van Zaika Williams 4 B3 1 0.12 Janssen Weiß & Schnelle Mărănduc et al. Puddu 3 B3 1 0.13 Henderson &Cready Mc- Henderson &Cready Mc- Trabandt et al. Haselow Goldschmidt Ye Petkova- Kessanlis 2 B3 1 0.14 Chiria- cescu Scholman & Dem- berg Özge &Heusinger von Raso et al. Westera 1 0.03 Piñango et al. White & Rawlins Horch et al. Howcroft et al. Abschluss- diskussion AG Raum B3 2 11:30– 12:00 12:00– 12:30 12:30– 13:00 13:00– 13:30 13:30– 14:00 Freitag, 10. 03. 2017

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