JOURNAL OF CRITICAL REVIEWS

ISSN- 2394-5125 VOL 7, ISSUE 17, 2020

A REVIEW IN PLURALISM

Ainur Rofieq1, H Halimatusa'diah2, AA Hubur3, Apri Wahyudi4, Samsul Susilawati5

1Universitas islam 45, . E-mail: [email protected] 2Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Indonesia. E-mail: [email protected] 3Islamic Economics and Finance (IEF), Faculty of Business and Economics, Trisakti University, Indonesia. 4STIT Pringsewu, Lampung, Indonesia 5UIN Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang, Indonesia.

Received: 10 April 2020 Revised and Accepted: 26 June 2020

Abstract: After the second world war, Indonesia declared the independence. At the time, the world was gripped by ideological conflicts between the capitalism and communism. The “” between the two sides with different ideologies has caused huge impact for the whole world. However, the founding fathers were able to break away from the pulls of the two sides of the world ideology by formulating a basic view on a philosophical concept which is called Pancasila. The values contained in Pancasila can even act as guardians of the balance between two conflicting world ideologies, because in Pancasila, individual and community rights are also recognized proportionally. The formulation of Pancasila did not arise only from logical thinking, but it was explored from the cultural roots of the Indonesian people. So Bung Karno only claimed to be a digger of the Pancasila, because the values formulated in the Pancasila were taken from the values that had long been present in this Archipelago. Hence, Pancasila is said to contain philosophical basic values (philosophische grondslag), as the soul of the nation (volkgeist) or national identity (innerself of nation), and become the way of life (way of life) of the true Indonesian nation. Thus, the Pancasila value is the character of this nation, which makes the Indonesian people different from other nations. Keywords: Pancasila, pluralism, Indonesia, nation, ideology

I. Introduction A plural Indonesian people sociologically need a unifying ideology of Pancasila. The Indonesian diversity is high, where religion, race, language, traditions are full of differences, causing the Pancasila is accepted as a unifying ideology. Indonesia consists of more than 300 ethnic groups spread over more than 17,000 islands, sociologically practicing Pancasila because the values contained therein are the facts that exist in Indonesian. This objective reality makes Pancasila the basis of written and non-instrumental norms or laws in the form of written or unwritten norms or laws such as customs, opportunities or understanding, and conventions. The values of Pancasila in terms of implementation consist of basic values, internal values, and praxis values. The basic values consist of the God Almighty values, the value of humanity that is just and civilized, the value of Indonesian Unity, the value of Society led by wisdom in consultation / representation, and the value of social justice for all Indonesian. This basic value is found in the opening of the 1945 Constitution, and its explanation mandates that the basic value must be spelled out concretely in the Body of the 1945 Constitution, even in the laws and regulation implementation. Therefore, Pancasila is used as a source of law in Indonesia, there must not be any legal regulation that applies in Indonesia which is contrary with the values of Pancasila. Legislation to a lesser extent is essentially the implementation of the basic values of the Pancasila contained in the Preamble and the body of the 1945 Constitution, so that the set of legislation is known as the instrumental value of the Pancasila. So, the instrumental value must be an explanation of the basic value: in other words, all legislative instruments must be a translation of the basic values of the Pancasila contained in the Preamble and the body of the 1945 Constitution. legislative, executive, and judicial institutions from the central to the regional level are the people in charge of implementing the translation of the basic values of Pancasila into instrumental

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values. They naturally must have knowledge, understanding, appreciation, commitment, and good example in practising the content of Pancasila's values. Otherwise, they will show mislead instrumental values of Pancasila. In framing Indonesian life as the basis of the state, Pancasila experienced ups and downs in several periods of Indonesian national life, namely, the pre-independence period, the era of independence, the era of the old order, the era of the and the era of reform. The author tries to give a special picture of the existence of the Pancasila in its journey in each of those eras.

