Intersections of gender and minority status Perspectives from Finnish Jewish women NJ Elina Vuola
DOI: https://doi.org/10.30752/nj.77270
Abstract • In this article, I examine how contemporary Finnish Jewish women understand their roles and identities as women in a small Orthodox Jewish community, on the one hand, and as members of a tiny minority in largely secular and predominantly Lutheran/Christian Finland, on the other. How do Finnish Jewish women negotiate their identities in relation to their community, strongly organised along gender lines, and in relation to Finnish society and especially its equality ideals and norms? I divide my article into four sections. First, I give a short overview of the theory of intersectionality, concentrating on its possibilities and limitations for the study of religion and gen der in general, and for the study of Judaism, specifically. Second, I focus on my informants’ views of the gendered practices of their Orthodox Jewish community, which, by many standards, is a very spe cific form of Orthodoxy, which could be called ‘Finnish Orthodoxy’. Third, I analyse my informants’ views on how they perceive being Jewish women in contemporary Finland.1 The intersection of the last two broad themes will highlight the realities of Finnish Jewish women in contemporary Finland. Fourth, I discuss possibilities and limitations of intersectional theorising in the light of my data.
Intersectionality, religion and gender not really happened. As constructive alter For some time, I have been interested in cre natives, I have presented examples of how ating a more theoretical dialogue between intersectionality and religison could be ana gender studies and the study of religion, lysed together from the perspectives of gen including theology. The need for it stems der research in theology and religious studies. from the fact that religion, religious women Until now, I have done this in the context of and religious feminism are too easily omit Christianity (Vuola 2012, 2015, 2016, 2017). ted from the narratives of feminist theor In this article, I expand intersectionality as a ising and historiographies of gender studies. tool to understand the interplay of religion I have been particularly interested in inter and gender to the study of Judaism. sectionality since as a theoretical tool it opens Intersectionality is not a unified theory or possibilities for religion to be included more approach. It is not a grand new theory, but substantially in gender theories. At the same rather one way of conceptualising a central time, I have been critical of the ways this has theoretical development in recent feminist theory. There are different ways of understand ing and using the concept of intersectionality 1 The importance of family and motherhood as well as various ways of understanding and came up in most interviews, but for the sake of this article, I will concentrate on the naming the object of intersectional analysis: two above-mentioned themes and write it can be asymmetries of power structure, about motherhood in forthcoming articles. identity (formation), difference and social
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Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 55 division (Lykke 2003: 48 and 2005; Nash explicitly present in feminist theology since 2008; Yuval-Davis 2006). Sometimes these the early 1970s (see detailed argument, Vuola differences are related to disciplinary dif 2017). Feminist theology – an umbrella term ferences, such as philosophy and sociology, for many early feminist initiatives in different resulting in differences of focus. What all the religious contexts, especially in the United approaches have in common is the analysis States – has been and is inter-religious, ecu of differences such as ethnicity, race and gen menical and global. The ecumenical and der, understood not only as forms of identity inter-faith organisations offered a concrete but as categories penetrated by social, cultural network of collaboration and mutual critique and political power. among feminist theologians from different Through intersectionality, a process of parts of the world in the 1960s and 1970s diversification of central concepts such as (Vuola 2016: 316). Interestingly, for the gender, women and the inclusion of differ sake of this article, the feminist theologian ences between women has happened through Rosemary Radford Ruether took different the inclusion of race, class, ethnicity and forms of oppression as her explicit starting sexual orientation in feminist theory. Inter point already in the 1970s. In addition to sex sectionality is a broad way of theorising gen ism and racism, Christian antisemitism and der in relation to these other differences and ecological issues have since been the focus of constructions of identity and selfhood, show her work. In her books and articles, she ana ing how a variety of oppressive structures – lyses gender, class issues, racism, colonialism, such as sexism and racism – influence these. antisemitism and environmental destruction Religion has rarely been mentioned among as interconnected forms of oppression and these differences, and even less so as an marginalisation (Ruether 1972, 1982: 52−4). empowering factor in spite of the insistence Other early feminist theologians shared of religious feminists from different parts of Ruether’s understanding. For example, in one the world. of the very first collections of feminist the As I have pointed out (Vuola 2017), ology from 1979,2 the editors, Carol Christ most theorists of intersectionality do not and Judith Plaskow, write: ‘this dualistic pat even mention religion (besides Crenshaw tern has been adapted to the oppression of 1989, and other widely quoted scholars such other groups, including Jews and blacks, who, as Davis 2008; Ludvig 2006; Lykke 2005; like women, are seen as more carnal and irra McCall 2005; Nash 2008). Several other tional than the dominant men’ (Christ and gender scholars of religion have also pointed Plaskow 1979: 5). It is noteworthy that this out this omission (e.g. Braude 2004; Castelli collection, probably the very first in feminist 2001: 4−5; Mahmood 2005: 1). Those scholars theology, includes articles by Christian and who do mention religion, even if on a rather Jewish, and post-Christian and post-Jewish general level, as one ‘difference’ or ‘category’ theologians. Besides the academy, the ecu to be considered tend to be those who think menical and inter-faith contexts have been within post-colonial feminism (e.g. Brah and significant for various forms of feminist Phoenix 2004: 83; Yuval-Davis 2006: 205). interpretations of religion. Within these, My argument, which can be sustained through historical records, is that what is called intersectionality, since Kimberlé 2 A European volume of feminist theology came out the same year. See Halkes and Crenshaw (1989) coined the term, has been Buddingh (1979).
