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Notes Introduction: Historiography and theory 1. Archivio Centrale dello Stato [henceforth ACS], Ministero dell’Interno [henceforth MI] Divisione Generale di Pubblica Sicurezza [henceforth DGPS], 1935, b.7 report from the Prefecture of Venice, 12 Nov. 1935. The islands of Venice are divided into six districts or sestieri: San Marco, Castello, Cannaregio, Dorsoduro, San Polo and Santa Croce. 2. R. De Felice (1974) Mussolini il Duce. Gli anni del consenso 1929–1936 (Turin: Einaudi) p. 82; P. Corner (2002) ‘Italian Fascism: Whatever happened to dictatorship?’ Journal of Modern History 74.2, pp. 332–3; R.J.B. Bosworth (2005) Mussolini’s Italy. Life Under the Dictatorship 1915–1945 (London: Allen Lane) and idem. (2005) ‘Everyday Mussolinism: friends, family, locality and violence in Fascist Italy’ Contemporary European History, vol. 14.1, pp. 23–4. 3. P. Corner “Italian Fascism: Whatever happened to dictatorship?” pp. 329–330, 333. The idea of a ‘hidden transcript’ or indirect means and evidence of dissent comes from J.C. Scott (1990) Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press); R.J.B. Bosworth ‘Everyday Mussolinism’ p. 25. 4. ACS DGPS 1935 b.7 report from the Prefecture of Venice 12 Nov. 1935. 5. Ibid. 6. In her inquiry into the representations of the imagined Mussolini, Luisa Passerini noted the repeated emphasis made to his abstemiousness, as part of the construction of the Duce as an exemplar of virile masculinity. L. Passerini (1991) Mussolini Immaginario: storia di una biografia 1915–1939 (Rome-Bari: Laterza) pp. 122–3. Nevertheless, the osterie and bars of Venice frequently provided the location for clashes – whether violent or verbal – between sup- porters and opponents of fascism. R. Vicentini (1935) A Il movimento fascista veneto attraverso il diario di uno squadrista (Venice: Soc. Acc. Stamperia Zanetti) p. 113; A. Casellato (2002) ‘I sestieri popolari’ in M. Isnenghi & S. Woolf (eds.) Storia di Venezia. L’Ottocento e il Novecento vol 2, (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana (Treccani)) pp. 1596–1607. The role of alcohol and its associated locations in the expression of consent/dissent for fascism deserves greater attention. 7. See the introduction to M. Foucault (1975) Surveiller et punir (Paris: Gallimard). 8. The report noted that ‘in turn, Cadel, confirming the above-stated circum- stances, declared that it had been his impression that Pinzoni was singing the communist hymn “The red flag will triumph” and it was only when he stopped him that he added the words: “over the toilets of the city”’. ACS DGPS 1935 b.7 report from the Prefecture of Venice, 12 Nov. 1935. Here, the term ‘tactic’ is used in the sense in which it was used by Michel de Certeau, in response to Michel Foucault’s assertions of the ever-present networks of 203 204 Notes power within society, to denote the methods by which individuals are able to act autonomously and win back some degree of control in their every- day lives. M. de Certeau (S. Rendell trans.) (1988) The Practice of Everyday Life, (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press) pp. xviii–xx, 34–7. 9. J. Revel (1996) Jeux d’echelles: la micro-analyse à l’experience (Paris: Gallimard). 10. Many of these criticisms, and the responses of key everyday life histo- rian, Alf Lüdtke to them, are set out in A. Lüdtke (1995) ‘Introduction: What is the history of everyday Life and who are its practitioners?’ in idem (ed.) (W. Templer trans.) The History of Everyday Life Reconstructing Historical Experiences and Ways of Life, (Princeton: Princeton University Press). 11. P. Steege, A.S. Bergerson, M. Heely & P. Swett (2008) ‘The history of everyday life: a second chapter’ Journal of Modern History vol. 80, pp. 358–378. 12. See A. Lüdtke (ed.) (W. Templer trans.), The History of Everyday Life;idem (2000) ‘People working: Everyday life and German fascism’ History Work- shop Journal vol. 50 pp. 74–92; G. Eley (1989) ‘Labour history, social history, Alltagsgeschichte: Experience, politics and the culture of the everyday – a new direction for German social history?’ Journal of Modern History vol 61.2, pp. 297–343. 13. C. Lipp (1990) ‘Writing history as political culture. Social history ver- sus ‘Alltagsgeschichte’; a German debate’ Storia della Storiografia vol. 17, pp. 66–99; Kolloquien des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte (1988) Alltagsgeschichte der N-S Zeit: neue Perspektive oder Trivialisierung? (Munich: Oldenbourg R. Verlag GmbH). 14. D. Peukert (R. Deveson trans.) (1989) Inside Nazi Germany. Conformity, Opposition and Racism in Everyday Life, (Harmondsworth: Penguin). 15. D.F. Crew (1992) ‘The Pathologies of Modernity: Detlev Peukert on Germany’s Twentieth Century’, Social History, vol. 17.2. 16. S. Fitzpatrick (1999) Everyday Stalinism. Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press). On the historiographical context, see S. Fitzpatrick (2007) ‘Revisionism in Soviet History’ History and Theory vol. 46.4 and idem. (2008) ‘Revisionism in retrospect: a personal view’ Slavic Review vol. 67.3. 