II. Pancasila in Pre-Independence Era When Dr. Radjiman Wediodiningrat, as the Chairperson of the Committee for Preparatory Work for Indonesian Independence (BPUPKI), on May 29, 1945, asked the session to state the basis of Indonesia's Independence (state), the request caused anamnesic stimulation that turned back the memories of the nation's founders back; this encouraged them to explore the spiritual wealth, personality and national outlook that was buried in the mud of history. By this request, the Indonesian figures thought hard to rediscover their national identity. The Indonesian people lost their way in finding the basis of their country, because of colonialism in the Motherland. In the first meeting of BPUPKI which was held from May 29 to June 1, 1945, there were several speeches to deliver the proposal for the basis of the state. On May 29, 1945, Mr. Muhammad Yamin proposed the basic formulation of the Indonesian state as follows: 1. Nationality 2. Humanity 3. God Almighty 4. People's Welfare Prof. Dr. Soepomo on May 30, 1945 put forward the theories of the State, namely: 1. The theory of individualists 2. Understanding of the class state 3. Understanding of integralistic states. Ir. Soekarno on June 1, 1945 which proposed five basic states consisting of: 1. Nationalism (Indonesian nationality), 2. Internationalism (humanity), 3. Consensus (democracy), 4. God Almighty (Culture) In the speech on June 1, 1945, Ir. Soekarno said: "Sorry, a thousand sorry! Many members have made speeches, and their speeches were expressed things that were not really the request of His Excellency, Your Excellency, that is not essentially an independent Indonesia. In my opinion, what was asked by His Excellency, Mr. Chairman was, in Dutch: "Philosofiche grond-slag" rather than independence of Indonesia. Philosofiche grond-slag is a pandamen, philosophy, deep thoughts, souls, deep desire to build an eternal Indonesian building." It was so great that Ir. Soekarno explained Pancasila sistematically, logically and coherently, and Ir. denied humbly if he was called as the creator of Pancasila. He said: "Why do you thank me, why am I praised, even though I have often said, that I am not the creator of Pancasila. I am just exploring the idea of Pancasila rather than the Indonesian homeland, then I dedicate the five pearls that I return to the Indonesian people. In fact, I have said, that the results of this explorarion, brothers and sisters, are God's gift to me" Although Ir. Sukarno had proposed the five basic prinsiple of the state, he also offered other possibilities, if there were those who did not like the five numbers, as well as the way he showed the basis of all the five basic principles. The alternative can be squeezed into Tri Sila and can even be pursed again into Eka Sila. Tri Sila includes: socio-nationalism, socio democtratic and Divinity. While Eka Sila explained by Ir. Soekarno is "Mutual Cooperation" because according to Ir. Soekarno, Indonesia that we founded must be a country of mutual cooperation. However, on June 1, 1945 the name chosen as the basis of the country was PANCASILA (next to the names of Trisila and Ekasila which were not selected).

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In addition, Pancasila is also a treasure of Indonesian culture, because these values live in the contained in several kingdoms in Indonesia, as follows: 1) In kingdom, the community was the opening of Indonesia history for the first time, because it displayed socio-political value, and God in the form of, festivity and alms to the Brahmas. 2) The development of kingdom by Mr. Muhammad Yamin is called the First Indonesian State on the basis of sovereignty, it can be found that the values of the Pancasila material are most related to each other, such as the value of unity that is inseparable from the Divine value which appears to the king as the center of power with religious power trying to maintain his obligations towards the "datu". Likewise, social and economic values that are intertwined with one another with the value of internationalism in the form of relations with those stretching from experience to overseas countries of the royal harbor and the Malacca Strait secured by sea nomads who are part of the bureaucratic government of Srivijaya. 3) During the kingdom, under King Prabhu Hayam Wuruk and Apatih Mangkubumi, Gajah Mada had succeeded in integrating the archipelago. The factors used to create insight into the archipelago are: the power of magical religions centered on the Prabhu, family social ties, especially between regional kingdoms in with the Prabhu in the Pahom Naradra institution. So it can be said that the social and political religious values which are the material of Pancasila have emerged since entering historical times. In fact, during this kingdom, the term Pancasila was recognized in the religious state book by Prapanca and Sutasoma by Empu Tantular. In the book, the term Pancasila besides has the meaning of "the implementation of the five morality" (Pancasila Krama), namely: a. No violence b. No stealing c. Must not be spiteful d. No lying e. No drinking alcohol Both Srivijaya and Majapahit era were the milestone, because they had fulfilled the requirements as a nation that had a state, both Swieijaya and Majapahit were sovereign, powerful, and had territories that covered the entire archipelago. At that time, the Indonesian had experienced a happy life of carnal and peace. Apart from the royal era, there were still many phases that had to be passed towards Indonesia's independence until the occurence of Pancasila, which had been buried by the Dutch colonialism for a long period. The democratic system that is currently exalted by the western world, according to Muhammad Hatta actually has deep roots in the association of our lives. The Indonesian in the past actually practiced the idea of democracy even though it was still simple and in small scale. Some villages in Indonesia were already running a democracy, for example, head-village election and village consultation meetings. That is called "original democracy". The original democracy has 5 elements, namely: meetings, consensus, mutual cooperation, the right to hold joint protests and the right to step aside from absolute king power. At that time, preferred to use the term populist, to distinguish it from Western democracies which tended to be individualistic. However, village democracy cannot be used as a democratic pattern for Indonesia's modernization. The five elements of village democracy need to be developed and renewed into the concept of modern Indonesian democracy. Modern Indonesian democracy, according to Mohammad Hatta, must cover 3 things, namely: democracy in the political field, democracy in the economic field, democracy in the social field. Indonesian democracy is not different from democracy in the West. This Indonesia's democracy needs to include economic and social democracy which is not found in Western society. As one of the milestones that reflect the dynamics of national life imbued with the values of the Pancasila is manifested in the Youth Pledge on October 28, 1928 which reads: “We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one motherland, Indonesia, We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, acknowledge one nation [are one people], the nation of Indonesia, We the sons and daughters of Indonesia, respect the language of unity, Indonesian.” In further view, the members of BPUPKI consisted of religious neutral Nationalist elites, Muslim Nationalist elites and Christian Nationalist elites. After the first meeting of the BPUPKI was held, a heated debate occurred because of differences of opinion. Muslim Nationalist Elite in BPUPKI proposes Islam as the basis of the State, however, with a deep awareness, there is a political compromise between religious neutral Nationalists and Muslim Nationalists to agree on the Charter (22 June 1945) which contains "seven words": "... with the obligation to carry out Islamic Shari'a for the adherents "was replaced by" the Almighty God. "The seven-word elimination agreement was carried out quickly and legally in the national interest by the Muslim elite: Moh. Hatta; Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Teuku Moh. Hasan and other Muslim figures. So, the Muslim elite does not want this republic formed by a certain religion-based state.

