MS Freedom Primer #1
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Remarks and a Question-And-Answer Session With
1092 July 17 / Administration of William J. Clinton, 1997 but how we're going to become one America if I had a voice like that, I could run for in the 21st century. We need your help. a third term, even though theÐ[laughter]. In September, I'm going home to Little I enjoyed meeting with your board mem- Rock to observe the 40th anniversary of the bers and JoAnne Lyons Wooten, your execu- integration of Little Rock Central High tive director, backstage. I met Vanessa Wil- School. When those nine black children were liams, who said, ``You know, I'm the presi- escorted by armed troops on their first day dent-elect; have you got any advice for me of school, there were a lot of people who on being president?'' True story. I said, ``I were afraid to stand up for them. But the do. Always act like you know what you're local NAACP, led by my friend Daisy Bates, doing.'' [Laughter] stood up for them. I want to say to you, I'm delighted to be Today, every time we take a stand that ad- joined here tonight by a distinguished group vances the cause of equal opportunity and of people from our White House and from excellence in education, every time we do the administration, including the Secretary of something that really gives economic Labor, Alexis Herman, and the Secretary of empowerment to the dispossessed, every Education, Dick Riley, and a number of oth- time we further the cause of reconciliation ers from the White House. -
Neutrality Or Engagement?
LESSON 12 Neutrality or Engagement? Goals Students analyze a political cartoon and a diary entry that highlight the risks taken by civil rights workers in the 1960s. They imagine themselves in similar situations and consider conflicting motivations and responsi- bilities. Then they evaluate how much they would sacrifice for an ideal. Central Questions Many Black Mississippians—including Black ministers, teachers, and business owners—chose not to get involved in the Civil Rights Movement because of the dangers connected with participating. What do you think you would have done when Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) or Congress of Ra- cial Equality (CORE) came to your town? Was joining the movement worth the risk? Background Information Many people willingly put their lives and safety on the line to fight for civil rights. But other people chose not to get involved from fear of being punished by the police, employers, or terrorist groups. The dangers were very real: during the 1964 Freedom Summer, there were at least six murders, 29 shootings, 50 fire-bombings, more than 60 beatings, and over 400 arrests in Mississippi. Despite their fears, 80,000 residents, mostly African Americans, risked harassment and intimidation to cast ballots in the Freedom Vote of November 1963. But the next year, during 1964’s Freedom Summer, only 16,000 black Mississippians tried to register to vote in the official election that fall. “The people are scared,” James Forman of SNCC told a reporter. “They tell us, ‘All right. I’ll go down to register [to vote], but what you going to do for me when I lose my job and they beat my head?’” We hear many stories about courage and heroism, but not many about people who didn’t dare to get involved. -
LD5655.V855 1996.M385.Pdf (6.218Mb)
EDUCATING FOR FREEDOM: THE HIGHLANDER FOLK SCHOOL IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT, 1954 TO 1964 by Jacqueline Weston McNulty Thesis submitted to the facutly of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History APPROVED: Yuu a Hayward Farrar, Chairman _ \ 4 A af 7 - “ : Lo f lA bn G UU. f Lake Ak Jo Peter Wallenstein Beverly Bunch-Ly ns February, 1996 Blacksburg, Virginia U,u LD 55S Y$55 199@ M2g5 c.2 EDUCATING FOR FREEDOM: THE HIGHLANDER FOLK SCHOOL IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT, 1954 TO 1964 by Jacqueline Weston McNulty Dr. Hayward Farrar, Chairman History (ABSTRACT) This study explores how the Citizenship School Program of the Highlander Folk School shaped the grassroots leadership of the Civil Rights Movement. The thesis examines the role of citizenship education in the modern Civil Rights Movement and explores how educational efforts within the Movement enfranchised and empowered a segment of Southern black society that would have been untouched by demonstrations and federal voting legislation. Civil Rights activists in the Deep South, attempting to register voters, recognized the severe inadequacies of public education for black students and built parallel educational institutions designed to introduce black students to their rights as American citizens, develop local leadership and grassroots organizational structures. The methods the activists used to accomplish these goals had been pioneered in the mid-1950’s by Septima Clark and Myles Horton of the Highlander Folk School. Horton and Clark developed a successful curriculum structure for adult literacy and citizenship education that they implemented on Johns Island off the coast of South Carolina. -
