Results from Wave Xiv of Tracking Surveys
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SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
Suharto's Iron Fist Brought 32 Years of Centralized Stability to Indonesia
indonesia Suharto’s iron fist brought 32 years of centralized stability to Indonesia Ten years after his departure, Indonesia’s fractious provinces acquire new powers BY RiDwan MAX SIJabat hile Indonesians pursue m o s t a m b i t i o u s their headlong plunge decentralization programs. into decentralization From 1999 onward, the pro- and devolution of pow- gram has continued through Federations W ers to the provinces, the nation paused the administrations of four recently to ponder the legacy of Suharto, successive presidents, trans- their former iron-fisted leader, whose 32- ferring powers, money and year tenure brought them peace and even civil servants from the some economic development but denied capital to the provinces. 2008 them the ability to contest his rule. Many Indonesians feared H C Suharto’s death on Jan. 27 came that such moves would lead to R almost 10 years after he relinquished the break-away of many prov- power. Despite more than 30 years of sta- inces. But except for East | MA bility, his critics, including human rights Timor, which voted to secede RY A groups and the international media, held from Indonesia in 1999 and RU him responsible for political repression, became a UN-recognized FEB unresolved human rights abuses and country in 2002, that has not corruption that benefited his family and happened. his cronies. Instead, what Indonesians Suharto was no supporter of federal- call “special autonomy” – ism for Indonesia, a view his detractors something like the powers of a claim was a cover for his corrupt profi- Canadian province – has been teering from the natural resources of the granted to the provinces of provinces and for a kleptocracy that Papua and Aceh, and the one- would inevitably be curtailed with the time rebels from those regions ceding of powers to the provinces over have laid down their arms and the resource wealth. -
National Attributes Analysis of Indonesia Thousand Friend Zero Enemies Policy
National Attributes Analysis of Indonesia Thousand Friend Zero Enemies Policy Arsinta Rahadianty K. and Annisa Pratamasari Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga Keywords: Indonesia, million friends zero enemy, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, middle power, democracy Abstract: The foreign policy of a country is certainly influenced by many factors, internal and external, including Indonesia. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is the first president elected through direct elections. Indonesia was experiencing rapid development of democracy in the era of president of the leadership of SBY. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the second period of his tenure to make a different move with the advent of the motto on Indonesia's foreign policy, namely million friends zero enemy. Policies million friends zero enemy then bring Indonesia to a different level in international politics. Indonesia sought to build conception to play a larger regional role, while strengthening bilateral relations with each country. Indonesia's foreign policy making is certainly influenced by elements of the domestic as well as the role of national attributes such as size, the element of geopolitical, demographic, political systems, as well as military and economic capabilities. National attributes become one of the elements that influenced the foreign policy making. This paper then discusses the underlying reasons for the selection of foreign policy million friends zero enemy through the Level of Analysis of national attributes. 1 INTRODUCTION then cannot be separated from the motto "million friends zero enemy" expressed during his The process of making a country's foreign policy inauguration speech in the second period of 2009. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI. -
Rizal Ramli Interviewer
An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto. -
The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race?
Asia Pacific Bulletin EastWestCenter.org/APB Number 266 | June 5, 2014 The Indonesian Presidential Election: Now a Real Horse Race? BY ALPHONSE F. LA PORTA The startling about-face of Indonesia’s second largest political party, Golkar, which is also the legacy political movement of deposed President Suharto, to bolt from a coalition with the front-runner Joko Widodo, or “Jokowi,” to team up with the controversial retired general Prabowo Subianto, raises the possibility that the forthcoming July 9 presidential election will be more than a public crowning of the populist Jokowi. Alphonse F. La Porta, former Golkar, Indonesia’s second largest vote-getter in the April 9 parliamentary election, made President of the US-Indonesia its decision on May 19 based on the calculus by party leaders that Golkar’s role in Society, explains that “With government would better be served by joining with a strong figure like Prabowo rather more forthcoming support from than Widodo, who is a neophyte to leadership on the national level. Thus a large coalition of parties fronted by the authoritarian-minded Prabowo will now be pitted against the the top level of the PDI-P, it is smaller coalition of the nationalist Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), which had just possible that Jokowi could selected former vice president Jusuf Kalla, nominally of Golkar, as Jokowi’s running mate. achieve the 44 percent plurality If this turn of events sounds complicated, it is—even for Indonesian politics. But first a look some forecast in the presidential at some of the basics: election, but against Prabowo’s rising 28 percent, the election is Indonesia’s fourth general election since Suharto’s downfall in 1998 has marked another increasingly becoming a real— milestone in Indonesia’s democratization journey. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Vice President of India Meets Indonesian Leaders