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At the beginning of the establishment, according to Onghokman and Andi Achdian, Pancasila was nothing more than a social contract. This was shown by the fierce debate and negotiation within BPUPKI and PPKI when agreeing on the basis of the state that would later be used by Indonesia. In this case, the founding father meticulously consider various possibilities and circumstances in order to establish a state foundation that is acceptable to all levels of Indonesian society.

III. Pancasila in Independent Era On August 6, 1945, the city of Hiroshima was bombed by an Allied atomic bomb, which was the beginning of the morale of the Japanese army in demoralizing its aggression. The day after the incident, BPUPKI changed the name into PPKI (Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence), this changing emphasized the desire and goals of the Indonesian people to achieve Indonesian independence. The second atomic bomb, dropped on Nagasaki which made Japan surrender to the allies. Both of these events were utilized by Indonesia to immediately declare the independence. To realize this determination, on August 16, 1945 there was a negotiation between the young and the old in the preparation of the text of the proclamation that lasted briefly, starting at 2:00 to 4:00 in the morning. The text of the proclamation was compiled by Ir. Soekarno, Drs. Moh. Hatta and Mr. Ahmad Soebardjo in the dining room of Admiral Tadashi Maeda precisely in street Imam Bonjol No. 1. The concept was written by Ir. Sukarno. (from the young group) suggested that those who signed the text of the proclamation were Ir. Soekarno and Drs. Moh. Hatta on behalf of the Indonesian. Then the Indonesian proclamation text was typed by Sayuti Melik. The declaration content of Independence on August 17, 1945 was based on the spirit of Jakarta Charter on June 22, 1945. This Charter contains lines of rebellion against imperialism and fascism and the basis for Republic of Indonesia formation. Jakarta Charter which is older than San Franciso Pancasila Charter (June 26, 1945) and the Tokyo Capitulation (August 15, 1945) is a sovereign source which emanates the Proclamation of Indonesian Independence. The Jakarta Charter was then legalized by PPKI meeting on August 18, 1945 as the opening of 1945 Constitution, after deleted 7 (seven) words from the sentence "Godhead with the obligation to carry out Islamic law for its adherents", was changed to a God Almighty. In the early 1950s, there were initiatives from a number of figures who wanted to re-interpret Pancasila. At that time, there were differences in perspective which were grouped into two sides. First, some figures tried to place Pancasila as more than a political compromise or social contract. They viewed Pancasila as not only a political compromise but a social philosophy or national weltanschauung. Second, they placed Pancasila as a political compromise. The argument basis was appeared in BPUPKI and PPKI meetings. Pancasila at that time was truly a political compromise between neutral nationalist religious groups (Sidik Djojosukato and Sutan destiny Alisyahbana et al) and Islamic nationalists (, Syaifuddin Zuhri to Muhammad Nasir et al) to be the state basis.

IV. Pancasila in Old Order Era There were two major views on State Basis which influenced the emergence of the Presidential Decree. This views were those who fulfilled the "recommendation" of the President / Government to "return to the 1945 Constitution" with Pancasila as formulated in the Jakarta Charter as the State Basis. While, other parties agreed to "return to the 1945 Constitution", without reserves, it means that with Pancasila as formulated in the Preamble of Constitution which was legalized by PPKI on August 18, 1945 as the State Basis. However, the two proposals did not reach the decision quorum of constituent assembly. The Assembly (read: constituent) was deadlocked in June 1959. This incident caused President Soekarno to intervene with a Presidential Decree approved by the cabinet on July 3, 1959, which was then formulated at the Palace on July 4, 1959 and officially announced by the president on July 5, 1959 at 17:00 in front of Merdeka Palace. The Presidential Decree contains " 1. Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly; 2. The 1945 Constitution re-applies; and 3. Formation of the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly. Before the Decree was issued by President Sukarno in 1959, the Indonesian constitution had undergone several changes. In 1949, Indonesia implemented Republic of United State of Indonesia (RIS) system under the