A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 12-1994 A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement Michelle Margaret Viera Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Viera, Michelle Margaret, "A Summary of the Contributions of Four Key African American Female Figures of the Civil Rights Movement" (1994). Master's Theses. 3834. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3834 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A SUMMARY OF THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF FOUR KEY AFRICAN AMERICAN FEMALE FIGURES OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by Michelle Margaret Viera A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of History Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan December 1994 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My appreciation is extended to several special people; without their support this thesis could not have become a reality. First, I am most grateful to Dr. Henry Davis, chair of my thesis committee, for his encouragement and sus tained interest in my scholarship. Second, I would like to thank the other members of the committee, Dr. Benjamin Wilson and Dr. Bruce Haight, profes sors at Western Michigan University. I am deeply indebted to Alice Lamar, who spent tireless hours editing and re-typing to ensure this project was completed. -
Emmett Till & the Modernization of Law
Saint Louis University School of Law Scholarship Commons All Faculty Scholarship 2009 The ioleV nt Bear it Away: Emmett iT ll & the Modernization of Law Enforcement in Mississippi Anders Walker Saint Louis University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/faculty Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Walker, Anders, The ioV lent Bear it Away: Emmett iT ll & the Modernization of Law Enforcement in Mississippi (October 27, 2008). San Diego Law Review, Vol. 46, p. 459, 2009. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. THE VIOLENT BEAR IT AWAY EMMETT TILL & THE MODERNIZATION OF LAW ENFORCEMENT IN MISSISSIPPI ∗ ANDERS WALKER ABSTRACT Few racially motivated crimes have left a more lasting imprint on American memory than the death of Emmett Till. Yet, even as Till’s murder in Mississippi in 1955 has come to be remembered as a catalyst for the civil rights movement, it contributed to something else as well. Precisely because it came on the heels of the Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, Till’s death convinced Mississippi Governor James P. Coleman that certain aspects of the state’s handling of racial matters had to change. Afraid that popular outrage over racial violence might encourage federal intervention in the region, Coleman removed power from local sheriffs, expanded state police, and modernized the state’s criminal justice apparatus in order to reduce the chance of further racial violence in the state. -
Mississippi: Is This America? (1962-1964) ROY WILKINS
Mississippi: Is This America? (1962-1964) ROY WILKINS: There is no state with a record that approaches that of Mississippi in inhumanity, murder and brutality and racial hatred. It is absolutely at the bottom of the list. NARRATOR: In 1964, the state of Mississippi called it an invasion. Civil rights workers called it Freedom Summer. To change Mississippi and the country, they would risk beatings, arrest, and their lives. FANNY CHANEY: You all know what my child is doing? He was trying for us all to make a better living. And he had two fellows from New York, had their own home and everything, didn't have nothing to worry, but they come here to help us. Did you all know they come here to help us? They died for us. UNITA BLACKWELL: People like myself, I was born on this river. And I love the land. It's the delta, and to me it's now a challenge, it's history, it's everything, to what black people it's all about. We came about slavery and this is where we acted it out, I suppose. All of the work, all them hard works and all that. But we put in our blood, sweat and tears and we love the land. This is Mississippi. WHITE HUNTER: I lived in this delta all my life, my parents before me, my grandparents. I've hunted and fished this land since I was a child. This land is composed of two different cultures, a white culture and a colored culture, and I lived close to them all my life. -
The Benevolence Post
