The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, Al-Ikhwān, Al-Qaidah and ISIS

The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qaidah and ISIS

A Study of Bāṭinī Movements, Qarāmiṭī Terrorists, Khārijī Uprisings, Secret Orders, Freemasonry, Jamāl al- Dīn [al-Afghani], Hassān al-Bannā, the Muslim Brotherhood, Sayyid Quṭb, Usāmah bin Lādin, Al- Qāʿidah, ISIS, Revolutions and Bloodshed in the Muslim Lands

Part 1: There is no Hidden, Esoteric Knowledge, no Secrecy, nor Secret Organization in Islām

Shaykh Ṣāliḥ al-Fawzān: So these (contemporary Khārijites) are more evil than the Khārijites (of old). They are more in resemblance to the Qarāmiṭah and the secret orders (organizations). Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī: And they (the Ikhwānīs) have Freemasonry with them. Shaykh ʿUbayd al-Jābirī: And these callers, if they are not Freemasons, then they [at least] serve [the agenda] of the Freemasons, and they argue for their [cause].

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The Legacies of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʿ and Nāfiʿ bin Azraq Upon the Rāfiḍah and the Khawārij

ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ is the Jewish founder of the Shiʿite sect and launcher of the revolution against ʿUthmān, the 3rd Caliph. Nāfiʿ bin Azraq is a Khārijite extremist, said to be of Greek lineage, (d. 65AH). He would slaughter Muslims after enquiring about their position towards the rulers and he also participated in the revolution against ʿUthmān. Jamāl al-Dīn "al-Afghānī" (Persian, Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Freemason). Abu Aʿlā Mawdūdī (concealed Rāfiḍī). Vladimir Lenin (Communist Jew), authored on how revolution is to be engineered by an "elite vanguard," Sayyid Quṭb took this idea and merged it with his doctrines of jāhiliyyah, ḥakimiyyah and takfīr. Muṣtafawī al-Kāshānī (Iranian "Āyatollah"). Nawāb Ṣafawī (executed Rāfiḍī revolutionary). Alī al-Khameini (Iranian, "Āyatollah", translated Quṭb's books). "Rūḥullāh" al-Khomeinī (Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī). The Connectors: Ḥasan al-Bannā (Ṣūfī, Khārijī, Takfīrī), Sayyid Quṭb (Bātinī, Rāfidī, Takfīrī, Kḥārijī). The Product: Al-Qaidah and ISIS: Ayman al-Zawāhirī (spawned from Quṭb's teachings). Usāmah bin Lādin. Abu Muṣʿab al-Zarqāwī. Abu ʿUmar al-Baghdādī. Abū Ayūb al-Miṣrī. Abu Bakr al-Baghdādī.

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The Armies of the Khārijites and the Dajjāl (Anti-Christ)

ʿAbdullāh bin ʿUmar () relates that the Prophet () said, “A people will emerge who recite the Qurʾān but it will not go past their throats. Every time a faction of them emerges it will be cut off.” And he () also said, “I heard the Messenger of Allāh () say, ‘Every time a faction of them emerges it will be cut off’, more than twenty times [before saying] ‘until the Dajjāl appears amongst their army’.”1 And in the Musnad of Imām Aḥmad who relates from ʿAbdullāh bin ʿUmar () with his isnād, “I heard the Messenger of Allāh () saying, ‘There will emerge a people from my ummah from the East who recite the Qurʾān but it does not go beyond their throats. Every time a faction amongst them emerges it will be cut off. Every time a faction amongst them emerges it will be cut off,’ until he said it ten times, ‘Every time a faction amongst them emerges it will be cut off, until the Dajjāl appears amongst their (later) remnants.’2 And in another version, also related by ʿAbdullāh bin ʿUmar () that the Prophet () said, “A group will emerge who recite the Qurʾān but it does not go beyond their throats. Every time a faction amongst them emerges it will be cut off. Every time a faction amongst them emerges it will be cut off, until the Dajjāl appears amongst their armies.”3

1 Reported by Ibn Mājah and declared ḥasan by Shaykh al-Albāni in Ṣaḥīḥ Ibn Mājah (1/75-76, no. 144). 2 Aḥmad Shakir in his taḥqīq of the Musnad declared this to be ṣaḥīḥ (11/88). 3 This ḥadīth is graded ḥasan by Shaykh al-Albāni in Ṣaḥīḥ al-Jāmiʾ (no. 8171).