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auspices of the RIS Constitution. Subsequently in 1950, Indonesia adopted a parliamentary system, In this system, the President is the head of government and Prime Minister is Head of state. This Parliamentary System run in the auspices of the 1950 Constitution, the inherent temporariness of the 1950 Constitution caused President Soekarno formed a Constituent Assembly as an effort to form a new Basic Law for Indonesia. This was a realization of Sukarno's promise to realize a new Constitution for Indonesia if the state was running in a stable condition, because the 1945 Constitution which was legalized by the People's Consultative Assembly on August 18, 1945 was a temporary constitution. Finally, the Constituent Assembly was dissolved by Sukarno through the Presidential Decree July 5, 1959, the Constitution which was expected to be born was not also formed by a Council that was formed specifically. Returning to Pancasila, the socialization of a conclusive understanding of Pancasila is an important prelude for further efforts; Pancasila was made the "state ideology" that appeared hegemonic. This effort was achieved when Ir. Soekarno interpreted Pancasila as a unified understanding in the doctrine of "Monipol / USDEK". The political manifesto (manipol) was the subject matter of Soekarno's speech on August 17, 1959 entitled "The Rediscovery of Our Revolution" which was then determined by the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA) to become the State Policy Guidelines (GBHN). Furthermore, the speech material was confirmed in Presidential Decree (Presidential Decree) No. 1 of 1960 and MPRS Decree No. 1 / MPRS1960 concerning GBHN. The Republic of Indonesia's political manifesto was the result of the formulation of a committee led by D.N. Aidit which was approved by the DPA on September 30, 1959 as a state policy. Therefore, those who disagree with chose "guerrilla" tactics under Sukarno's power, they used Soekarno's jargon with a different agenda. This tactic was used by most political forces. Not only PKI, those who were anti- communism were the same. Although their political interests were different, the two streams both used Pancasila as justification. Sukarno wanted unity among various groups and ideologies including communists, under one big umbrella, called the Pancasila (Manipol doctrine / USDEK), while the anti-communism group consolidated itself as a "purer" Pancasila ideology by eliminating the ideology of godless communism. (atheism). By the existence of very strong opposition plus the chaotic chaos of politics at the time, then Ir. Soerkano was ousted as , through the MPRS meeting.

V. Pancasila in New Order Era The collapse of Sukarno's power and the coup attempt of G30 S / PKI which failed to mark the rise of a new era called the New Order. This was marked by the granting of a mandate known as the Order of Eleventh March of 1966 or Supersemar from Soekarno to to deal with the situation caused by the rebellion of the communist group. Faisal Ismail revealed that the establishment of the New Order was supported by progressive forces such as the Kest Gestapu / PKI (Unity of Action Thirty September Movement / PKI), US (Indonesian Student Action Unity), KAPPI (Indonesian Student Youth Unity Action) and TNI (Indonesian national army). The Islamic people had a large share in the suppression and propagation of the G30 S / PKI, which also occupying an important and strategic position as an exponent in the progressive power of the New Order. Lieutenant General Suharto as the Commander of the Army Strategic Reserve at that time emerged as the most senior officer in the crackdown on the coup attempt. Suharto faced upholding the issue of legitimacy when power was gradually taken over from Sukarno in late 1965 and early 1966. Suharto's obligation was to ensure that this new regime was the legitimate and constitutional heir of the first president. From Soekarno's ideological treasures, the new government took Pancasila as the sole basis of the state and was the most appropriate recipe for legitimizing the power. The New Order government continued to establish the power over Indonesian political supporters. The New Order distinguishes the old Order by identifying itself as: 1. A state and nation order based on the implementation of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution in a pure and consistent manner. 2. An order that seeks to realize the ideals of independence, namely justice and prosperity of the Indonesian people based on Pancasila. 3. An order that aspires to build a state and community system based on the Constitution, democracy and law. 4. A legal order and a development order. On the anniversary of Pancasila, June 1, 1967, President Soeharto said, “Pancasila is experiencing more and more tests of the times and the more determined we are to defend Pancasila”. In addition, President Soeharto also said, “Pancasila is not just a motto to be echoed, Pancasila is not the basis of state philosophy which is only

