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The Political Influence of the Maras in El Salvador
Analysis Paper 32/2020 14 October 2020 María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras Visitar la WEB Recibir BOLETÍN ELECTRÓNICO in El Salvador The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Abstract: The Salvadoran gangs and in particular the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) have been acquiring more and more power within the country, until they have become a real political power. A power with wich all parties have negotiated covertly, either to reduce the high levels of violence in the country or just for electoral purposes, as it has been report by the newspaper ‘El Faro’. The content of the report has been denied by the government but is being investigated by the Attorney General's Office. Keywords: Street gangs, MS13, Bukele, El Salvador, dialogue How to cite this document: PASTOR GÓMEZ, María Luisa. The political influence of the maras in El Salvador. IEEE Analysis Paper 32/2020. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2020/DIEEEA32_2020LUIPAS_maras Salvador-ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Analysis Paper 32/2020 1 The political influence of the maras in El Salvador María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Resumen: Las pandillas salvadoreñas y en particular la Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) han ido adquiriendo cada vez más poder en el seno del país, hasta convertirse en un poder de facto con el que los partidos políticos han negociado de manera encubierta, ya sea para reducir los altos niveles de violencia del país o con fines electoralistas. -
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A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war. -
Historia Del Poder Judicial De Honduras
Historia del Poder Judicial de Honduras En una época de la Colonia estuvimos regidos en Honduras por la constitución de Bayona y posteriormente por la Monarquía Española del Rey Fernando VII, donde al hablar del territorio de la España expresa: “El territorio español comprende con la Península con sus posesiones e islas adyacentes, Aragón, Asturias, Castilla la Vieja Guatemala (sede de la Capitanía General que comprendía la Provincia de Honduras) etc. El 15 de Septiembre de 1821 se proclamó la independencia y nació la Federación Centroamericana, habiéndose decretado su primera Constitución el 22 de Noviembre de 1824, y siendo su territorio el mismo que antes comprendía el antiguo reino de Guatemala compuesta por cinco Estados: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador y Guatemala, y una de las declaraciones fundamentales, las siguientes: “Todo hombre es libre en la República. No puede ser esclavo el que se acoja a sus leyes, ni ciudadano el que trafique con esclavos “. Dicha Constitución fue reformada por el Congreso Federal el 13 de febrero de 1835. Disuelta la Federación, la primera Constitución del Estado de Honduras se emitió en la ciudad de Comayagua, antigua capital del país, el 11 de Diciembre de 1825, y después se emitieron por su orden la de 1831, la de 1839, la de 1847, la de 1865 y la de 1873 emitidas también en la ciudad de Comayagua. En la nueva capital, Tegucigalpa , fueron emitidas la de 1880 en el Gobierno del Doctor Policarpo Bonilla; la de 1908 en el Gobierno del Doctor Miguel R. Dávila; la de 1908 en el Gobierno del Dr. -
El Salvador's 2019 Elections
CRS INSIGHT El Salvador's 2019 Elections February 6, 2019 (IN11034) | Related Author Clare Ribando Seelke | Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-5229) On February 3, 2019, Nayib Bukele, a 37-year-old former mayor of San Salvador and candidate of the Grand Alliance of National Unity (GANA) party, won El Salvador's presidential election. Bukele garnered 53% of the vote, well ahead of Carlos Calleja, a business executive running for a conservative National Republican Alliance (ARENA)-led coalition, with 31.8%, and Hugo Mártinez, a former foreign minister of the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), with 14.4%. Bukele's first-round victory occurred amid relatively low voter turnout (44.7%) during a peaceful electoral process observed by the Organization of American States and others. Bukele is set to succeed Salvador Sánchez Cerén (FMLN) as president on June 1, 2019, and serve a single, five-year term. Bukele's election ends 10 years of FMLN government. Who Is Nayib Bukele? Nayib Bukele served as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán (2012-2015) and San Salvador (2015-2018) for the FMLN. Prior to entering politics, Bukele worked in family businesses started by his late father, a prominent Salvadoran of Palestinian descent who backed the FMLN financially beginning in the early 1990s. Throughout his political career, Bukele has used social media to connect directly with voters, a new phenomenon in Salvadoran politics. As mayor, he revitalized the historic center of San Salvador and engaged at-risk youth in violence-prevention programs. In 2017, the FMLN expelled him for criticizing the party's leadership. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Towards Understanding the 2009 Constitutional Crisis David Fisher University of Texas at Austin Plan II and Spanish
