Use with Care | 1 Contents

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Use with Care | 1 Contents elopment disputed areas (the) enemy (the) entity eternal capital of the Palestinian people execution Friday prayer al-Sharif (the Hebrew state herd of settlers heroic action hero prisoners Hilltop Youth Historic Palestine Holocaust w(s) Jewish neighbourhood Jewish State Jihad Judes and Samaria kidnap Land of Israel levelling lands liquida Hamas) Minister of War / Minister of the Army murdered Nakba Nazi Neighbour Procedure Occupation Occupied esistance / resistant riots / rioters security measures security prisoner security wall / security fence self-defence erritories terrorism, terrorist Tomb of the Patriarchs united capital of Israel / united capital of the Jewish people apartheid apartheid wall buffer zone caught in the crossfire closure development disputed areas (the) enem emple Mount gang of settlers (the) government of Tel Aviv Green Line Haram al-Ibrahimi Haram al-Sharif (the Hebrew state herd of e of terror innocent civilian Israeli-Arabs Israel Occupation Forces Jerusalem Jew(s) Jewish neighbourhood Jew Istish’hadi) martyrdom operation measures Middle East expert military wing (of Hamas) Minister of War / Minister of alestinian resident peaceful demonstration popular resistance Price tag resistant resistance / resistant riots / rioter / settler siege Sons of Israel / Sons of Zion surgical (action) targeted (strike) Temple Mount Territories terrorism, terror viduals) Western wall / Wailing Wall Zionism Zionist entity activity / action aggression apartheid apartheid w capital of the Palestinian people execution Friday prayers at the Temple Mount gang of settlers (the) government action hero prisoners Hilltop Youth Historic Palestine Holocaust incitementUse infrastructure With of terror Care innocent civilian Judes and Samaria kidnap Land of Israel levelling lands liquidation martyr (Shahid, Istish’hadi) martyrdom oper A Reporter’s Glossary of Loaded Language ed Nakba Nazi Neighbour Procedure Occupation Occupied Jerusalem Outpost Palestinian resident peaceful es security prisoner security wall / security fence self-defence settlementin the Israeli–Palestinian / settler siege Sons Conflict of Israel / Sons iarchs united capital of Israel / united capital of the Jewish people wanted (persons / individuals) Western wall / IPI Headquarters Spiegelgasse 2/29 A-1010 Vienna, Austria Telephone: 0043 1 512 9011 Fax: 0043 1 512 90 14 [email protected] http://www.freemedia.at Registered in Zurich, Switzerland International Press Institute Use With Care | 1 Contents 1 Foreword Staff Acknowledgements 2 Preface 3 Editor’s Note Alison Bethel McKenzie IPI would like to express its gratitude to 4 A Reporter’s Guide to IPI Executive Director & Publisher the Foreign Ministry of Norway, which Loaded Language International Press Institute made the creation and publication of this 5 Index handbook possible. Naomi Hunt Editor-in-chief IPI is also indebted to the six Israeli and Palestinian advisers who spent so much Gunes Yildiz time and effort writing the content of this Managing Editor book, advising on every political and cultural nuance, and carefully selecting Six Israeli and Palestinian Hebrew and Arabic translations. The Journalists and Media Experts writers collectively decided to withhold Authors their names as a result of the current po- litical situation in Israel and Palestine. Lucy Cripps Subeditor ISBN 978-3-9503007-9-6 2 | International Press Institute Use With Care Foreword The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has The International Press Institute has flict, which we hope will both promote been one of the most intractable, com- repeatedly stressed the need for jour- dialogue and be of practical use. plex and violent of the last century. The nalists to be able to exercise their con- struggle between the two communi- science. Freedom of the press and media Journalists should understand and ties has been traumatic for both sides, is key. On the other hand, so is the mea- choose their words in a way that is sensi- and has embroiled regional and foreign sured use of language, and we remind tive to the cultural and political realities actors alike. our colleagues that the media can only of this long conflict, and we hope that this fulfill its duty to the public if journalists pocket-sized reference will help them to When it comes to conflict report- uphold the principals of their profession. do so. ing, the media can easily aggravate an already precarious situation. Here, it is The language that reporters use paramount that the media face nearly no in covering this or any conflict can per- Alison Bethel McKenzie restrictions, but act responsibly and pro- petuate stereotypes, can incite hatred IPI Executive Director & Publisher fessionally at the same time. or can simply deflect from more press- ing issues. How this conflict is covered is Journalists in the region may be par- important, almost as important as what ticularly invested in the conflict, because is covered. they live in it with their neighbours and families. They have personal stories and For those reasons, IPI asked six convictions that create