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saved in the text of the Constitution, but Pancasila must be practiced. Pancasila is used as a political force in addition to be a ritual force. It is so strong that Pancasila is used as the state basis, then June 1, 1968 President Soeharto said that Pancasila as the nation’s life guide would encourage Indonesia, even if certain parties wanted to replace, change Pancasila and deviate from Pancasila, it would be frustrated. The direction of Pancasila understaning in the era of President Soeharto’s began to be improved one by one, in 1968 President Soeharto issued Presidential Instruction No. 12 of 1968 which became a guide in pronouncing Pancasila as the state basis, the Presidential Instruction was applied on April 13, 1968. Furthermore, on March 22, 1978 stipulated (abbreviated TAP) MPR Number II / MPR / 1978 concerning Guidelines for the Pancasila Appreciation and Practice (Ekaprasetya Pancakarsa) whose article precisely Article 4 explains: "Pancasila appreciation and practicing guidelines is the life guide to be a nation and state community for every Indonesian, every state organizer and every state and social institution, both central and regional, and carried out unanimously and integrally" The values and norms contained in the Pancasila appreciation and Practicing Guidelines (Ekaprasetya Pancakarsa) are based on the provisions which includes 36 items. Pancasila values consisting of 36 items, then in 1994, were abstracted / retranslated by the Central BP-7 to 45 points P4. The existence of Pancasila was increasingly important for a nation and state sustainability in the New Order era when it became an inseparable part in the source of law and the law order and regulations in Indonesia, this was regulated in MPRS Decree No. XX / MPRS / 1966. This decree emphasized that the mandate of people’s suffering can only be given with the complete experience of Pancasila in all aspects of state life and society with the implementation of pure and consistent life and the provisions of 1945 Constitution, to uphold the Republic of Indonesia as a constitutional state as stated in the opening of 1945 Constitution. This incident caused a reaction from a part of Islamic group by rejecting the government reinforcement and stating that the government would make Pancasila as a religion. The anger of the government could not be dammed so that President Soeharto spoke loudly to the ABRI Rapim in Pekanbaru on March 27, 1980. Basically the New Order would not change Pancasila and 1945 Constitution, instead it was strengthened as a ideological comparatist. It is very clear how the New Order government needed to protect Pancasila by establishing the MPRS TAP, even though with a military style, so that no citizen would dare to leave Pancasila. Furthermore, in August 1982 the New Order Government carried out the “Single Principle”, namely the recognition of Pancasila as the Single Principle, thus, every political party must recognize the position of Pancasila as a unifying nation. Suharto’s background imposed a single principle of Pancasila for all political and social organizations affected by two factors, first, the government seems to learn from the experience of previous election campaigns where physical battles (which often have fatal consequences), especially between and PPP supporters . Suharto admitted that there had been an explosion of violence during the elections and this was because not all election contestants accepted Pancasila as an ideology to be upheld by all socio-political groups. As published in the Kompas daily news quoted by Faisal Ismail, reported that there had been clashes between supporters of PPP and Golkar in various regions, especially in Jakarta and . The most serious clashes occurred on May 18, 1982 in Banteng area of Jakarta when Golkar was holding a campaign. PPP supporters had reportedly challenged Golkar, resulting some riots which resulted the arrest of approximately 100 young people. The authorities banned all forms of campaign procession and put Soedomo in command of the security forces to shoot at the scene of every rioter. Second, Pancasila ideologically occupied a stronger position in the social and national life of Indonesian. This idea seems to be reinforced by the fact that as far as political Islam was concerned, PPP still maintained Islam as the principle besides Pancasila. Besides, the main motive for the single principle implementation was to protect Pancasila as a national ideology and to socialize Pancasila. The initial steps of Soeharto's efforts to enact the Pancasila single principle can be observed in two of his speeches, namely in the commemoration of the 1982 Proclamation of Independence and in July 1983, on these two occasions Suharto explained the government's ration for imposing compliance with Pancasila. In his first speech, Suharto warned of alternative ideologies other than Pancasila, which were still put forward in Indonesia, Therefore, Soeharto set all socio-political organizations must accept Pancasila as a single principle. Whereas in the second speech, Suharto reiterated and explained his intention to require all organizations, especially the political party, to accept Pancasia as the single principle, the speech was delivered before senior ABRI officers. Suharto said that unconditional acceptance of Pancasila was essential for national stability and unity. He said