1 Staff Editor-in-Chief Steve Karson Managing Editor Nicholas Woodward Undergraduate Associate Editors Matthew M. Drews Affonso Reis Dylan Clement Graduate Associate Editors Corinna Jay Allison Ramirez All at the University of Texas at Austin SPECIAL THANKS to all the anonymous referees from universities worldwide and the support of the Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies. Without their help this issue would not have been possible. 2 The Student Journal of Latin American Studies at The University of Texas at Austin Issue Three - 2012 3 The Student Journal of Latin American Studies Copyright © 2012 All right reserved: No part of this journal may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing. Inquiries should be addressed to: Student Journal of Latin American Studies Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies The University of Texas at Austin 1 University Station A6200 Austin, Texas 78712 Issue 3 The Student Journal of Latin American Studies is a registered student organization at the University of Texas at Austin and its views do not necessarily reflect the views of the university. Printed in the United States of America 4 A Note from the Managing Editor Three years since its inception, The Student Journal of Latin American Studies (SJofLAS) continues to strive towards its mission of providing an avenue of publication for quality research about Latin America from both graduate and undergraduate students. This edition marks the end of the line for original members of the Journal’s founding board. -
International Desk Visitors Current As Of: January 27, 2015
International Desk Visitors Current as of: January 27, 2015 N Date Start Date End Desk Country Name 1 11/1/1988 4/1/1989 South America Brazil Prakki Satyamurty 2 1/1/1989 6/1/1989 South America Brazil Mary Kayano 3 11/1/1989 2/20/1990 South America Brazil Coarem Denise Silva Studzinski 4 1/1/1990 5/10/1990 South America Brazil Cintia Reginal Bertacchi Uva 5 4/20/1990 8/20/1990 South America Brazil Humberto Rocha 6 6/1/1990 10/1/1990 South America Argentina Carolina Vera 7 6/9/1990 8/12/1990 South America Brazil Ana Catarina Farah Perella 8 8/21/1990 12/20/1990 South America Brazil Odete Mariene Chiesa 9 9/28/1990 1/28/1991 South America Argentina Ramon A. Sonzini 10 11/4/1990 2/20/1991 South America Chile Gabriel Hernandez 11 3/9/1991 6/10/1991 South America Brazil Celeste Gerreira 12 4/1/1991 10/30/1991 South America Argentina Miriam S. Andrioli 13 6/10/1991 10/10/1991 South America Chile Hugo E. Gualterio 14 6/15/1991 10/15/1991 South America Argentina Moira B. Romain 15 7/16/1991 10/28/1991 South America Paraguay Jose Carlos Figueiredo 16 10/6/1991 2/1/1992 South America Argentina Alicia G. Cejas 17 1/12/1992 5/13/1992 South America Paraguay Anabel Sanchez Garcia 18 1/13/1992 6/30/1992 South America Uruguay Maria Cristina Ocampo Restraino 19 2/1/1992 4/1/1992 South America Brazil Carlos Alberto Rapelli 20 4/28/1992 8/28/1992 South America Argentina Victoria Maria Farinole 21 5/16/1992 9/10/1992 South America Brazil Lt. -
Plh Partido Liberal De Honduras
Partis Politiques PLH PARTIDO LIBERAL DE HONDURAS Données clés Date de création : 5 février 1891. Positionnement idéologique actuel : Libéral, de centre-droit à centre-gauche. Le manque de cohésion idéologique et la forte fragmentation interne rendent le positionnement flou. Affiliations internationales : Membre de l’Internationale libérale et de la COPPPAL (Conférence Permanente des Partis Politiques d’Amérique Latine et des Caraïbes). Implantations territoriales : Mobilisation des zones urbaines principalement. Le parti compte 31 bastions, situés dans l’ouest du pays et a l’avantage dans environ 61 autres municipalités plus au centre, à tendance abstentionniste. Principaux dirigeants : Roberto Michelleti Bain (Président du parti), Ernesto Elvin Santos Lozano (Vice- président), Bill O’Neill Santos Brito (Secrétaire Général), Eduardo Antonio Bueso (Secrétaire des Finances). Mode de désignation des dirigeants : Le Président du Conseil National Exécutif, son Vice-président et les secrétaires sont choisis lors des élections primaires par un vote direct, secret et selon le principe de proportionnalité. Mode de désignation des candidats : Les candidats à la Présidence et la Vice-présidence sont choisis lors d’élections internes ouvertes. Périodes au gouvernement : 1957-1963, 1982-1986, 1986-1990, 1994-1998, 1998-2002, 2006-2010. ________________________________________________________ Résultats électoraux (29 novembre 2009) Elections présidentielles Elections législatives Candidats Nombre de Parti politique Votes % Parti politique présidentiels -
Political Agency and Youth Subjectivities in Tactic, Guatemala
Enacting Youth: political agency and youth subjectivities in Tactic, Guatemala By Lillian Tatiana Paz Lemus Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Anthropology August, 9th, 2019 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Edward F. Fischer, Ph.D. Lesley Gill, Ph.D. Arthur Demarest, Ph.D. Debra Rodman, Ph.D. DEDICATION To the loving memory of my grandmother, Marta Guzmán de Lemus, who I miss daily. Tactic will always be our home because she made sure we were always loved and fed under her roof. I am very proud to be introduced as her granddaughter whenever I meet new people in town. To Edelberto Torres-Rivas. He wanted to hear about young people’s engagement in our political life, but I was never able to show him the final text. We would have discussed so much over this. I will forever miss our banter and those long meals along our friends. To the many young Guatemalans who strive to make our country a better place for all. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Through the long journey of the doctoral studies, I have had the great fortune of being surrounded by wonderful people who provided the needed support and help to see this project to fruition. Dissertations are never an individual accomplishment, and while the mistakes are entirely my own, there is much credit to give the many people who interacted with me through the years and made this possible First, I would like to express my gratitude to my advisor, Professor Edward F. -