17. S. Fitzpatrick Everyday Stalinism, p. 3 for the quotation. 18. S. Fitzpatrick Everyday Stalinism. pp. 2–3; 54–8. 19. Ibid p. 62. 20. L. Passerini (1984) Torino operaio e fascismo: una storia orale (Rome-Bari, Laterza), published in English as (B. Lumley & J. Bloomfield trans.) (1987) Fascism in Popular Memory. The Cultural Experience of the Turin Working Class, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) pp. 129–149; A. Lüdtke “What hap- pened to the ‘fiery red glow’? Workers’ experiences and German fascism’ in idem. (ed.) The History of Everyday Life pp. 198–251. 21. See A. Lüdtke ‘Introduction: What is the history of everyday life and who are its practitioners?’ in idem (ed.) The History of Everyday Life. pp. 3–40. 22. L. Hunt (1989) The New Cultural History (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press); V. Bonnell & L. Hunt (eds.) (1999) Beyond the Cultural Turn. New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture (Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press). Notes 205 23. For example, the authors of the recent review article setting out the stall of the ‘second chapter’ of the everyday life approach all work on Germany or German-speaking central Europe. P. Steege et al. ‘A history of everyday life: a second chapter’. An obvious recent exception to this is the co-authored chapter by Sheila Fitzpatrick and Alf Lüdtke (2009) ‘Energising the everyday: on the breaking and making of social bonds in Nazism and Stalinism’ in M. Geyer & S. Fitzpatrick (eds.) Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Again, though, this reproduces the most common inter- national comparison, that of Nazi Germany and the Stalinist Soviet Union. We still await a broader comparative history of the lived experience of dictatorships. 24. A.S. Bergeson (2001) ‘Listening to the radio in Hildesheim, 1923-53’ German Studies Review vol. 24, 83–113; J. Fürst (2006) ‘In search of Soviet salvation: Young people’s letters of confession to the Stalinist authorities” Contemporary European History, 15.3, 327–345; R. Koshar (2002) ‘Germans at the wheel: Cars and leisure travel in interwar Germany’ in idem (ed.) Histories of Leisure (Oxford: Berg). 25. On Franco’s Spain, see J. Gracia & M.A. Ruiz Carnicer (2004) La España de Franco (1939–1975): cultura y vida cotidiana (Madrid: Editorial Síntesis) and A. Cazorla Sánchez (2010) Fear and Progress. Ordinary Lives in Franco’s Spain, 1939–1975 (Chichester: Wiley Blackwell). For historians working on the day- to-day experience of ‘really-existing socialism’ in the German Democratic Republic see, for example, K. Jarausch (ed.) (1999) Dictatorship as Experi- ence: Toward a Socio-Cultural History of the GDR (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books) or the more recent study, J. Feinstein (2002) The Triumph of the Ordinary: Depictions of Daily Life in the East German Cinema 1949– 1989 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press). See also the review article by Sandrine Kott which appraises these and other recent scholar- ship: (2004) ‘Everyday Communism: New Social History of the German Democratic Republic’ in Contemporary European History vol. 13.2, 233–247. 26. G. Eley (2005) A Crooked Line. From Cultural History to the History of Society (Ann Arbour, MI.: University of Michigan Press) pp. xiii; 5. 27. Similar questions to these were posed in B. Gregory (1999) ‘Is small beautiful? Microhistory and the history of everyday life’ History and Theory vol. 38.1, 100–110. 28. J. Kocka ‘Geschichte als Aufklärung?’ Frankfurter Rundschau, January 4 1988. 29. Lüdtke’s analysis of worker attitudes towards Nazism following the takeover of power in 1933 provides an example of the patchwork development of supportive stances towards the regime among particular pockets of the workforce. A. Lüdtke ‘What happened to the fiery red glow?’ pp. 198–251. 30. S. Fitzpatrick Everyday Stalinism pp. 62–6. 31. C. Ginzburg (1976) Il formaggio e i vermi: Il cosmo di un mugnaio del ‘500 (Turin: Einaudi) published in English as (J. & A. Tedeschi trans.) (1992) The Cheese and the Worms (Harmondsworth: Penguin) pp. xiii–xxvi. 32. Ibid. See also A. Körner (2002) ‘Culture et structure’ Le Mouvement Social, 200, pp. 55–63; M. Peltonen (2001) ‘Clues, margins and monads. The micro-macro link in historical research’ History and Theory vol. 40.3, pp. 347–359. 206 Notes 33. On the idea of in-betweeness and hybridity see N. García Canclini (1995) Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity (London: Univer- sity of Minnisota Press) pp. 107–9, 135–44 and S. Santiago (2001) The Space In-Between: Essays on Latin American Culture (London: Duke University Press) pp. 25–38. 34. In his novel, Fontamara, first published in translation in 1933, Ignazio Silone presented an image of rural Italian life in which fascist authority effectively replaced the remote and autocratic authority to which the wretched inhabi- tants of the village (cafoni) had long become accustomed and resigned.
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