ethical obligations journalists from the region to produce that may conflict with their obligation to a guidebook for media professionals professionalism and unbiased reporting. reporting on the Israeli–Palestinian con- International Press Institute Use With Care | 3 Preface The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has Can journalists rise above their roots Palestinian and Israeli media have been going on for several bloody and and remain true to their journalistic mis- adopted terms that suit the needs of violent decades, sustained by negative sion, even when those interests conflict? journalism, but also the needs of their and traumatic experiences on both sides. Can they avoid the use of loaded words respective sides of the conflict. Words It often dictates the region’s agenda that serve a narrative instead of reflect- that are regarded as incitement in Israel and naturally receives extensive media ing reality? would be considered patriotic on the coverage. A society engrossed in con- Palestinian side, and vice versa. As is flict is going to be biased and will chan- This vocabulary handbook is all about commonly the case in actively conflicted nel most of its negative energies against words, language, and terminology. Words regions, one society’s terrorist is anoth- those whom it perceives to be its ene- are more than they seem; they may pos- er’s freedom fighter. mies. A society in conflict will delegiti- sess more than one meaning or have a mise and stereotype the other while nur- hidden connotation, which may change None of us are naïve, and we all under- turing a sense of patriotism, victimhood, over time and depend on circumstances. stand that words can only mediate reality, and righteousness. Knowing a language’s grammar and syn- not define it. But words are also powerful, tax will not suffice when trying to accu- and they play a major role in shaping our It is in this entangled and complicated rately pinpoint the meaning of a word. For consciousness and perceptions. They can reality that Israeli and Palestinian journal- our purposes, it is necessary to examine inflame the conflict, and may become a ists operate. Aside from being journalists, the meaning of a word or expression in weapon more destructive than rockets, they are also members of a conflict-rid- the context of the conflict, where it may tanks, or aircraft. As the proverb says, ‘Life den community and, as such, are influ- be loaded with different associations and and death are in the power of the tongue’. enced by its ethos and collective memory. meanings depending on whom you ask. This realisation is our guiding principle. 4 | International Press Institute Use With Care The handbook presented to you con- The handbook tries to present reason- This is not an academic or theoretical stitutes a preliminary attempt to rede- able alternatives to the loaded terms and exercise, but rather the result of a con- fine the language with which the media, is meant to serve as a tool for journalists scientious process that involved, for all whether Israeli, Palestinian, or foreign, trying to find their way in the typically of us, making quite a few compromises. refer to the conflict, in the interest of ac- complicated terminology of the conflict. This is an attempt to promote the most curacy and fairness. It was written not only for the sake of Is- professional and balanced journalism raeli and Palestinian journalists but also possible amidst the reality of an active, This is a guide of sorts, presenting a for foreign reporters, with the intention of still-bleeding strife. collection of terms used on both sides, honing and increasing their awareness of which in some contexts may be regard- problematic terminology that they might ed as loaded or biased, or whose mean- employ, or that they might find in use by Sincerely, ing is often misunderstood, or which can actors on both sides of the conflict. The Writers be misleading. These are words the use of which is liable to give away the report- The handbook is intended to serve the er’s communal identity or sympathies. journalist reporting from the field, the es- There are words that can cause some sayist or publicist, the anchor or present- audiences to simply shut down and stop er, as well as the editor, who is in charge, listening. Our goal is to expose potential among other things, of phrasing and word- linguistic pitfalls, so that those covering ing headlines. All of these people have a the conflict are aware of how their words responsibility to impartially reflect reality might be received. for their readers, listeners, and viewers. International Press Institute Use With Care | 5 Editor’s Note About this Glossary At the International Press Institute (IPI), perience covering the conflict – and living Other expressions are more problematic, we stress that journalists can play a vi- in it. The writers are journalists, some of and journalists should be aware of termi- tal role in resolving conflict and building whom also have academic backgrounds, nology that might give some audiences peace, not by pushing a pro-peace agen- and they have worked for local and inter- the impression that they are biased.