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that although the New Order had been based on Pancasila for many years, there were still people and groups who refused to accept Pancasila or considered Pancasila dangerous. The government officially presented the idea for the unification of principles for all political parties was in his speech in DPR meeting on August 16, 1982. Furthermore, this idea was included in the MPR Decree No. II / 1983 especially in Article 3 chapter IV, with the reasons for maintaining, strengthening and establishing Panacasila in social and national life, all political parties and Golkar must make Pancasila as the single principle. With this provision, the government removed the special principle and its own characteristics which became the foundation of PPP and PDI. For PPP is "Islam", while PDI is "Indonesian Democracy, Indonesian Nationalism and Social Justice". The idea of a single principle of Pancasila for political parties and Golkar launched by the government as stipulated in the 1983 GBHN has led to puzzles and disagreements among the leaders of social organizations. They wondered whether the policy also applied to the social organizations they lead. The 1983 GBHN did not explicitly state that the provision of Pancasila as single principle policy also applied to all social organizations, However, it only mentioned that community organizations would be regulated by law. Furthermore, the clarification was given by the Junior Minister of Youth and Sports Affairs, Abdul Ghafar on 30 August 1983 after consulting with Suharto. He asserted that the provision of a single principle policy also applied to social organizations and the law for this, after obtaining approval from the Parliament, will be immediately issued and enacted. Various reactions arose with the government's policy to impose the single principle of Pancasila, however, the Government continued to realize to implement a single principle of Pancasila for all political parties and social organizations. On February 19, 1985, the government, with the approval of the Parliament, legelized Law No. 3 of 1985 concerning Amendments to Law Number 3 of 1975 concerning Political Parties and Working Groups. The provision of Article 1 number (2) expressly stipulated that Political Parties and Work Groups were based on Pancasila as the only principle. The Pancasila Principle is the principle in social, national and state life. With the enactment of this provision, all political parties were required to place Pancasila as a principle in all their party activities. For political parties that do not heed this single principle rule, the provisions of Article 0 of Law No. 3 of 1985 explicitly explained that the President/ Mandatary of the People's Consultative Assembly, with the authority available to them, they could discharge the Central Level Management of Political Parties and Work Groups who clearly carried out contrary action. In addition, the Government, with the approval of the DPR four months later, on June 17, 1985, precisely issued Law No. 8/1985 concerning Community Organizations. One of the considerations to apply this single principle was that the Social Organization as a means to channel opinions and thoughts for members of the citizens of the Republic of Indonesia, they have a very important role in increasing the active participation of all levels of society in realizing the Pancasila community based on the 1945 Constitution in the framework of ensure the consolidation of national unity and integrity, guarantee the success of national development as a practice of Pancasila, and at the same time, guarantee the achievement of national goals. By the issuance of this policy, all components of social organizations were required to apply the single principle of Pancasila in the organizational principle. It was not different with the political parties and groups of work, for community organizations that do not heed what has been outlined in this policy, the Government can discharge the Management or Central Management of Community Organizations. Besides, the Government can discharge community organizations that embrace, develop, and spread the ideas or teachings of Communism / Marxism-Leninism and ideology, or other teachings that are contrary to the Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution in all their forms and manifestations. By the increasing of world information, there was external element that influenced Indonesia in the late 1990s which indirectly threatened the implementation of Pancasila by the New Order government. Likewise, democracy increasingly criticized the practice of the New Order government which was not transparent and authoritarian, obsessive, corruption, and political manipulation which criticized the practice of Pancasila. However this condition survived until the collapse of President Soeharto on May 21, 1998.

VI. Pancasila in Reformation Era Pancasila in the new order era was, in fact, used as an instrument of political legitimacy, which should ideally be used as a basis for ethical morals of the state and the state implementing apparatus. The destruction of the national economy was the accumulation of these conditions, this condition had led to various community movements spearheaded by students, intellectuals and as a political moral movement society that demands "reform" in all fields, such as politics, economic and law.

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For some people in Reformation era, Pancasila was an ideological legitimacy during the Soeharto era, this became the people's argument to blame Pancasila as one of state destruction causes. Inevitably, in Reformation era, Pancasila linked continuously as an authoritarian power experience in New Order era. As As'ad Said said that when the New Order collapsed, a pancasila phobia emerged. The state basis for a while seemed to be forgotten because it was almost always synonymous with the New Order regime. This state basis was transformed into a single ideology and the only source of value and truth. The state became omniscient to the right and wrong. These value was always tought through indoctrination. This worrisome condition was clearly seen when people who had never talked about Pancasila might even think that Pancasila was not so important in their lives. Whereas Pancasila was clearly as a unifying tool for the nation, besides, Pancasila had a very important position in social life as the contents of Pancasila. This was compounded when a lot of real youths could not memorize the contents of Pancasila. This was certainly something that should not have happened in the life of the nation, young people who were expected to be the successors of the nation and future national leaders who could not memorize the basis of the State or their own National Ideology. This condition can cause a loss of love of the motherland in themselves, how they can understand and interpret the philosophical meaning in the nation, if they do not know what is the state basis. As if the "neglect" of Pancasila in Reformation Era, it initially did not seem to have a significant negative impact, however, it was fatal for the nation life and Indonesia. In social life, people lost control of themselves, resulting in massive horizontal and vertical conflicts and ultimately weaken the unity awereness and integrity of the people. In cultural aspect, public awareness of Indonesian culture nobility began to fade, which occurred in the disorientation of the nation's personality, followed by moral damage for the younger generation. In the economic aspect, inequality in various sectors had been exacerbated by the grip of foreign capital in the Indonesian economy. In the political aspect, there was a national political disorientation, all political activities seemed to be focused only on the interests of their groups. More than that, political activity is merely a dominant libido over the desire to dominate, it was not as an activity to fight for national interests which ultimately causes state chaotic life as it is today. Martin Roestami argued that in the reformation era, there was an anecdote that said once independent, very independent or ‘sekali merdeka, merdeka sekali’. This sentence arised as a result of the empty space of Indonesia’s paradigm shift from a repressive state to a democratic one. At this time, demonstration is in everywhere, freedom seems to have crossed the limits of tolerance, but the public still needs it. Conflicts occur everywhere such as in graves, sports fields, schools, markets, houses of worship, and the courts, the public is free to express their expression. Appreciation for the apparatus is very low, it is not uncommon to see the spectacle of judges being pelted by parties who feel dissatisfied with their decisions. President Habibie, who succeeded Soeharto, who stopped from his presidency since May 21, 1998, faced complex problems, such as, the future of reform, the future of the Armed Forces, the future of regions wishing to escape from Indonesia, including the future of former President Soeharto and his family also became an issue in Habibie’s leadership as President. Arwan Tuti Artha wrote that according to the Habibie language, the teacher who most strongly influences the policy process is the “healthy brain”. Thus, Habibie’s attitude towards military domination during the Soeharto era was more careful, resolute, and critical in order that he was not trapped by his political scenario. Habibie’s fate was not very good during his time as President, the East Timor case became a major problem that emerged during his leadership. the policy of issuing autonomy options in Indonesia or independence, finally made East Timor separated from Indonesia. However, Habibie continued to advance in the presidential election. When October 1999, MPR officially rejected the policy accountability report, Habibie resigned from the Presidential nomination. After Habibie resigned from the 1999 presidential nomination, there was little news about him. Habibie reportedly was in Germany, until seven years later precisely in 2006, Habibie was again discussed because he published a book entitled “Decisive Times” which was considered controversial by some sections of Indonesian society. As President, it is undeniable that Habibie had done something for this country. Although he only led Indonesia for about 512 days, Habibie has brought a new awareness of the Indonesian people that in the future, the door is open for prospective leaders of the nation who bring a more successful reform order. However, Habibie revealed that accepting the legacy of the President’s institution as the center of finance and power and the center of public attention in a feudal system with all problems and challenges, caused Habibie to be the loneliest and most alone human being in an environment that was busy dealing with multi-complex problems. In the history of this nation, in November it was better known as Gus Dur. But on his way in July 2001, Abdurrahman was discharged as President by the MPR and subsequently Megawati Soekarno Putri, who was originally the Vice