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The Khārijites, Bāṭinī Movements and Secret Orders

The Salafī scholar, Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī said about al-Ikhwān al- Muslimūn (Muslim Brotherhood), “If you wish (to find) the methodology of the Rawāfiḍ, you will find it (amongst them). And if you wish to find Freemasonry, you will find it in their books and in their secret and open agendas."4 And Shaykh Rabīʿ said, "And they (the Ikhwānīs) have Freemasonry with them, and everything they accuse the Salafīs with, and likewise (amongst them is) espionage, all of this is found amongst them [whilst they accuse the Salafīs of this]..."5

The Salafī Scholar, Shaykh Ṣāliḥ al-Fawzān said, “The origin of the beginnings of this faction lies in the Khārijites (of old). However, their evil (the contemporary ones) increased and they surpassed what was done by the Khārijites (of old). For the Kharijites (of old) never used to raze houses (to the ground) and blow up residential and commercial buildings. They never used to perform these actions. The Khārijites used to appear in battles and fight (conventionally), they did not used to attack the homes of people who live securely and (they did not) terrify women and children. So these (contemporary) ones are more evil than the Khārijites (of old). They are more in resemblance to the Qarāmiṭah and the secret orders (organizations). Hence, the origin of their ideology is the ideology of the Khārijites, but then their affair evolved until they added (affairs) on top of what the Khārijites did. So they are more evil than them. It is not permissible to refrain from applying the label of 'Khārijites' to them, because they are Khārijites in reality and in their origin, rather, they are more evil than them as we have mentioned.”6

And the Salafi scholar, Shaykh ʿUbayd al-Jābirī, (referring to certain Ikhwānī callers) said, "...and these callers, if they are not Freemasons, then they [at least] serve [the agenda] of the Freemasons, and they

4 Kashf al-Sitār (p. 36 onwards). 5 In the 3rd cassette on the explanation of Kitāb al-Īmān of al-Bukhārī and it has also been transcribed and published in various places online. 6 Al-Ijābāt al-Fāṣilah an Shubuhāt al-Ḥāṣilah (p.58).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 4 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS argue for their [cause]."7 and the Shaykh also said, "...the callers to deviation, and some of them are heads in Freemasonry, and servants of the Rāfiḍah and other than that from [what comprises] enmity to the Sunnah and its people..."8

Shaykh Sālih Āl al-Shaykh said in relation to al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn, "Their most prominent manifestation in daʿwah is that they use concealment, secrecy, changing of colours, and nearness to whomever they think will benefit them (in their goals), and not manifesting the reality of their affair. Meaning, that they are Bāṭiniyyah9 in one type (aspect) amongst its types (aspects). They do not respect the Sunnah or love its people. They desire to take leadership. They have love and hate for the sake of the ḥizb or jamāʿah."10

And Farīd ʿAbd al-Khāliq, who was an Ikhwānī himself, speaks about the 1965 secret organization in the prisons of Egypt, led by Sayyid Qūtb and others, "Then they adopted some of the methods of the Bāṭiniyyah of taqiyyah (dissimulation, deception), such that they would not reveal their true beliefs to others, but only reveal them within their closed