PENUMBRA THEATRE COMPANY PRODUCTION Est. 1976 February 12 to March 10 Price 15¢ THE BENEVOLENCE POST Skeptics By IFA BEYZA I was a child of the civil rights movement…integrated when I was nine years old, but I didn't encounter Emmett Till's story until I was a teenager. The Till Trilogy [The Ballad of Emmett Till, benevolence, That Summer in Sumner] is inspired by the story of a 14-year-old youth from Chicago who journeys to Mississippi in August of 1955. This trip to visit family in Mississippi certainly changes his fate. He's murdered in that week, and his life-death-journey changes the course of the nation ... I wanted to look at this story from an advantage point of view. The Till saga was a highly documented case. It was like a national soap opera on race. It was played out in the newspapers in the North, in the South, the black press and the white press. There was a tremendous amount of information available to the public. You would think that, because there was so much information, the truth or facts of the actual story would be readily available. What I found was, even as I researched the archive of primary documentation, was a host of confusing and inaccurate information. There were a lot of holes in the accounting of details, that didn't quite seem to make sense to me. So, that was the first lesson which I will share with you: “even if it's in print, even if it's documented, even if it's supposed to be from an expert, you must approach that information with skepticism.” Because the only truth that you have is that it's printed and that it's representing the tone as truth, but that's not necessarily the case. -
With Determination and Fortitude We Come to Vote: Black Organization and Resistance to Voter Suppression in Mississippi
WITH DETERMINATION AND FORTITUDE 195 With Determination and Fortitude We Come to Vote: Black Organization and Resistance to Voter Suppression in Mississippi by Michael Vinson Williams On July 2, 1946, brothers Medgar and Charles Evers, along with four friends, decided they would vote in their hometown of Decatur, Missis- sippi. Both brothers had registered without incident but when the men returned to cast their ballots they were met by a mob of armed whites. The confrontation grew in intensity with each step toward the polling place. After a few nerve-racking moments of yelling and shoving, the Evers group retreated, but the harassment did not end. Medgar Evers recalled that while they were walking away some of the whites followed them and that one man in a 1941 Ford “leaned out with a shotgun, keep- ing a bead on us all the time and we just had to walk slowly and wait for him to kill us …. They didn’t kill us but they didn’t end it, either.” The African American men went home, retrieved guns of their own, and returned to the polling station but decided to leave the weapons in the car. The white mob again prevented them from entering the voting precinct, and the would-be voters gave up.1 1 This article makes use of the many newspaper clippings catalogued in the Allen Eugene Cox Papers housed at the Mitchell Memorial Library Special Collections Department at Mississippi State University (Starkville) and the Trumpauer (Joan Harris) Civil Rights Scrapbooks Collection at the Mississippi Department of Archives and History in Jackson, Mississippi. -
Papers of the Naacp
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr., Sharon Harley, and August Meier PAPERS OF THE NAACP Part Selected Branch Files, 27 1956-1965 Series A: The South UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr., Sharon Harley, and August Meier PAPERS OF THE NAACP Part 27: Selected Branch Files, 1956-1965 Series A: The South Edited by John H. Bracey, Jr., Sharon Harley, and August Meier Project Coordinator Randolph Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway * Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Papers of the NAACP. [microform] Accompanied by printed reel guides. Contents: pt. 1. Meetings of the Board of Directors, records of annual conferences, major speeches, and special reports, 1909-1950/editorial adviser, August Meier; edited by Mark Fox--pt. 2. Personal correspondence of selected NAACP officials, 1919-1939 --[etc.]--pt. 27. Selected Branch Files, 1956-1965. 1. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People--Archives. 2. Afro-Americans--Civil Rights--History--20th century--Sources. 3. Afro- Americans--History--1877-1964--Sources. 4. United States--Race relations--Sources. I. Meier, August, 1923- . II. Boehm, Randolph. III. Title. E185.61 [Microfilm] 973'.0496073 86-892185 ISBN 1-55655-759-0 (microfilm: pt. 27, series A) Copyright © 2001 by University Publications of America. -
SCLC Newsletter November-December, 1963
SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE ~ I INSIDE THIS ISSUE ~~:l r~ 4 {.~ ~f1 Editorial ------------. --·····--Page ~ fi From Bu~ed .Rums ...... Page 6 m~ %. A New Mmordy ............ Page 7 ~i, $:-.~ o·1s & n a ta _____ .............. Page 5 ~ i~ Quote & Unquote _______ Page 8 !Zi' I ~ Letters To SCLC ........ .Page 5 ~~ ====V,;,o;;,;l;um;;;;;;e,;2;;,..===,;N:;::;o;,v,;e=m,;b,;er=-,;D,;ec::::;e::::;m::::;b::::;e::::r,=·=19::::;6=3=====N=u=m=b=e=r 3 i The Poefs Pen _____________ Page 8 tf ~pitaph 2lnd Q:hallrngr By Martin Luther King, Jr. We stand just a few days removed from one of the It is a climate where men cannot disagree without most shocking and horrible tragedies that has ever be being disagreeable, and where they express dissent fallen our nation. Men everywhere were stunned into through violence and murder. It is the same climate sober confusion at an incredible assassination of John that murdered Medgar Evers in Mississippi and six in F. Kennedy. It is still difficult to believe that one so nocent Negro children in Birmingham, Alabama. So in a saturated with vim, vitality and vigor is no longer in sense we are all participants in that horrible act that our midst. tarnished the image of our nation. By our silence, by As unreal as it seems to our senses, we must face our willingness to compromise principle; by our con the fact that John Fitzgerald Kennedy is dead. Dead, stant attempt to cure the cancer of racial injustice with physically, but the posture of his life has written an the vaseline of graduation; our readiness to allow arms epitaph that lives beyond the boundaries of death. -
Civil Rights and Self-Defense: the Fiction of Nonviolence, 1955-1968
CCVII. RIGHTS & SELF-DEFENSE: THE FICTION OF NONVIOLENCE, 1955-1968 by CHRISTOPHER BARRY STRAIN B.A., University of Virginia, 1993 M.A., University of Georgia, 1995 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the n:quirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the GRADUATE DMSION of the UNIVERSITY OF CAL~ORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Leon F. Litwack, Chair Professor Waldo Martin Professor Ronald Takaki Spring 2000 UMI Number. 987tt823 UMI Microtorm~7t1823 Copyright 2000 by Bell 3 Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edkion is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Bell 3 Howell Infomnation and Learning Company 300 NoRh Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1348 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1348 Civil Rights and Self-Defense: The Fiction of Nonviolence, 1955-1968 m 2000 by Christopher Banry Strain H we must die-"let it not be like hops Hunted and penned in an ingloriow spot, While round u: bark IM mad and hungry dogs, Making (heir mode at our accused lot. H we must die""oh, Ist us noblydie, So that our pnedow blood may not be shed In win; then ewn the monsters we defy S~ be constrained b horar us Ihouph deed! Oh, Kinsmen! We must meet the common foe; Though far outnumbered, let us slaw us brave, Md fa Iheir Ihouand blows deal one deeth"Dbw! What though betas us Nes the open grave? Like men we'N lace the munieroue, cowardly pads, Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back! --"H We Must Dfe" by Claude McKay,1922 For much of its history, the southern United States was a terrible and terrifying place for black people to live. -
The Struggle for Voting Rights in Mississippi ~ the Early Years
The Struggle for Voting Rights in Mississippi ~ the Early Years Excerpted from “History & Timeline” Mississippi — the Eye of the Storm It is a trueism of the era that as you travel from the north to the south the deeper grows the racism, the worse the poverty, and the more brutal the repression. In the geography of the Freedom Movement the South is divided into mental zones according to the virulence of bigotry and oppression: the “Border States” (Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, and the urban areas of Maryland); the “Mid South” (Virginia, the East Shore of Maryland, North Carolina, Florida, Tennessee, Arkansas, Texas); and the “Deep South” (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana). And then there is Mississippi, in a class by itself — the absolute deepest pit of racism, violence, and poverty. During the post-Depression decades of the 1940s and 1950s, most of the South experiences enormous economic changes. “King Cotton” declines as agriculture diversifies and mechanizes. In 1920, almost a million southern Blacks work in agriculture, by 1960 that number has declined by 75% to around 250,000 — resulting in a huge migration off the land into the cities both North and South. By 1960, almost 60% of southern Blacks live in urban areas (compared to roughly 30% in 1930). But those economic changes come slowly, if at all, to Mississippi and the Black Belt areas of Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana. In 1960, almost 70% of Mississippi Blacks still live in rural areas, and more than a third (twice the percentage in the rest of the South) work the land as sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and farm laborers.