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President, became the fifth President of the Republic of Indonesia. Megawati’s experience is not much different from Habibie when she served as President. They are civilians who became President after the new order. In the reform era, Pancasila agreement became the basis of the Republic of Indonesia which is normatively stated in the MPR Decree, namely TAP MPR Number XVIII / MPR / 1998. In the provisions of Article 1 it states that "Pancasila as referred in the Preamble of 1945 Constitution is the state basis of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, which must be carried out consistently in state life". The commitment to maintain the state basis must be maintained, even though at that time Indonesia faced Amendments to the Constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia in 1945. In addition to the Pancasila agreement as the basis of the state, Pancasila also becomes the source of law stipulated in MPR Decree Number III / MPR / 2000 Article 1 Paragraph (3) which states as follows: "The source of state basis law is Pancasila as written in the Preamble of 1945 Constitution, namely Belief in the Almighty God, A just and civilized humanity, The unity of Indonesia, Citizens, led by collective wisdom in representation, Social equity for all the peoples of Indonesia and the body of 1945 Constitution. " The decreasing of Pancasila values in social life, nation and state worries various layers of society. Therefore, in 2004 Azyumardi Azra stressed the need for the rejuvenation of Pancasila as an integrative factor and one of the fundamentals of national identity. This exclamation seemed significant, because the process of amending the 1945 Constitution established the idea of reviving the Jakarta Charter. In addition, there was also terrorism in the name of religion. In short time, symptoms of Sharia law appeared in a number of regions. The series of symptoms seemed to supplement public anxiety during the reforms which questioned the direction of the reform and democratization movement. Azyumardi Azra's exclamation was responded by a number of people. The discourse on Pancasila again warmed up and expanded after the Commemoration Symposium on the day of Pancasila again warmed up and expanded after the Commemoration of the Pancasila Birthday Commemoration held by FISIP-UI on May 31, 2006. Some discussions to revitalize the dissemination of Pancasila values were also carried out incentives by the Secretariat of the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in 2008/2009. Likewise, the Director General of Higher Education, in 2009, also formed the Pancasila Education Study Team in Higher Education. Meanwhile, several universities have organized similar activities, including: the Pancasila Congress at , the Pancasila National Symposium and National Insights at the Indonesian Education University, and the Pancasila Congress at . More than that, MPR-RI as a High State Institution carried out the socialization of Pancasila values known as the "Four Pillars of Nationality", consisting of: Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and Unity in Diversity. The term of "Four Pillars of Nationality" which MPR socialized, Kaelan has a Dissenting Opinion, according to Kaela (2012: 249-252) containing; 1) linguistic mistake or terminology error can also be said; 2) the expression does not refer to empirical reality as contained in the language expression, but rather refers to an understanding or idea, 'national and state' is analogous to a large building (large building); 3) category error, because epistemologically the knowledge category of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and Unity in Diversity are not the same category. The inequality is related to the reality or nature of the knowledge, the form of knowledge, the truth of the knowledge and the coherence of the knowledge. In addition to enacting the MPR TAP and various activities to re-socialize Pancasila in social, national and state life, as a state of law, the values of Pancasila must be reflected in every legal policy in Indonesia. Law No. 12 of 2012 concerning the Formation of Laws and Regulations was enacted as a form of commitment that Indonesia is a country that upholds the values of Pancasila. Article 2 of this constitution confirms that "Pancasila is the source of all sources of state law." Law No. 12 of 2012 replaces Law No. 10 of 2004 and some previous regulations. The Law concerning the Formation of Legislation is based on the idea that Indonesia is a state of law. As a state of law, all aspects of life in the society life, nationality, and state including government must be based on laws that are in accordance with the national legal system. The national legal system is a law that applies in Indonesia with all its elements and overcomes the problems that occure in social, national and state life based on Pancasila and 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This law emphasizes the position of Pancasila as the state basis, however even normative conditions are felt to be insufficient. Pancasila in its position as the nation's view of life needs to be lived in and practiced by all components of the nation. It should be grateful when this awareness begins to re-emerge, so that quite a number of institutions undertake the activities of assessing the values of the Pancasila after the unstable condition of the Indonesian people since the onset of reforms that lost direction in the life of the nation and state. This alarming