56 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 the trans-national ecumenical dialogue of Intersectionality as a theoretical frame women from Christian churches expanded work has been used in some recent publica to dialogues between feminists from differ tions on gender and Judaism (in the Nordic ent religious traditions (see, for example, context, see Dahl and Thor Tureby 2009; Egnell 2006; Eck and Jain 1986; for newer Nylund Skog 2008; internationally, see, for Jewish feminist theological research, see, for example, Brettschneider 2017; Greenebaum example, Lahav 2015; Raphael 2003). 1999;4 Morgenshtern and Pollack 2016). In most of these studies, religion is not counted Intersectionality, feminist theology as an intersectional ‘difference’ or category. and Judaism Judaism and Jewishness are theorised almost exclusively at the intersections of class, gen The inclusion of gender (women, feminist der and ethnicity. Even when religion is approaches) in the study of religion in the explicitly mentioned as an intersectional cat 1970s was – and is – called feminist theology. egory (Dahl and Thor Tureby), Judaism as Although it has been largely a Christian religion is not analysed intersectionally. Maria enterprise, the early feminist theological Brettschneider’s book addresses the absence work included Jewish scholars. They often of Jewish subjects in intersectionality studies, called their work Jewish feminist theology. arguing that even though Jewish feminism However, the large body of work on women is a phenomenon reflective of intersectional and/or gender in Judaism should not be identification through the categories of gen reduced to this. Calling it theology is prob der, sexuality, ethnicity and religion, it has lematic, because of the nature of the work, but not dealt with race. Maria Morgenshtern and the term may also hide the specific nature of Shoshana Pollack use intersectional theory Jewish gender studies, which includes ethno in their research with Jewish immigrants to graphic research, textual analyses (Torah, Canada from the former Soviet Union, but Talmud), the study of halakhah, research on do not discuss either religion or gender. Their women in the history of Judaism, gendered interest is in expanding intersectional analy practices and teachings, Jewish masculinity sis to white, educated immigrant ‘others’. A studies, and so on (on the variety of Jewish similar interest is found in Susanne Nylund gender studies, see, for example, Adler 1998; Skog’s article (2008), in which she analyses Baskin 1998, 2015; Biale 1995; Fader 2009; Jewishness in the context of critical whiteness Goldstein 2009; Greenspahn 2009; Hartman studies. 2007; Heschel 1983; Labovitz 2011; Neriya- Ben Shahar 2018; Peskowitz and Levitt the very term Jewish studies is debated. 1997; Plaskow 1990; Raphael 2003; Ross Some have even asserted that Jewish 2004; Sztokman 2011). Probably the most studies is as old as Judaism itself, because correct term to use for this extensive and internal scholarly production is evident in growing body of work is Jewish gender stud the biblical corpus and throughout Jewish history (Bell 2015: 1). ies or gender studies in Judaism, which can 4 Greenebaum’s article appears in a special include specifically theological work, whether issue of the journal Race, Gender and Class one calls it feminist theology or not.3 focusing entirely on the Jewish American context. Her article pays critical attention to the resistance to include Jewish women 3 Because of this broad variety and the inter and their ‘difference’ in intersectional dis disciplinarity of research on Judaism today, courses.
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 57 In other words, a critical reconstruction feminist theology since its beginning, even and deconstruction of religion through an when it was called something else. Thus, it is intersectional analysis is not carried out in not a product of ‘secular’ feminist theory, but any of these studies, in which intersectionality it has a history within the study of religion, covers the common categories of race, gender although this is not acknowledged in the and ethnicity in the context of Judaism. This historiography of feminist thought. While is understandable when Judaism is under early feminist theology was predominantly stood primarily in terms of ethnicity and cul Christian, it is important to note the presence ture. It may also be reflective of disciplinary of research into other religious traditions. differences. The interest and focus of feminist These include Judaism. theologians and other gender scholars of reli Especially when the focus is on gender, gion is, obviously, in religion: the perspec intersectionality may function as a theoretical tives of gender, race, class and ethnicity are tool to understand the interaction – between brought into the analysis of religion. Scholars belonging to the Jewish people, culture, and in other fields, including gender studies, may religion – in the study of diaspora minor take religion into account as one possible ity Jewish communities. There is a variety intersectional category (even when this is not of Judaisms as they are lived historically and common), but religion qua religion is often contemporarily in different cultural contexts. left intact. This happens in spite of the exist The Finnish Jewish community is unique in ence of Jewish feminist theology, which – like many ways, not least when analysed from its Christian counterpart – directs its atten a gender perspective. Naming the sense of tion to the androcentrism and sexism of the belonging to the Jewish people ‘ethnicity’ is, central teachings of Judaism. according to my understanding, not correct Hagar Lahav makes a similar point about in spite of belonging and ethnicity overlap Jewish feminist theology. Also in the context ping to some extent. Also, the small Finnish of Jewish gender studies, the theological work Jewish community is multi-ethnic, as people is often set aside or not paid enough atten come from a variety of cultural backgrounds.5 tion. She simultaneously affirms the view that Religion could be counted as one of the Judaism is not only a religion, but also ethnic differences or categories in intersectional ity and culture (Lahav 2015: 357) and that analyses. As is the case in the more usual Jewish (feminist) theology should be used categories – class, race, ethnicity – religion, as a tool of analysis (ibid. 363). She quotes too, is often inseparable from one’s identity the prominent Jewish feminist theologian formation and social position. In many con Judith Plaskow when saying that ‘theology is texts, it is difficult – if not impossible – to largely situated at the fringes of Jewish femi ‘separate’ religion from one’s understanding nist discourse both within and outside Israel. The discourse accords much concern to prac 5 There are only a few ethnographic stud tices, the status of women in various institu ies on the Finnish Jewish community. Besides my own project, there are three tions, and critical analysis of texts, but not unpublished MA theses (Czimbalmos to theology.’ Plaskow’s work, like that of her 2016; Larsson 2014; Shaul 2017), which Christian colleagues, was aimed at the trans are based on interviews, and the recently formation of ( Jewish, Christian) religion. started ongoing research project ‘Boundar As I have argued elsewhere (Vuola 2017), ies of Jewish Identities in Contemporary Finland’, in which ethnographic interviews the idea of intersectionality was present in will be one source of information.