Embassy of India Jakarta Press Release Vice President of India meets Indonesian Leaders H.E. Mr. Mohammad Hamid Ansari, is on an official visit to Indonesia from 1-4 November, 2015 at the invitation of His Excellency Mr. Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Indonesia. On 2nd November 2015, Hon‟ble Vice President of India had a tete-a-tete with his counterpart H.E. Mr. Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Indonesia which was followed by delegation level talks. He also called on His Excellency Mr. Joko Widodo, President of Indonesia. The meeting focused on cooperation in the maritime, education, and pharmaceutical sectors. He also met Ms. Megawati Sukarnoputri, former President of Indonesia and Chairman of PDI-P following talks with President of Indonesia.Both the leaders discussed functioning of democratic processes in India and Indonesia and use of Electronic Voting Machines in elections. Addressing the media after delegation level talks, the Vice President of india said that India and Indonesia are committed to increase bilateral trade and mutual investments as well as expanding cooperation in defence and counter-terrorism through intensification of existing mechanism. The Government of India and the Government of Indonesia signed MoU on Cooperation in New and Renewable energy and MOU on Cultural Exchange. The MOU on New and Renewable Energy is significant in view of the fact that India and Indonesia has committed to bring down the carbon emission levels by 35% and 29% respectively by 2030. Following is the text of Vice President’s Statement: “I would like to thank H.E. Mr. Jusuf Kalla, Vice President of Indonesia, for this invitation to visit your beautiful country. -
House of Representatives Republic of Indonesia
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA ADDRESS OF THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AT THE JOINT SESSION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AND THE REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVES COUNCIL OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA FRIDAY, 14 AUGUST 2020 Assalamualaikum arrahmatullahi wabarakatuh May peace be upon us all Om swastiastu 1 Namo buddhaya Greetings of Virtue Thank you Speaker of the People’s Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesia, for reminding us all about the important existence and vital roles the state institutions play . As we are all aware, after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, the country has seen some changes to its administration system, position, and authorities of the state institutions. Therefore, it is crucial to maintain collaboration among state institutions, as there are some authorities that can be implemented either independently or collaboratively. The current state institutions have reflected the balance of power. Now I would like to deliver the Address of the Speaker of the House of Representatives at this Joint Session between the House of the Representatives of 2 the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) and the Regional Representatives Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPD RI). • Your Excellency, President of the Republic of Indonesia, Bapak Joko Widodo, • Your Excellency, Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia, Bapak KH. Ma’ruf Amin, • Your Excellency, the Fifth President of the Republic of Indonesia, -
Persentase Hasil Perhitungan Suara Sah Pemilu Presiden/Wakil Presiden Tahun 2009 Menurut Provinsi
Persentase Hasil Perhitungan Suara Sah Pemilu Presiden/Wakil Presiden Tahun 2009 Menurut Provinsi Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Provinsi Total Suara Sah Megawati Soekarno Putri/ Prabowo Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono/ Muhammad Jusuf Kalla/ Wiranto Subianto Boediono Aceh 2.4 93.3 4.4 2,245,119.0 Sumatera Utara 0.0 93.3 6.7 4,539,195.0 Sumatera Barat 5.9 79.9 14.2 2,287,153.0 Riau 23.7 64.1 12.2 2,345,315.0 Kepulauan Riau 26.5 64.4 9.1 748,576.0 Jambi 29.2 59.4 11.4 1,560,500.0 Sumatera Selatan 39.6 54.1 6.4 3,838,344.0 Bengkulu 23.2 64.1 12.6 850,231.0 Lampung 24.1 70.2 5.7 3,992,345.0 Kepulauan Bangka 38.6 48.7 12.7 549,694.0 DKI Jakarta 20.4 70.4 9.2 5,035,956.0 Jawa Barat 26.2 65.1 8.7 22,104,722.0 Banten 27.0 65.1 8.0 5,149,798.0 Jawa Tengah 38.3 53.1 8.7 17,490,429.0 DI Yogyakarta 28.1 61.7 10.2 1,975,647.0 Jawa Timur 30.4 60.3 9.3 19,450,762.0 Bali 51.9 43.0 5.1 1,912,337.0 Nusa Tenggara Barat 8.3 74.6 17.1 2,269,826.0 Nusa Tenggara Timur 41.3 52.7 6.0 2,134,794.0 Kalimantan Barat 37.1 54.0 8.9 2,286,206.0 Kalimantan Tengah 42.3 48.3 9.4 1,016,711.0 Kalimantan Selatan 21.8 64.0 14.2 1,728,858.0 Kalimantan Timur 27.6 51.9 20.5 1,605,372.0 Sulawesi Utara 31.2 54.8 14.0 1,262,275.0 Gorontalo 6.5 44.2 49.3 545,504.0 Sulawesi Tengah 8.4 50.5 41.1 1,324,798.0 Sulawesi Selatan 4.0 31.6 64.4 4,222,786.0 Sulawesi Tenggara 8.0 45.6 46.4 1,094,115.0 Sulawesi Barat 4.6 50.8 44.6 578,929.0 Maluku 24.5 53.7 21.8 787,985.0 Maluku Utara 20.3 38.9 40.7 551,513.0 Papua 5.6 74.1 20.3 1,860,096.0 Papua Barat 10.5 74.0 15.6 424,043.0 Luar Negeri 14.0 69.1 17.0 340,410.0 Total Perolehan Suara 26.8 60.8 12.4 121,504,481.0 Sumber: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Hasil Perhitungan Suara Sah Pemilu Presiden/Wakil Presiden Putaran Pertama Tahun 2004 Provinsi Pasangan Calon Presiden/Wakil Presiden Jumlah Hamzah Haz/ Agum H.