Recommended publications
  • The-Legal-Status-Of-East-Jerusalem.Pdf
    December 2013 Written by: Adv. Yotam Ben-Hillel Cover photo: Bab al-Asbat (The Lion’s Gate) and the Old City of Jerusalem. (Photo by: JC Tordai, 2010) This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position or the official opinion of the European Union. The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) is an independent, international humanitarian non- governmental organisation that provides assistance, protection and durable solutions to refugees and internally displaced persons worldwide. The author wishes to thank Adv. Emily Schaeffer for her insightful comments during the preparation of this study. 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... 3 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 5 2. Background ............................................................................................................................ 6 3. Israeli Legislation Following the 1967 Occupation ............................................................ 8 3.1 Applying the Israeli law, jurisdiction and administration to East Jerusalem .................... 8 3.2 The Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel ................................................................... 10 4. The Status
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Iran: the Role of Identity Processes
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Nottingham Trent Institutional Repository (IRep) 1 Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran: the role of identity processes Rusi Jaspal De Montfort University, Leicester, UK Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism constitute two important ideological building blocks of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Yet, there is no existing research into the psychosocial motives underlying the manifestation of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism at the institutional level in Iran. Here it is argued that there is much heuristic and predictive value in applying tenets of identity process theory (IPT), a socio-psychological model of identity threat and action, to the primarily socio-historical literature on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in Iran. The paper provides a summary of anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism and ‘new anti-Semitism’ and IPT. The substantive section of the paper explores (i) how anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism may restore feelings of belonging in the Muslim world and beyond; (ii) the inter-relations between ingroup and outgroup self-efficacy; (iii) the psychosocial motivation to maintain Shiite ideology and Khomeini’s legacy; and (iv) the construction of Jews and Israel in terms of a threat to group continuity. It is suggested that insights into the motivational principles underlying anti-Semitism and anti- Zionism at the institutional level may inform empirical research into social representations of Jews and Israel in Iran. More broadly, this paper highlights the potential contribution of social psychology to existing work on anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in the humanities.
    [Show full text]
  • • International Court of Justice • • • • •
    • • • INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE • • • • • . Request for an • Advisory Opinion on the • Legal Consequences of the • Construction of a Wall • in the Occupied Palestinian Territories • • WRITTEN STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY • THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN • • • • 30 January 2004 • • • • • TABLE OF CONTENTS • 1. Introduction • Il. General background • III. Immediate background • IV. Relevant facts V. Relevant legal considerations • (a) The Court' s jurisdiction • (i) The request raises a legal question which the Court has jurisdiction ta answer • (ii) There are no compelling reasons which should lead the • Court ta refuse ta give the advisory opinion requested of it. • (b) Applicable legal principles (i) The prohibition of the use of force, and the right of seIf- • determination, are Iules of ius cogens (ii) The territory in whîch the wall has been or is planned to be • constructed constitutes occupied territory for purposes of international law • (lii) The law applicable in respect of occupied territory limîts • the occupying State's power$ (iv) Occupied territory cannot be annexed by the occupying • State • (c) Applicable legal principles and the construction of the wall (i) The occupying State does not have the right effectively to • alIDex occupied territory or otherwise to alter its status (ii) The occupying State does not have the right to alter the • population balance in the occupîed territory by estabIishing alien • settlements • ->- :.• 1 1. • -11- (iii) The occupying State lS not entitled in occupied territory to construct a wall
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Territories MIDDLE EAST UNITARY COUNTRY and WEST ASIA