7 In the cassette “al-Majruḥūn” (2003). 8 In the cassette “al-Ṣawārif ʿan Ittibāʿ al-Sunnah.” 9 The Bāṭiniyyah sects were remnants of the past civilizations who were dominated or weakened by Islām, they showed the face of Shīʿism outwardly whilst concealing disbelief inwardly. They are precursors and forerunners to the modern form of Freemasony which started in the early 18th century (1700s) in Europe. The Bāṭiniyyah employed secrecy, secret organization and a structured heirarchy in their mode of operation and their aim was to work sedition in the lands of Islām with a view to weakening the Muslims and regaining control over the lands of Islām. They also preceded modern Freemasonic movements in the use of certain ideologies and concepts to arrive at their goals, such as the notions of social justice, freedom, equality, and the unity of religions. Refer to Part 2 in this series which deals specifically with the Bāṭiniyyah sects. 10 Abridged, from the audio compilation: Fatāwā al-ʿUlamā fī al-Jamāʿāt wa Atharuhā ʿalā Bilād al-Ḥaramayn. Tasjīlāt Minhāj al-Sunnah, Riyāḍ. Also related in Sirr al-Jamāʿah of ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī.

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Note: All reference and usage of the word "Bāṭinī" and "Bāṭiniyyah" in relation to modern movements and their figureheads is from the angle that they share in some of the prominent characteristics of the Bāṭinī movements of old, such as the use of secrecy and secret organization, and likewise, aspects of their ideology such as revolution and calls for social justice, equality and freedom.

11 Ikhwān al-Muslimūn Fī Mīzan al-Ḥaqq, (p.118).

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A Summary of the Realities

The ideologies and activities of al-Qāʿidah and ISIS are traced back to Sayyid Quṭb, a Rāfīḍī, Bāṭinī Freemason12 who advocated worldwide revolutions and terror in Muslim lands through his writings. He was influenced by his Communist, Socialist past to pour rage and scorn upon Muʿāwiyah () and his parents (making takfīr of them) and also Banū Umayyah (making takfīr of them). He also reviled ʿUthmān () in issues pertaining to rulership and social justice following directly in the footsteps of his predecessor, the Bātinī, Rāfiḍī Freemason, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.13 Quṭb was influenced by the French philosopher, Alexis Carrel in formulating his doctrine of Jāhiliyyah and ascribed pre-Islāmic Jāhiliyyah to all Muslim societies due to the sin and disobedience found therein. As for Ḥākimiyyah, he took it from the concealed Rāfiḍī, Abu Aʿlā Mawdūdī, a very close friend of al-Khomeinī. As for revolutionary ideology, Quṭb took it from the Communist Jew, Vladimir Lenin and his book “What is to be done?”

He merged and penned all of this in his book, Milestones which became the adopted revolutionary manifesto for the Khārijite movements appearing shortly afterwards. Quṭb had connections and interactions with Nawāb Ṣafawī (executed Shīʿite revolutionary) and Muṣtafawī al- Kāshanī, from the Twelver Shiʿites of Irān, having met the former and written in encouragement and praise of the latter. ʿAlī al-Khameini translated the works of Sayyid Quṭb which aided in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and both Quṭb and Mawdūdī were honoured and praised by the Iranian Rāfiḍī state led by al-Khomeinī due to their ideological and tactical service to the Rāfīḍīs. Their books were propagated amongst the Shiʿītes because of the poison they contain against the Companions (). Further, once in power, this Iranian Shīʿite state began to plot against the Sunnī states through its proxies, the various Shīʿite populations in those lands which are being financed and mobilised to incite the society against Sunnī governments in the

12 Evidence to follow in the appropriate part in this series. 13 Evidence to follow in the appropriate part in this series.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 7 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS name of social justice and equality. What unites them all (Quṭb, Mawdūdī, Ṣafawī, al-Kashānī, al-Khameinī and al-Khomeinī) is their enmity towards the Companions of the Prophet (). What we are really looking at here are the Sab’īyyah and Khārijiyyah of the Era. Their hearts resemble each other in vileness.