58 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 of oneself, individually, socially and culturally. reflection of the secular, but operates accord This is especially clear in those cases where ing to its own logic too; gender asymmetries people have some kind of attachment to their legitimised by religion are analysed also – and religious tradition, which can include a crit possibly primarily – within different religious ical and questioning attitude to it. As in the traditions. case of race or ethnicity, the relationship to The interplay of continuity and change one’s religion is contested, multi-faceted and characterise all religious traditions, and es evolving. In all these categories, the relation pecially the monotheistic religions of the ship is both about embodied and holistic book: how to interpret the tradition and the ways of being oneself in a given society at foundational texts in different times and con a given time, and about the discrimination, texts and at the same time be rooted in the marginalisation and stereotypisation one tradition? This question is central in issues of faces on the basis of race, ethnicity and gen gender and sexuality. Finnish Jewish women der. Thus, one’s multi-layered identity as a negotiate with religious laws and practices as Jew also includes the history and contempor modern, often secular, minority women in a ary experiences of antisemitism even when society in which gender equality is often pre religion does not play a central role in one’s sented as the yardstick of modernity. Jewish self-identification. Since Judaism cannot be defined only Furthermore, if religion is considered as through or as religion (see, for example, a difference, as an important social division Dencik 1993; Lahav 2015: 357) but also and producer of power asymmetries, which as a sense of belonging to a people – which the concept of intersectionality aims to the includes customs, history and traditions, expe orise, it is crucial to understand religion in riences and values – intersectionality may be terms of both power (religious institutions, one fruitful way to understand how these ele laws, elites, moral codes, etc.) and as part of ments come together in the lived experiences one’s identity, also positively, for both women of contemporary Jewish women in a specific and men. Religion, together with gender, context, namely the largely Christian Finland. ethnicity, class and so on, can thus help us to As a scholar of religion, my interest is, understand the inter-structuring of all these among other issues, in my informants’ views aspects, which can be explained in terms of on Judaism as religion, even when Judaism is identity or power struggle. not reduced to it (by me or by them). Thus, in It is crucial that scholars of religion pay this article, I use intersectionality as a way to attention to sexist interpretations and prac analyse religion too. A conscious look at the tices within religions, but this should be done intersection of gender and religion reveals, on in relation to women’s religious agency. In the one hand, that religion should be analysed intersectional analyses, religion could thus from the perspective of gender, and gender be seen both as a ‘difference’ between women from the perspective from religion, on the of different cultures and religions but also other. In other words, I consider religion as within a given religious tradition and society an intersectional category in relation to other and as a gendered critique of religion. This categories but I also go further by extending makes it possible to understand religion both an intersectional analysis of religion.6 as a structure of power and as a source of empowerment and positive identity. Religion 6 I hope to be able to write more about the as an intersectional category is not merely a theological elements in my data as well as
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 59 Interviews with Finnish Jewish women specific Finnish practice mostly for children In 2015–16, together with Dóra Pataricza, I whose father is Jewish and the non-Jewish interviewed fifty Finnish Jewish women in mother has not converted; these interviewees Helsinki and Turku, where the two Finnish had a lifelong experience of Jewish life, fam Jewish communities are located.7 The women ily and identity from their father’s side. With interviewed were born between 1928 and these restrictions, my final data for this article 1997, most of them between the 1940s and consists of thirty-eight interviews.8 1970s. Thus, most of the interviewees were The names and exact ages of the inform middle-aged at the time of the interview. ants have been changed. With regard to age, Twenty per cent of the interviewees had their I have grouped the informants in three gen origin outside Finland but all had lived there erations: the oldest generation (those born for several years. Twenty-eight per cent of the in the 1920s and 1930s), the middle gen informants had converted to Judaism at some eration (born between the 1940s and 1970s) point in their lives, most of them because and the young generation (born in the 1980s of marriage with a Jewish man. I leave out and 1990s) in order to secure their anonym the converts as well as those who had lived ity in the small community. When citing my in Finland less than ten years, but include informants, I will refer to them by pseudo those who had gone through the child giur, a nyms and generations. All the translations from Finnish into English are mine. to analyse the interviews theologically, with The initial call for interviews was made the help of Jewish feminist theologians. For through the Helsinki Jewish community’s the sake of this article, I present my more journal and membership list. However, most general argument about the importance of potential interviewees were approached by not just religion but also feminist theology in intersectional gender studies. So far, I Pataricza or myself directly, in order to have have done this in the context of Christian a representative sample with respect to age ity. and other factors, as well as to cover also the 7 The research was realised as part of the Turku community. Most interviews were project ‘Embodied Religion: Changing roughly an hour long, some shorter, some Meanings of Body and Gender in Con 9 temporary Forms of Religious Identity longer. The interviews were based on a semi- in Finland’, funded by the Academy of structured model, according to which there Finland and directed by myself (2013–17), was a list of questions that were followed, but in which we studied certain religious the interviewees significantly influenced both minorities in Finland, especially from the perspective of gender and minority status. the process and the content of the interviews. The project questioned such approaches to Thus, there are differences between the topics religion, and especially to religious women, that are either culturally obtuse (seeing 8 Conversion is a complex process, and secularisation as inevitable and natural) or especially so in the case of Judaism. Under openly negative (seeing people, particularly standing the Jewish identities of those women, as victims). By taking religious women who have converted as adults people’s agency as a starting point, the would demand an analysis of its own. project highlighted the dynamics between I hope to do this in the future. continuity and change within religious 9 All interviewees signed a consent prior to traditions. I warmly thank all the women the interview. The interviews were recorded who shared their thoughts with me, as well and transcribed, and they will be placed at as the Jewish communities of Helsinki and the Finnish Social Science Data Archive in Turku for their trust and practical support. Tampere.