Electoral Processes in the Mediterranean
Electoral Processes Electoral processes in the Mediterranean This chapter provides information on jority party if it does not manage to Gorazd Drevensek the results of the presidential and leg- obtain an absolute majority in the (New Slovenia Christian Appendices islative elections held between July Chamber. People’s Party, Christian Democrat) 0.9 - 2002 and June 2003. Jure Jurèek Cekuta 0.5 - Parties % Seats Participation: 71.3 % (1st round); 65.2 % (2nd round). Monaco Nationalist Party (PN, conservative) 51.8 35 Legislative elections 2003 Malta Labour Party (MLP, social democrat) 47.5 30 9th February 2003 Bosnia and Herzegovina Med. Previous elections: 1st and 8th Februa- Democratic Alternative (AD, ecologist) 0.7 - ry 1998 Federal parliamentary republic that Parliamentary monarchy with unicam- Participation: 96.2 %. became independent from Yugoslavia eral legislative: the National Council. in 1991, and is formed by two enti- The twenty-four seats of the chamber ties: the Bosnia and Herzegovina Fed- Slovenia are elected for a five-year term; sixteen eration, known as the Croat-Muslim Presidential elections by simple majority and eight through Federation, and the Srpska Republic. 302-303 proportional representation. The voters go to the polls to elect the 10th November 2002 Presidency and the forty-two mem- Previous elections: 24th November bers of the Chamber of Representa- Parties % Seats 1997 tives. Simultaneously, the two entities Union for Monaco (UPM) 58.5 21 Parliamentary republic that became elect their own legislative bodies and National Union for the Future of Monaco (UNAM) independent from Yugoslavia in 1991. the Srpska Republic elects its Presi- Union for the Monegasque Two rounds of elections are held to dent and Vice-President. -
Electoral Revolutions : a Comparative Study of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout
ELECTORAL REVOLUTIONS : A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF RAPID CHANGES IN VOTER TURNOUT by ALBERTO LIOY A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2020 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Alberto Lioy Title: Electoral Revolutions: A Comparative Study of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Political Science by: Craig Kauffman Chairperson and Advisor Craig Parsons Core Member Erin Beck Core Member Aaron Gullickson Institutional Representative and Kate Mondloch Interim Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School. Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded September 2020. ii © 2020 Alberto Lioy iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Alberto Lioy Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science September 2020 Title: Electoral Revolutions: A Comparative Study of Rapid Changes in Voter Turnout In the political science scholarship on democratic elections, aggregate voter turnout is assumed to be stable, and depends upon an acquired habit across the electorate. Large turnout variations in a short period of time are therefore usually attributed to negligible contextual factors. This work establishes that such variations are more frequent than commonly thought and creates a novel theoretical framework and methodological approach for systematically studying rapid changes in voter turnout across Western Europe and Latin America. I attribute dramatic changes in voters’ participation, labeled electoral revolutions, to transformations in the party system competition and institutional credibility happening inside the national political context. -
Uef-Spinelli Group
UEF-SPINELLI GROUP MANIFESTO 9 MAY 2021 At watershed moments in history, communities need to adapt their institutions to avoid sliding into irreversible decline, thus equipping themselves to govern new circumstances. After the end of the Cold War the European Union, with the creation of the monetary Union, took a first crucial step towards adapting its institutions; but it was unable to agree on a true fiscal and social policy for the Euro. Later, the Lisbon Treaty strengthened the legislative role of the European Parliament, but again failed to create a strong economic and political union in order to complete the Euro. Resulting from that, the EU was not equipped to react effectively to the first major challenges and crises of the XXI century: the financial crash of 2008, the migration flows of 2015- 2016, the rise of national populism, and the 2016 Brexit referendum. This failure also resulted in a strengthening of the role of national governments — as shown, for example, by the current excessive concentration of power within the European Council, whose actions are blocked by opposing national vetoes —, and in the EU’s chronic inability to develop a common foreign policy capable of promoting Europe’s common strategic interests. Now, however, the tune has changed. In the face of an unprecedented public health crisis and the corresponding collapse of its economies, Europe has reacted with unity and resolve, indicating the way forward for the future of European integration: it laid the foundations by starting with an unprecedented common vaccination strategy, for a “Europe of Health”, and unveiled a recovery plan which will be financed by shared borrowing and repaid by revenue from new EU taxes levied on the digital and financial giants and on polluting industries.