From the cradle of Sayyid Qūṭb and the Takfīrī Khārijīte movements spawned by his writings we have Ayman al-Zawāhirī, who has become a key figure of al-Qāʿidah. He in turn is connected to Usamah bin Lādin and both of them are tied to Abu Muṣab al-Zarqāwī (al-Qāʿidah in Irāq). These Quṭbiyyah, Takfīriyyah are in turn connected to Abū Ayūb al- Miṣrī and Abu ʿUmar al-Bagdhādī (ISIS). And they were succeeded by the imposter caliph, the murderer of innocents on the streets of Baghdad, Abu Bakr al-Baghdādī. All of them are Quṭbiyyah, Takfīriyyah, Khārijiyyah. They have no connection to Shaykh al-Islām Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb and his daʿwah from near or afar, as we shall establish in due course. Rather, their ideological and methodological roots lie with Bāṭinī14 Rāfiḍī Freemasons like Sayyid Qūtb and their isnād returns, through all routes, to him. Where are their connections to Ibn Bāz, Ibn a-ʿUthaymīn, al-Fawzān, ʿAbd al-Azīz ʿĀl al-Shaykh and those before them from the Mashāyikh of the daʿwah, tracing all the way back to Shaykh al-Islām Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb? Where are their isnāds to the people of knowledge who actualize the methodology of the Prophets in daʿwah to Allāh? They don’t have any.

As for their terrorism, they took it from Nāfiʿ bin Azraq, head of the the Azāriqah. They were the most extreme of the Khārijites who unleashed terror upon the Muslims, in homes, streets and even mosques.15 Nafīʿ

14 Quṭb was involved in setting up a secret organization whilst in prison during 1965, the aim of which was to prepare his group for acts of terrorism. He also carried the Bāṭinī poison against ʿUthmān and Muʿāwiyah () and wrote against them in the name of social justice. 15 The Salafī Scholar, Shaykh Ṣāliḥ al-Fawzān said, “The origin of the beginnings of this faction lies in the Khārijites (of old). However, their evil (the contemporary ones) increased and they surpassed what was done by the Khārijites (of old). For the Khārijites (of old) never used to raze houses (to the

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 8 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS bin Azraq was amongst those who participated in the revolution against ʿUthmān led by ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī, the same revolution which was praised by both of those Rāfiḍī Bāṭinī Freemasons, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Asabādī al-Irānī [al-Mutaʾafghan] and Sayyid Qūtb.

Now, when you recount all of this to a Takfīrī Khārijite who is deceived by al-Qaidah and ISIS or sympathetic to them - and all of what has preceded is factual reality, backed by evidence - they dismiss it by saying, “Fear Allāh!” out of their severe ignorance and unbridled emotions. And it is here where we realize and appreciate that such people will be easy game for the Dajjāl when he appears and we also appreciate the authentic Prophetic statement that the Dajjāl (Anti- Christ) will appear amongst the armies of the Khārijites. This is because they are trapped by an extreme religious ferver founded upon severe ignorance and raw, misguided emotion. Thus, once they leave the confines of the Islāmic Sharīʿah through their desires (hawā) they never return, just like the arrow does not return to the bow.

As for their fighting against the Shīʿites and the Nuṣayriyyah, that does not detract from the severity of their bidʿah (innovation) and ḍalālah (misguidance). For Ahl al-Bidʿah fight and kill each other too. We do not see them seeking revenge against Sayyid Quṭb for the sake of ʿUthmān, Muʿāwiyah and his parents () – just as they claim to seek revenge against the Shīʿites for the sake of Āʿishah () – ground) and blow up residential and commercial buildings. They never used to perform these actions. The Khārijites used to appear in battles and fight (conventionally), they did not used to attack the homes of people who live securely and (they did not) terrify women and children. So these (contemporary) ones are more evil than the Khārijites (of old). They are more in resemblance to the Qarāmiṭah and the Secret Orders. Hence, the origin of their ideology is the ideology of the Khārijites, but then their affair evolved until they added (affairs) on top of what the Khārijites did. So they are more evil than them. It is not permissible to refrain from applying the label of 'Khārijites' to them, because they are Khārijites in reality and in their origin, rather, they are more evil than them as we have mentioned.” Al-Ijābāt al- Fāṣilah an Shubuhāt al-Ḥāṣilah (p.57).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 9 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS rather, they are upon his ideology and he is in fact their greatest teacher and ideologue from whom they learnt their takfīr, hākimiyyah and thawrah (revolution) by which they mesmerize the ignorant and lead them to destruction. In reality, they consider the Sunnī Muslims, rulers and ruled, who do not ally with them and agree with them and their doctrines to be far worse because they consider them apostates who are more dangerous and thus more worthy of slaughter than those whom they consider original disbelievers (Shiʿites, Nuṣayriyyah, Jews, Christians).