60 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 Elina Vuola
The new mikveh of the Helsinki community.
covered and the extent the women shared How would you describe women’s position their personal histories. in the Finnish Jewish community? Further The most important themes in the pre- questions involved experiences of minority designed set of questions included the fol status in Finland and possible experiences lowing: What is your religious/Jewish back of antisemitism as well as changes in these ground and your relationship to Judaism areas during the interviewee’s lifetime. Thus, (family background, possible conversion, the entire set of interviews was based on an Jewish/non-Jewish marriage, children raised intersectional understanding of the interplay Jewish or not)? How would you describe of gender, age, ethnicity, national identity and your Jewish identity? What kind of Jewish religion. However, because of the richness of upbringing (family, school, community) do the interviews, it is possible to analyse them you have? Do you bring up your own children from a variety of theoretical perspectives, Jewish and what does it include? On a more intersectionality – which I do here – being gender-focused level, the questions included: one of them.10 How would you describe what it means to be a Jewish woman (this included sometimes, but 10 In a forthcoming volume (in Finnish), not always, direct questions about the use of which includes articles by the research mikveh, purity regulations, women’s mitzvot, team and its different empirical case studies, I analyse my data on the Finnish etc.)? What is your relationship to the Jewish Jewish women from the perspective of lived community? And to its gendered practices? religion.
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 61 Women’s perceptions of the Jewish Orthodox Judaism constitutes one of the most community important distinctions among contemporary Modern Orthodox and Haredi Jews. Mod The first broad theme by which I will ana ern Orthodox women believe that enhancing lyse my data is my informants’ views of the their religious knowledge and status are per gendered practices of their Orthodox Jewish missible according to the halakhah (see, for community. This issue was at the heart of example, Berman 2001; Taubes 2018). the research: as mentioned, one of my main Most of the women interviewed did not interests was how women perceive their com disagree with having men’s and women’s sec munity, including in religious terms. How do tions in the synagogue. Most of them did they negotiate with the gendered structures, not feel excluded or undervalued as women. practices and teachings of the community? There were those who did, however, which They could approach this question from any reflects the variety of opinions in the commu angle and frame it as they found proper: some nity from a gender perspective. By and large, talked about gender equality, some did not. Finnish Jewish women live like any Finnish The self-understanding of the Finnish woman: educated, equal in many ways, work Jewish community is Modern Orthodoxy, ing outside the home, a spouse and mother. which means a sometimes difficult balance Being a Finnish Jewish woman was often between the commitment to the observance positively mentioned by those informants of the halakhah, the Jewish law, and a secu who had been able to compare with different lar, modern life. Even though Finnish Jews forms of female Jewish life internationally. have always understood their community as Many women emphasised how Judaism Orthodox, they have also integrated fully into is a woman-friendly religion and tradition, Finnish society. In practical terms, this means and sexist rulings are rather a result of power that the ritual space and much of the commu issues. For example, Beth of the middle gen nity life are organised according to Orthodox eration commented: rules, but in every other respect the members live like any other Finns – with some dif [Changes] are not possible in Finland, ferences such as Jewish holidays and dietary because we have such men’s power here rules. Thus, Orthodoxy is mostly restricted to that they think that the community in the ritual setting (synagogue) but otherwise Helsinki should not have a female chair the vast majority of Finnish Jews find it prac person; it is difficult to imagine, even tically impossible to live an Orthodox Jewish though it was possible in Turku.11 […] life in Finland. There is thus a kind of con Judaism is in principle more equal than any tinuum of Orthodox Judaism, in which some other religion. […] It is a religion where all are closer to the standard understanding of Jews, men and women, can approach God what Orthodox Judaism consists of, some do directly. All the other religions have some not even seek it, and most accede to having kind of mediator – Jesus in Christianity, an Orthodox ritual space and a non-Ortho Mohammed in Islam. They are male role dox, but nevertheless Jewish, life outside the models. In Judaism, we do not need these synagogue. Gender issues are at the heart of any definition of a community’s level of Ortho 11 The spokesperson of the Jewish Commu nity of Turku was for a long time a woman, doxy. Internationally, the role of women in Ruth Hasan.