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condition will lead to the disintegration of the nation if Pancasila is not put forward as a solution to the various problems that occure in the process of nation and state in Indonesia. From the various eras that rolled in Indonesia, various models of leadership, and various dynamics that occurred in each era, it is clearly seen that Pancasila as an ideology is able to unite all Indonesian. From various tribes, religions, languages, and cultures that exist in Indonesia, Pancasila has been proven able to stand strongly amid the diversity of the nation. As a country that has distinctive characteristics and identities, founding fathers have thought to explore the values that have long lived and are rooted in Indonesian society. In the end, Pancasila was agreed as the state basis, philosophy of life, and Indonesian ideology. Ideology in new independent and developing countries functions as something that "confirms and deepens the identity of their people" (something that reinforces and deepens the identity of its people). However, the ideology in these countries, accordingly is just a tool for regimes that are just in power to perpetuate their power. Ideology is a tool to define political activity in power, or to carry out a politics of "cultural management", a cultural management deception. Therefore, It found some deviations in the implementation of ideology in the life of each country. The implication is that ideology has an important function to reinforce national identity or to create a sense of togetherness as a nation. On the other hand, ideology is vulnerable to be misused by the elites to perpetuate power. The strength of ideology depends on the quality of the three dimensions contained in it. First, the dimension of reality, that the basic values contained in the ideology are actually rooted and live in the community or nation, especially because these basic values are sourced from their culture and historical experience. Second, the idealism dimension, that the basic values of the ideology contain idealism, not wishful thinking, which provides hope for a better future through the embodiment or experience in the practice of living together with their various dimensions. Third, the dimension of flexibility or the dimension of development, that the ideology has the flexibility that allows and even stimulates the development of new ideas that are relevant, without eliminating or denying the nature or identity contained in the basic values. Finally, the important meaning of the historical study of Pancasila as reviewed was to maintain the existence of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Therefore, all components of the nation must imperatively and categorically live and implement the Pancasila both as the State Basis and as the Nation's Life View, by referring to the values of the Pancasila and the Preamble of 1945 Constitution and consistently obeying the provisions in the articles of 1945 Constitution.

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[11]. Ibatova, A. Z., & Ilyin, A. G. (2018). Pedagogical Technologies Of Students’ Motivation To A Healthy Way Of Life In Higher Education Establishments (Short Survey). MODERN JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE TEACHING METHODS, 8(3), 471-474.M [12]. Intan, B. (2019). Religious Violence and the Ministry of Religion:‘Public Religion’in the Pancasila- based State of Indonesia. International Journal of Public Theology, 13(2), 227-246. [13]. Maseleno, A., Huda, M., Jasmi, K. A., Basiron, B., Mustari, I., Don, A. G., & bin Ahmad, R. (2019). Hau-Kashyap approach for student’s level of expertise. Egyptian Informatics Journal, 20(1), 27-32. [14]. Mietzner, M., & Muhtadi, B. (2020). The Myth of Pluralism: Nahdlatul Ulama and the Politics of Religious Tolerance in Indonesia. Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, 42(1), 58-84. [15]. Nail, M. H., Ekatjahjana, W., & Harianto, A. (2019). The Legal Meaning and Position of Pancasila as the Source of Legislation Formation in Indonesia. JL Pol'y & Globalization, 90, 52. [16]. Ong, B. J. (2019). Pluralist constitutions in Southeast Asia [Book Review]. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies, (Sep 2019), 493. [17]. Rizqi, A. R. (2020, April). Pancasila in the Primordialism and Modernism Intersections. In International Conference on Agriculture, Social Sciences, Education, Technology and Health (ICASSETH 2019) (pp. 24-28). Atlantis Press. [18]. Wibawa, I. P. S. (2019). Legal Pluralism In Subak Regulation In . International Journal of Applied Science and Sustainable Development (IJASSD), 1(1), 10-13. [19]. Wibawa, I. P. S. (2019, March). PORTRAIT OF LEGAL PLURALISM IN THE SETTING OF THE HOLY PLACE OF ULUWATU TEMPLE IN BALI. In Proceeding International Seminar (ICHECY) (Vol. 1, No. 1). [20]. Woodward, M. (2019). RELIGIOUS PLURALISM IN BALI PREMODERN AND CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES. Aqlam: Journal of Islam and Plurality, 4(2).

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