In what follows in this series of articles, we will expand on all of what has preceded and make it clear by Allāh’s permission, with sharʿiyy and qadariyy evidences.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 10th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 5th September 2014CE

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

Introduction

All praise is due to Allāh, the Lord of the Worlds, the Lord of Noaḥ, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muḥammad. May the peace and blessings be upon them all. To proceed:

It is not possible for a person who wishes to make sense of whatever is taking place of tribulations, upheavals and corruption in the lands of Islām without contemplating the insightful words of the Scholars of Sunnah and Salafiyyah and without studying, analysing and appreciating the past so as to understand the present. In this series we will study the Bāṭinī movements which arose in the early period of Islām and their influences today upon the Islāmic jamāʿat claiming to work for Islām. In reality these jamāʿāt are serving two interests, the first is demolishing the pristine ʿaqīdah of Islām and its divine methodology in rectifying the servant and the land, and the second is aiding in the conquest of Muslim lands by opening the gates of the fort from the inside for those who lay siege from the outside. You should not be surprised by the slogans resounding from these jamāʿāt: freedom (ḥurriyyah), equality (musāwāh), fraternity (ikhāʾ), rulership (hākimiyyah), social justice (ʿadālah ijtimāʿiyyah), democracy and so on. These are not new slogans, they have resounded previously in history through the vocals of every revolutionary and seeker of the thrones of power for material gain.

In the first part of this series we want to establish the openness and clarity in the call of the Messengers and in the dīn of Islām as a whole and use this as a foundation for evaluating the calls and movements that operate upon secrecy and secret organization, past and present.

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Part 1: There is no Hidden Knowledge, Secrecy or Secret Organization in Islām

The Islām of the Prophets and Messengers is founded upon the Tawḥid (Monotheism) of Allāh which is the uniqueness of Allāh,16 the Lord of Ādam, Noah, Abraham, Ismaʿīl, Isḥāq, Moses, David, Solomon, Jesus and Muḥammad. This uniqueness is with respect to: a) His Lordship over creation, in that there is no creator, owner and regulator besides Him, b) the realities of His names and attributes, in that there is no likeness between His essence, names and attributes and those of His creation and c) His sole right to worship in that the worship of created things is the greatest injustice and a violation of the order, precision and justice upon which the universe was created. The world is not rectified except through this Tawḥid of Allāh, the Mighty and Majestic, and for this did Allāh send Nūḥ, Ibrāhīm, Mūsā, ʿĪsā and Muḥammad and all other Messengers.

Built upon this foundation of Tawḥīd, and branching from it, the legal rulings of Islām protect the rights of men with regards to their souls (life), minds (intellect) possessions (wealth), lineage and honour. These legal rulings are a perfection of the foundation and can never stand in isolation from it. Thereafter, Islām is marked as a whole – in its beliefs, acts of worship, dealings, morals, manners and all of its rulings – with simplicity, clarity and openness.