62 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 mediators. Every woman and man can to have a deeper, more complete role in the approach God directly. And God has no religious life. figure. God is spirit, Shekinah. Anita is among those women who ex Beth stressed her spirituality and faith al pressed an interest in women’s religious edu though she considered herself a rather secular cation. Some expressed the need for greater Jew. She said she even thought of becom opportunities for women to develop a knowl ing a rabbi, when she was young. Beth was edge of their religion and to deepen their one of the interviewees who had studied spirituality – something that would be totally Jewish women’s (feminist) theology. On this possible even in an Orthodox setting. There basis, she was of the opinion that women’s have been intentions of forming women’s (restricted) role is not halakhic but rather study groups. This was considered important a result of society and community, ruled by by very different kinds of women, but was men until very recently. accentuated among the converts. Depending Anita of the middle generation was also on one’s background, there is a great variety very critical of male power in the community: in Finnish women’s knowledge of Judaism, texts and practices. It is important to note Well, it always seems to be men in the that this wish for a women’s study group positions of power in the community. But was expressed as an interest in learning more women are involved, and they do a lot of about one’s religion: the Torah, Talmud, the things, but it’s all men in power, in posi halakhah, other texts and teachings, and the tions of power. Who, what woman has a intellectual heritage of Judaism as religion. position of power there? Absolutely none. This is noteworthy, because most interview ees did not define Judaism primarily as reli She, too, was quite learned in Judaism. gion or themselves as religious. Bat mitzvah for girls was introduced in Well, I don’t agree with some of these basic the mid-seventies, and it was considered a prescripts of Orthodox Judaism, because positive development by the interviewees. of the gender disparity. […] I have studied Older women who did not experience it Judaism in different places in great depth, approved the development, in spite of girls’ Orthodox Judaism and the history of bat mitzvah not being identical in the amount Judaism. […] What I might have got is a of education and ritual importance with boys’ small kernel as a child, but I have educated bar mitzvah. myself. I see a lot that I really respect and Similarly, the construction of a new, appreciate about Orthodoxy, but I have beautiful mikveh in the Helsinki community issues with the gender disparity. some years ago was considered important by the informants, even though most Finnish EV: And what is the main problem for Jewish women do not use it. When there you? were critical views, they were mainly about the money spent on its construction. For Anita: Lack of choice in religious par example, Chana of the middle generation ticipation. […] I am not interested in said: becoming a rabbi, but I think that there are women who have a deep spiritual longing
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 63 I have seen the new mikveh, it is really a storage space for car tyres, and the women beautiful. I have not been in it, though. interviewed there said that they did not even […] It is difficult to know how many remember their mothers and grandmothers women use it. […] There were problems ever using it. The observance of niddah only because of the amount of money (separation due to ritual impurity) has thus, spent. Otherwise not, because a community among Finnish Jewish women, died out a must have a mikveh – it is part of Judaism. long time ago – if it was ever even a reality, […] I have been in mikveh before my wed which is difficult to know. If middle-aged ding, and after that I have not. women said their mothers and grandmothers did not use it or teach its use to their daugh Chana believes it is especially the converted ters, it most probably means that the prac and some originally non-Finnish women tice was never really observed among Finnish who use the mikveh. The growth in its use is Jewish women – even those considered very a result of growing immigration and conver traditional and pious by other standards. sion for religious, not family, reasons. She, One reason why the Orthodox gendered too, states how in her circle of friends, from practices, such as the gender separation in the old Finnish Jewish families, nobody uses the synagogue, were accepted and endorsed the mikveh – this in spite of her insistence on was the small size of the community and its importance for Judaism and Jewish life. the possibility of keeping it open to all kinds Also Anita simultaneously affirms the of Jews, including the most observant ones. importance of the mikveh for Judaism in gen Maintaining Orthodox standards, even when eral and her personal lack of observance: not followed by most beyond the synagogue, makes it possible for everybody to participate I really support the mikveh. Even though it and be included. One’s own wishes or stand has never been a part of my life, I recognise ards were thus not the yardstick for greater the extreme importance and value of the equality but rather the survival of the com mikveh for the community, and I agree with munity. Even those women who were willing the idea that this was rebuilt. […] This is a to get rid of the separate seating did not really basic tenet of Orthodox Judaism, and this push for it. is an Orthodox community: there has to In several interviews, however, criticism be a kosher mikveh, has to be. And it also was expressed of practices considered out serves so many important roles in terms of dated or meaningless, such as the purity laws the community, and the ritual within the or the introduction of a mechitza (a curtain community. I think it’s really important. separating men and women) in the prayer- […] It is not something that I follow, but room as well as of patriarchal attitudes and I have been to mikveh on more than one hierarchical structures. Especially the recent occasion. mechitza in the downstairs prayer-room raised open criticism. This was the norm That the mikveh has not been and is not among the interviewees dealt with here –Jews part of (most) Finnish Jewish female life is by birth – but also among converts. Women’s an important sign of tension between the critical evaluation of some important gender- Orthodoxy of the community and the de based differentiations in the community were facto lifestyle and lived Judaism of Finnish thus shared by both groups, even though to Jews. In Turku, the old mikveh was used as a much lesser degree among the converts.
64 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 Elina Vuola
The mechitza in the prayer room at the Helsinki community.
Conversion to Orthodox Judaism lessened prayers on Fridays. There were women among but did not eliminate gender-based criticism. those interviewed who said they would like All the women who mentioned the to attend on Fridays, but the single most mechitza (a velvet curtain) in the minyan12 important reason for why they chose not to room were critical of it. They represented participate was the mechitza. It was described different ages and backgrounds, but none of as uncomfortable because the small space them felt positive about it – in spite of the behind it made women feel trapped. This fact that almost nobody among our inter is no surprise, since the mechitza, when viewees questioned the separation of men and mounted, really leaves only a few square women in the synagogue where women sit in metres in the back of the room for women to the balcony area and men are downstairs. The stand in. The mechitza is made of somewhat interviewees were wondering when and why transparent material, which makes it possible the mechitza was introduced, because it had (but difficult) for women to see – but at the not always been there. A man in a respon same time, it does not render women totally sible position in the community said that it invisible, which puts into question the whole had been introduced as late as the late 1990s, motivation for its introduction. when some women started to want to attend According to younger-generation Dania,