    Palestinian territories MIDDLE EAST UNITARY COUNTRY AND WEST ASIA Basic socio-economic indicators Income group - LOWER MIDDLE INCOME Local currency - Israeli new shekel (ILS) Population and geography Economic data AREA: 6 020 km2 GDP: 19.4 billion (current PPP international dollars) i.e. 4 509 dollars per inhabitant (2014) POPULATION: million inhabitants (2014), an increase 4.295 REAL GDP GROWTH: -1.5% (2014 vs 2013) of 3% per year (2010-2014) UNEMPLOYMENT RATE: 26.9% (2014) 2 DENSITY: 713 inhabitants/km FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT, NET INFLOWS (FDI): 127 (BoP, current USD millions, 2014) URBAN POPULATION: 75.3% of national population GROSS FIXED CAPITAL FORMATION (GFCF): 18.6% of GDP (2014) CAPITAL CITY: Ramallah (2% of national population) HUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX: 0.677 (medium), rank 113 Sources: World Bank; UNDP-HDR, ILO Territorial organisation and subnational government RESPONSIBILITIES MUNICIPAL LEVEL INTERMEDIATE LEVEL REGIONAL OR STATE LEVEL TOTAL NUMBER OF SNGs 483 - - 483 Local governments - Municipalities (baladiyeh) Average municipal size: 8 892 inhabitantS Main features of territorial organisation. The Palestinian Authority was born from the Oslo Agreements. Palestine is divided into two main geographical units: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. It is still an ongoing State construction. The official government of Cisjordania is governed by a President, while the Gaza area is governed by the Hamas. Up to now, most governmental functions are ensured by the State of Israel. In 1994, and upon the establishment of the Palestinian Ministry of Local Government (MoLG), 483 local government units were created, encompassing 103 municipalities and village councils and small clusters. Besides, 16 governorates are also established as deconcentrated level of government.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2015 Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hayek, Vincent El, "Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law" (2015). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 286. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/286 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Palestinian Economic Development: Israeli Actions in Light of the 1994 Paris Protocol and International Economic Law Vincent El Hayek In 1993, Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization signed the Oslo Accords,' starting a peace process that was meant to end with a Palestinian State. The Oslo Accords were only the start of numerous agreements, including the 1994 Gaza-Jericho Agreement, which became Annex IV to the Accords, commonly known as the Paris Protocol.2 The Paris Protocol laid out the framework for what was to be the economic relationship between Israel and a Palestinian state. Its writers recognized the importance that stability and growth in the Palestinian economy had for any hope of a lasting peace. 3 As such, they developed a strategy which hinged on four "pillars" for Palestinian economic development: 11] International aid; [2] close Israeli-Palestinian economic relations; [3] foreign and private investment; and [4] access to foreign markets for Palestinian exports.4 When the Paris Protocol was first signed, excitement was high.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly Security Gouncil Distr
    UNITED AS NATIONS General Assembly Security Gouncil Distr. GENERAL A/43/LLA s/L9464 29 January 1988 ENGLISH ORIGINAL: ARABIC,/FRENCH GENERAL ASSEI4BLY SECURITY COUNCIL Forty-third session Forty-third year CO-OPERATION BETTiEEN THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ISLAMIC CONFERENCE QUESTION OF PATESTINE THE SITUATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST REPORT OF THE SPECIAL @MMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE ISRAELI PRACTICES AFFECTING THE HUI.{AIiI RIGHTS OF THE POPUI"ATION OF THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES Letter dated 29 January 1988 from the Permanent Representative of Morocco to the United Nations addressed to the Secretarv-General On instructions from my Governnent, I have the honour to forward herewith the official final cornrnuniqu6 and resolution adopted at the emergency meeting of the Al-Quds conrmittee held in rfrane, Morocco, on 15 Jumada r A.H. 1408 (5 January 1988). I should be grateful if you would arrange for the text of this Letter and the annex thereto to be distributed as a docunent of the General Assembly, under the items entitled trCo-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of the Islamic Conference", "Question of Palestine", trThe situation in the !4iddle East", and "Report of the Speciat Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories', and of the Security Council. (siqned) Driss STAOUI Ambassador Permanent Representative 88-02109 3s84R (E) Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library A/43/LLA s/L9464 English Page 2 Al,INEX Final, communiq\r6 and reconmendations adopted at the enerqencv meetinq of the al-euds Comnittae on 15 .rumada I a.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY of FOREIGN AFFAIRS
    ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel’s Operation against Hamas Defeating Terror Promoting Peace ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 1 Moderates vs. Extremists The Struggle for Regional Peace Israel desires peace with those who seek peace, but must deter those who seek its destruction ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Israel's greatest hope Signing the Israel-Jordan is to live in peace and security with all its neighbors Peace Treaty ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Prime Minister Begin, President Sadat and Israel Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Foreign Minister Livni meets with Qatar President Carter signing the Israel-Egypt Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr Al- Peace Treaty, Washington, 26 March 1979 with US President Bush at the Annapolis Thani at the 8th Doha Forum on Democracy, Conference, November 2007 Development, and Free Trade (April 2008) More info Foreign Minister Livni meets with Former Israel Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, MASHAV Course for Palestinian Farmers on Foreign Minister of Oman Yousef Bin Alawi US President George Bush and Palestinian Cooperative Development in Rural Areas Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas Middle East summit in Aqaba (June 2003) Israel has proven its ability to make peace with those who desire peace. The moderates in the region agree on the need for a “two-state solution” to the Palestinian issue ISRAEL MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS Assad and Ahmadinejad Hamas in Gaza - September 2007 Ahmadinejad and Nasrallah While Israel desires peace with those who seek peace,
    [Show full text]
  • THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
    THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland.
    [Show full text]
  • The Goals and Significance of Hamas's New Political Document
    May 8, 2017 The goals and significance of Hamas’s new political document The front page of Hamas’s new political document, or, to use its full name: “A Document of General Principles and Policies” The goals of the political document and the background of its publication 1. On May 1, 2017, Hamas published a political document entitled “A Document of General Principles and Policies” (hereinafter: the “Political Document”). This document, which includes 42 sections, was published on the Hamas website in two versions: an Arabic version and a version translated into English (see appendices). An examination of the two versions reveals that there are slight differences in the translation into English compared with the Arabic source, but no significant differences were found between them. The document was published at the end of Khaled Mash’al’s term as chairman of the movement’s political bureau and was presented by him at a press conference in Qatar (May 1, 2017). 2. The Political Document is intended to update the ideology and basic concepts that appeared in the 1988 Hamas Charter.1 The document was aimed to adapt them 1The text of the Charter and an analysis of its sections appear in the ITIC’s bulletin from May 5, 2006 (http://www.terrorism-info.org.il/en/article/18894). 093-17 2 to the current strategic reality, which has changed unrecognizably since the charter was written. The differences in the (Arabic) names of these documents - charter (mithaq) versus document (wathiqa) - are not semantic, since the term “charter” is more binding than “document”.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY and ISRAELI-OCCUPIED TERRITORIES by Suheir Azzouni
    palestine PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY AND ISRAELI-OCCUPIED TERRITORIES by Suheir Azzouni POPULATION: 3,933,000 GNI PER CAPITA: US$1,519 COUNTRY RATINGS 2004 2009 NONDISCRIMINATION AND ACCESS TO JUSTICE: 2.6 2.6 AUTONOMY, SECURITY, AND FREEDOM OF THE PERSON: 2.7 2.4 ECONOMIC RIGHTS AND EQUAL OPPORTUNITY: 2.8 2.9 POLITICAL RIGHTS AND CIVIC VOICE: 2.6 2.7 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS: 2.9 2.6 (COUNTRY RATINGS ARE BASED ON A SCALE OF 1 TO 5, WITH 1 REPRESENTING THE LOWEST AND 5 THE HIGHEST LEVEL OF FREEDOM WOMEN HAVE TO EXERCISE THEIR RIGHTS) INTRODUCTION Palestinian women have been socially active since the beginning of the 20th century, forming charitable associations, participating in the nation- alist struggle, and working for the welfare of their community. Originally established in Jerusalem in 1921, the General Union of Palestinian Women organized women under occupation and in the Palestinian diaspora so that they could sustain communities and hold families together. The character of women’s involvement shifted in the late 1970s, as young, politically oriented women became active in the fi ght against Israeli occupation, as well as in the establishment of cooperatives, training cen- ters, and kindergartens. They formed activist women’s committees, which were able to attract members from different spheres of life and create alli- ances with international feminist organizations. Women also played an ac tive role in the fi rst intifada, or uprising, against Israeli occupation in 1987, further elevating their status in the society. Soon after the beginning of peace negotiations between the Palestinians and Israelis in 1991, which resulted in the 1993 Oslo Accord, women’s organizations formed a coalition called the Women’s Affairs Technical Committee (WATC) to advocate for the equal rights of women.