It [the mechitza] really bothers me. […] I 12 The quorum of ten Jewish adults required for certain religious obligations, which in know that according to Orthodox belief, Orthodox Judaism includes only men. a man should not be distracted when
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 65 praying. […] But I have to say that it [the Being a Jewish woman in contemporary mechitza] is one reason why I don’t come to Finland pray on Fridays, because I just can’t stand it. […] It is ridiculous, I think it is totally For my informants, Finnishness and Jewish ridiculous. ness are inseparable – overlapping but not identical. Belonging to a minority defines Also in Turku, some women commented one’s Finnishness even when one’s national on the mechitza in their ‘small shul ’ down identity is clear: ‘I am a Finnish woman who stairs in the community building. They has a Jewish religion’ as Rachel (middle gen expressed similar opinions to the women in eration) states. The problematisation of one’s Helsinki: it was considered no problem that Finnishness and Jewishness – or the possible women and men do not sit together in the opposition of the two – do not usually stem synagogue, but women felt discomfort in the from oneself but from the surrounding soci small space behind the curtain. The women in ety. My informants did not call it antisemit Turku expressed their sentiments as bluntly ism, of which they did have some experience, as the women in Helsinki: but it was understood as the result of the invisiblity of Judaism in Finland and the low I don’t like to be in the little shul. There are level of knowledge shown by Finns about it. a handful of women, and then some curtain is drawn in front of them. […] If I put I have been asked ‘are you a Finn or a Jew?’ it in one word, that is stupid. We are an Well, I said that I am very much a Finn Orthodox community, but really we aren’t [sighs and becomes emotional] but in the any more. […] I think we could be much end I am a Jew. […] It is very difficult for more open nowadays in these issues. an average Finn to understand that I am as (Gabi, middle generation) much a Finn as one can be. But I am Jew ish. […] There are so many ways to be Interviewees in Turku believed that more a Jew. I confess I am very traditional. But women would attend if services were held only I am not so religious. […] The truth is that in the upstairs synagogue, not in the minyan we are assimilated traditional Jews. room. It was the rule in Turku because of the (Leah, middle generation) old age of the members, who had difficulties in getting upstairs by the stairs. For example, The difficulty of explaining – and even Gabi was of the opinion that more women putting in words – this intersection of Finn would attend if the mechitza were removed ish (national) and Jewish (ethnic, cultural, or if the prayers were held in the synagogue religious) identities to outsiders reflects the where women have more physical freedom overlapping and intertwined aspects of one’s and space and do not feel shut out. Thus, it identity, which all theories of intersectional is not the gender separation in itself which ity aim to describe. In the lived experience, it offends women, but the very concrete prac is impossible to prioritise one category over tice of shutting them out, which made them the other (is one first a Jew, and then a Finn, feel not only uncomfortable but also humili etc.), even when this may be the expectation ated and excluded. of other people. Judith, too, identifies herself as both a Finn and a Jew, inseparably. At the same time,
66 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 her Finnishness is coloured by the Jewish by it. The absence of Holocaust has meant experience: a continuation of generations and traditions among Finnish Jews: many informants talked The legacy from home has been so strong fondly of their grandparents and how these that I never had to question my identity. taught them Jewish traditions – an intergen So that if someone asks me what am I erational link that was destroyed in Central more, a Finn or a Jew, it is difficult to and Eastern Europe.13 answer, because I am both. But the older Most of my informants did not express I become, the more I experience being any conflict or tension between the gender some kind of outsider in this culture. That equality ideals of Finnish society and their I always have had the experience of not Jewishness. In fact, Finnishness as a crucial being exactly the same as others. That I part of one’s identity was often positively cannot identify myself fully, even though linked to the position of women: the oppor I am really Finnish, and many aspects of tunity to educate oneself, to combine work Finnishness are familiar and dear to me. and family, and to have an equal share of […] In that sense, Judaism is interesting, duties in the family context. Some said that because it is not just a religion and not just their Finnishness is positively accentuated a culture […] it is difficult to put in words in international Jewish contexts: they feel, as or explain [laughs]. […] Well, for example, Jewish women, that the high level of equality all my life I have heard about the Nazis and in Finnish society is something exceptional the concentration camps and I have been and important. They are used to it and they conscious of that tragedy affecting also my embrace it, also as Jewish women. extended family. But I have always thought Since most Finnish Jewish women live in about it, you know, rationally: like, OK, mixed marriages, one interesting issue that this has happened, and I can tell that my came up in several interviews was the role of grandfather faced this and that. I have seen the non-Jewish husband, which we started movies and I have cried, but it has been to call the ‘tolerant Finnish man’. He allows more compassion for someone else. But his children to be raised Jewish, attend the now, for the first time, it has happened that Jewish kindergarten and school, and his sons […] when a few years ago I visited that to be circumcised. He celebrates Sabbath and [Holocaust] memorial in Berlin […] I sort Jewish holidays at his home and may follow of physically collapsed. Even now I get this Jewish dietary laws even if the home is not feeling [becomes emotional] of a connec fully kosher – all this without converting to tion to my own history, emotionally, that Judaism. According to many informants, their it is not just what has happened to others non-Jewish husbands respect and support but it has happened also to me. That I carry their wife’s Jewishness. In that sense, mixed that history myself. And that, me too – it marriage was not experienced as a problem by could [have happened to me]. my informants, who said that as mothers they ( Judith, middle generation) are able to raise their children Jewish. As was said above, many interviewees Even though there was no Holocaust in stated how little Finns know about Judaism. Finland in the same sense as in Central Eur This ignorance can be revealed as curiosity ope, many Finnish Jewish families have more distant relatives who were directly affected 13 I thank Dóra Pataricza for this observation.
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 67 but also as stereotypes. One can live in peace When thought of intersectionally, the in Finland, and Finnish society is respected, growth of antisemitism means, among other but according to several informants, the situ things, that one’s Jewishness becomes a source ation has been changing for the worse. of experienced difference and otherness. An Open antisemitism is pervasive and earlier positive minority identity becomes a growing in Europe. In December 2018, in source of fear and prejudice, causing Finnish a report by the European Union Agency for Jews too to hide their Jewish identity and to Fundamental Rights, thousands of European be careful about who they talk with about it. Jews related that they had experienced a The rapidly changed situation shows in anti physical, antisemitic attack in the past year, semitic comments, threats against the Jewish while 28 per cent said they had been harassed. community and the subsequent feeling of The survey was carried out in twelve EU insecurity, as well as the fear of visibly wear member states where most of European Jews ing Jewish symbols such as Magen David (the live (FRA 2018). Finland was not included, Star of David). but Sweden has seen one of the sharpest For example, Judith says somewhat jok rises of antisemitism. One of the informants, ingly that ‘it is a different thing to say that younger-generation Jael, who had lived in you come from Tampere from saying that you Sweden, said that it was more difficult to be are a Jew’, because a Jew in Sweden. She linked this to a greater respect for minorities and their right to pre people know so little about Judaism, really. serve their identity in Finland. According to I have been sort of disappointed [laughs] her, there is more pressure to assimilate and that people don’t know anything. […] It integrate in Sweden, and secularism or even has been a shock for me since I socialise atheism is the norm. Obviously, she was not with highly educated people. That they just a Jew but also a Finn, thus experiencing don’t know, or know very little. […] I the pressure doubly. believe there are many stereotypes, but I There is lack of information about current have not faced these much. If people know antisemitism in Finland, but my informants’ [that I am Jewish], they mostly avoid the views were consistent with the EU report: subject, I think. There must be stereotypes the situation has become worse in a very […] but, yes, very seldom. It is rather short time span. The insecurity and fear are that people don’t really care. They are not real even when Finnish Jews have not experi interested, they don’t ask [laughs], it is a enced a violent attack. The small size of a pity, because I would be happy if they were Jewish community does not protect its mem more interested. (Judith, middle gener bers from antisemitism – quite the contrary, ation) it can possibly be the other way round.14 Also Dania of the younger generation says that it is very easy to live as a Jew in 14 In a recent seminar on antisemitism and Finland, but Islamophobia in Helsinki, Professor Rafal Pankowski (Security and Crisis Centre of European Jewish Congress) pointed out that the size of the community does least diverse societies in Europe, but levels not correspond with the hostility, taking of both antisemitism and Islamophobia are his native Poland as an example. Poland among the highest in Europe (Pankowski is today one of the most monoethnic and 2019).
68 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 When these incidents in Europe – in Swe Susanna: No, I haven’t. The only thing is den and in Hungary – happened, I noticed that when people want to talk about Israel, that I stopped wearing my Magen David. but I am not an Israeli. So, you are then I always had it, until about four years ago. like, ‘I cannot really comment on that’. When these attacks in Malmö and Copen hagen happened, I took it away. EV: Is it then like when someone knows you are Jewish, they ask you about Israel? EV: So you started to feel like you don’t want to show it? Susanna: Yes. Not like right away, but they may sometimes ask ‘so what do you think Dania: Yes, and it is really sad. In a way about it?’ And I am like: ‘Well … there I feel that I am cheating myself for not are idiots and there are normal people wearing it, but […] I am afraid of someone there.’ I cannot say anything else [laughs]. judging me because of it hanging around It is annoying that Israel and the Jews are my neck. linked together right away, because I am not interested in what is going on there. In the EU survey, the media was named […] On the other hand, if things get really as the second-most important area of society bad, I would be glad to be there [laughs]. (after the internet) where antisemitic com ments are made. Many of my informants There is, then, the unfortunate possibility stated, for example, how they avoid talking that the growth of antisemitism in Europe about the situation in Israel with non-Jewish will alter the long tradition of Finnish Jews people. The public discussion of the Israel– feeling both safe and proud of being Finnish Palestine conflict feeds antisemitism, they Jews. fear. It is considered contradictory, because Possibilities and limitations of inter I’d rather not talk about the politics of sectionality Israel with Finns, because […] I myself oppose many things but at least I try to In this article, I have aimed to apply the figure out what the point in the conflict concept of intersectionality to the study of is. That it is not just because they are Jews. Judaism, and more specifically contemporary You have to be really informed to know Finnish Jewish women. I argue that inter why the conflict is there, what the reasons sectionality may illuminate some aspects of behind it are, and so on. (Rachel, middle Jewish diaspora identities, mainly because generation) the surrounding cultural and societal context affects any Jewish experience so much. In the Also the youngest interviewees referred to case of Finland, this is most clearly to be seen this – for example Susanna, who has been to in issues related to gender. Israel a few times: Even when Judaism is not understood primarily as religion – something that most EV: Have you ever experienced anti of my interviewees agreed with – the reli semitism? gious aspect cannot be arbitrarily cut off. Besides religion, an intersectional analysis includes aspects of belonging to the Jewish
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 69 people, Jewish traditions and values. Thus, Attention to women’s views of their reli experiences of the minority status and grow gion makes clear that they do not necessarily ing antisemitism are important to take into follow the gendered practices or obligations account in the lived Jewish experience. All of their religion. They often just ignore them. these overlap with gender. In the case of Judaism and my data, this is There is lack of interaction between clearly shown in how ritual purity regulations feminist theology – in all religious traditions (niddah), including the use of mikveh, have – and women’s lived religious experiences, not been followed by most Finnish Jewish self-identification and agency. This lack of women in decades. It can be said that it has interaction is true of most Jewish gender not been part of Finnish Jewish women’s studies as well. In the future, a richer and identity. As such, it reflects what I said above: more substantial dialogue between gender that gendered religious teachings – even when theories, Jewish gender studies, Jewish femi considered imperative – should not be taken nist theology and ethnographic research will as the yardstick of women’s lived experiences. be important. Simply ignoring some obligations and not As I argued at the beginning of this considering it a problem – even among the article, it is both important and possible to oldest generation – is more a result of the treat religion intersectionally as a ‘difference’ gender ideals of the surrounding society and among women as well as to analyse religion culture than of a conscious feminist critique as a cross-cutting element with other differ of one’s religion. ences, identity categories and power asym Changes to a stricter direction in the metries. However, it is imperative to distin community, such as the introduction of the guish between different aspects of religion mechitza in the prayer room of the Helsinki – the institutional, cultural, ethical, doctrinal community, were by and large considered and spiritual – in order to avoid reducing unnecessary and harmful. It was criticised any religious tradition to a single aspect. It especially by the more observant women is essential that scholars pay critical attention (some of whom were converts, not analysed to sexist interpretations and practices within here), who wanted more participation. It was religions, but this should be made in relation in fact women’s greater participation in the to women’s religious and other agency. This is prayers that made some men in the commu exactly what I wanted to do when interview nity demand the mounting of the mechitza ing Finnish Jewish women. even in a place where it had never been before. There is no singular liberal-secular society The influence of the surrounding soci above different historical, cultural, linguistic ety – and its gender ideals – was seen in my and religious contexts. No broad generalisa informants’ understanding of themselves as tions of Judaism (even Orthodox Judaism) both Finns and Jews. Their Finnishness was should be made only on the basis of its gen accentuated in international Jewish contexts, dered teachings. My data makes clear that probably especially Orthodox ones. On the even when gendered practices and teachings one hand, being a Finnish Jewish woman are criticised, the broader cultural context is was experienced as a distinctive and posi a stronger factor in Finnish Jewish women’s tive identity. On the other hand, the growing lived experience. The Finnish Jewish com sense of conflict between one’s Finnishness munity is strongly shaped by the surrounding and Jewishness was not expressed in gen social and cultural context. dered terms but rather as a result of Finnish
70 Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 Elina Vuola
The Turku community prayer room.