    [Show full text]
  • B R I E F I R
    IRMO Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose Institute for Development and International Relations I R M O Ured u Zagrebu B R E F 12 2020 I From Pariah to Partner: A View from Israel on a Realigned Middle East By Or Yissachar Introduction Flight number LY971 on Monday 31 August Tel Aviv from using their airspace, much less land 2020, was in many respects anything but in their airports, even referring to it merely as “the Zionist entity”. Much more fundamentally another Middle East destination. Traditionally, than technical disagreement over policy items a mundane commercial flight traveling to the Arab world’s maximum pressure campaign or territorial arrangements, the Arab world against Israel was designed not only to call into has made clear what was best enunciated in question its existence militarily, but crumble its the infamous 1967 Khartoum “Three No’s”: legitimacy diplomatically – prohibiting Israeli “No peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, citizens from entering their territories, banning no negotiations with Israel.” Despite episodic Israeli and other airlines traveling to and from under-the-radar contacts, the Arab world had IRMO BRIEF 12/2020 1 operated under the assumption that any cracks relationship with Israel is but one component. construed as de facto recognition of a country mirrors the formation of the three new regional in this well-fortified wall could have been Challenging the status quo, this reconfiguration considered a red rag. axes: Iran and its proxies, Turkey and the Muslim Brotherhood and other radical Islamist Yet recently, this red rag has paled considerably. movements, and unprecedently, the Israeli- moderate Sunni-American axis.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine Water Fact Sheet #1
    hrough e t hu ic m t a FACT SHEET s n ju r l i a g i h c t o s THE RIGHT TO WATER IN PALESTINE: A BACKGROUND s 11 C E S R he Israeli confiscation and control of LEGEND ability to manage water resources and just Palestinian water resources is a defining Groundwater flow allocates the limited supply made available by T feature of the Israeli occupation and a LEBANON Groundwater divide Israel, the PWA, rather than the Occupation, is GOLAN major impediment to a just resolution of the Israeli National Water HEIGHTS blamed for water scarcity. Moreover, the Oslo Israel-Palestine conflict. Furthermore, Israel’s Carrier Sea of II agreement does not call for redistribution of control of Palestinian water resources Armistice Demarcation Galilee Line, 1949 existing water sources nor require any undermines any possibility for sustainable Haifa Tiberias Syria-Israel Cease Fire reduction in water extraction or consumption development and violates Palestinians’ human Line, 1967 Nazareth by Israelis or settlers. right to safe, accessible, and adequate drinking Palestinian Territory Occupied by Israel (June n Jenin a water. Israel’s discriminatory water policy 1967) d r • Since 2000, after the onset of the Second o Northern J maintains an unequal allocation of water between Aquifer r e v Intifada in September, the Israeli army has Tu l k a re m i Israel, illegal Israeli settler communities and R intensified the destruction of water infrastruc- Palestinians living in the occupied Palestinian Nablus Western ture and confiscation ofwater sources in the 7 territory (oPt), while appropriating an ever greater Te l Av i v Aquifer WEST r BANK West Bank and Gaza.
    [Show full text]