people’s stereotypes and lack of knowledge women’s greater participation and represen about Judaism and, more recently, of growing tation – without violating Jewish law. antisemitism and the tendency to blame all Consideration of the Finnish Jewish Jews for Israel’s policies. community, especially when analysed from The Finnish Jewish community is unique an intersectional gender perspective, makes it when analysed from a gender perspective. clear that there is no single Orthodox Judaism Its ‘Finnish Orthodoxy’ is an outcome of a which is guided by a strict observance of the long history of integration into the gender- halakhah and its normative interpretations. equality norms and ideals of the surround Rather, the influence of the cultural context, ing society as well as the high level of inter specific history and the gender norms of the marriage. Those gendered practices such as surrounding society affect all Jewish commu separate spaces in the synagogue were by nities to some extent. and large accepted and not considered a big The uniqueness of the Finnish com problem. Women did not want to ‘shake the munity is in its creative tension between its small boat’ on stormy waters by demanding self-identification as (Modern) Orthodox drastic changes, because they did not feel and its non-observance of many important oppressed and limited as women. The male aspects of Orthodox Judaism, especially in power hierarchy in the community was not issues related to gender (intermarriage, nid- seen as something unique to the Jewish com dah). This does not mean that the commu munity but as a more general problem in all nity does not have the right to its current spheres of society. The women expressed how self-identification, which in the end keeps some practices could be changed to enhance the small minority alive in a society where it
Nordisk judaistik • Scandinavian Jewish Studies | Vol. 30, No. 1 71 Linda Tammisto is practically impossible to live an Orthodox Elina Vuola ThD is life such as in Israel, London or New York. Professor of Global Christianity and Finnish Jewish women are important ‘bal Dialogue of Religions ance keepers’ in this situation through their at the Faculty of Theology, University of deep commitment to the tradition and Jewish Helsinki, Finland. Her life at the same time as they define the bor research has covered feminist theology, ders of Orthodox Judaism for themselves. In liberation theology, practice, this means that the gender-equality Latin American gender norms of secular society are taken for granted studies and religious minorities in Finland and even cherished. This results in somewhat from the perspective separate norms in the secular and religious of body and gender. She has been a visiting scholar at the Departamento Ecuménico de spheres, which were accepted to avoid too Investicaciones in San José, Costa Rica (1991–3, dramatic a change in the small community. 1999–2000) as well as at the Women’s Studies in Religion Program at the Harvard Divinity School Many informants openly questioned and (2002–3) and the Crown Family Center for Jewish challenged male hierarchy and power use. and Israel Studies at Northwestern University in Even more, practices considered irrelevant the United States. were simply ignored. Some women ques tioned androcentric teachings by contrasting References them with a view of Judaism as supportive of gender equality and a view of God as beyond Adler, Rachel, 1998. Engendering Judaism: An Inclusive Theology and Ethics (Philadelphia, gender. This is a similar tactic to that used by The Jewish Publication Society) women in other religious traditions: their cri Baskin, Judith R., 1998. Jewish Women in tique of androcentrism is based on an alter Historical Perspective, 2nd edn (Detroit, native interpretation of one’s religion, which Wayne State University Press) sees sexist practices as results of male power, ———2015. ‘Women, gender, and Judaism’, The Bloomsbury Companion to Jewish Studies, not religion as such. Judaism as religion, just ed. Dean P. Bell (London, Bloomsbury), pp. like any religious tradition, can be experi 229–50 enced by women as both a structure of patri Bell, Dean Phillip, 2015. ‘Introduction’, archal power to be questioned and as a source The Bloomsbury Companion to Jewish Studies, ed. Dean P. Bell (London, Bloomsbury), of empowerment. In fact, through the ethno pp. 1–21 graphic method – when ordinary women are Berman, Rabbi Shaul J., 2001. ‘The ideology of interviewed – this double view often comes Modern Orthodoxy’, Sh’ma, February, pp. 1–2 to the fore.15 It is important to hear and ana Biale, Rachel, 1995. Women and Jewish Law: lyse these views in greater depth in the con The Essential Texts, Their History, and Their Relevance for Today, 2nd edn (New York, text of Judaism, since they correspond with Schocken Books) Jewish feminist theology, an important but Brah, Avtar, and Ann Phoenix, 2004. ‘Ain’t I a often ignored body of scholarly work. woman? Revisiting intersectionality’, Journal of International Women’s Studies, 5(3), pp. 75–86 Braude, Ann, 2004. ‘Introduction’, Transforming the Faiths of Our Fathers: Women Who Changed American Religion, ed. Ann Braude (New York, Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 1–11 15 I have also interviewed Catholic Costa Brettschneider, Maria, 2016. Jewish Feminism and Rican and Orthodox Christian Finnish Intersectionality (Albany, State University of women (see Vuola 2019, forthcoming). New York Press)
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