16 The name Allāh is a contraction of al-Ilāh, which is ilāh (deity) preceded by the definite article (al). This is the name of the Creator (īloh, elāh, ilāḥ) in the Tawrāh, Injīl and the Qur'ān. However, the Jews gave the deficient qualities of men to the Creator and the Christians gave the divine qualities of the Creator to a Prophet amongst His Prophets. Thus, what the Jews worship is what they have fabricated in their minds of the perception of the Creator and what the Christians worship is what they have fabricated in their minds of the perception of the Creator. Therefore, though there is only one Creator who is the unique īloh, elāh, ilāh, what is worshipped by Jews, Christians and Muslims is not in fact the same deity, even if they believe in the same entity as the Creator.

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There is no concept of hidden, mystical knowledge for the intellectual elite, because Islām is for all people, the young, the old, the intelligent, the unintelligent, the strong and the weak, the black and the white, the brown, red and yellow. All of mankind is accountable and thus, the truth has to be accessible to every person to a level that brings accountability.17 Likewise, there is no new political intuition or newfangled methodology for rectifying the society, rulers or ruled since these affairs have already been made clear in the Prophetic texts and the causes, tied to their effects, have been explained. Thus, whoever wants baṣīrah (insight), will find it in the Book and the Sunnah, and whoever wants opinions and ramblings, will find them with the thinkers (mufakkirīn) and activists (ḥarakiyyīn).

Further, those who do not know are ordered to ask those who know, the learned scholars, who explain matters of creed, rulings and judgements. The scholars of the Sunnah are themselves are subject to correction and advice from other scholars of the Sunnah such that authentic teachings are not compromised by the slips of scholars, and collectively, they convey the truth needed by the people to remain on the straight path of Allāh. There is no infallibility in matters of religion for those besides the Prophets. There are no hidden meanings latent in the Qurʾān or the Prophetic Sunnah. There is no esoteric knowledge and there is no higher reality or truth besides that in the revealed texts, the Qurʾān and the Sunnah of the Prophet () as understood by the Companions.

Allāh () said, "And say, "The truth is from your Lord, so whoever wills - let him believe; and whoever wills - let him disbelieve." (18:29), and He () said, "And We have also sent down unto you (O Muḥammad) the reminder and the advice (the Qurʾān), that you may explain clearly to men what is sent down to them, and that they may give thought." (16:44) and He (), said, “This day have I perfected

17 The Islāmic Sharīʿah makes an exception for certain categories of people such as children before the age of maturity, those who have reached senility, the insane, and those to whom the message of the Prophets did not reach.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 13 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS your religion for you and have completed My favour upon you and have approved for you Islām as religion.” (5:3).

And the Prophet (), "I have left you upon absolute clarity (al- bayḍā), its night is as distinct as its day, no one departs from it after except that he is destroyed. And whomosever amongst you lives for long will see great controversies. So you must stick to my Sunnah and the Sunnah of the Rightly- guided Caliphs after me. Bite onto it with the molars."18 And he () also said, "There was never a Prophet before me except that it was a duty upon him to direct his ummmah to whatever goodness he knew for them and to warn them from whatever evil he knew (would harm) them."19 And he () also said, "There remains nothing which brings you closer to Paradise and distances you from the Hellfire except that it has been made clear to you."20 Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī () said, "The Messenger () left us and there was not a bird in the sky flapping its wings except that he mentioned to us knowledge regarding it."21

The Salafī da’wah is a continuation of the call of the Prophets. It is open, clear and manifest. It is a call to the Tawḥid of Allāh (), the Sunnah of his Prophet () and by necessity, entails warning from innovations (in belief, worship and methodology) which oppose it. There are no other agendas, goals or objectives, other than to make the people hold fast to the rope (straight path) of Allāh and to be united by way of that. It is an open, uniting call, not a secretive, divisive call.

Thus, from the outset, it is clear that the Salafī da’wah is not in need of secrecy or subterfuge, since its purpose is to guide mankind. The Prophet () said, “The religion is but sincerity (of purpose).” The Companions said, “To whom O Messenger of Allāh?” and He replied,

18 From the ḥadīth of al-Irbād bin Sāriyah, related by Ibn Mājah, Aḥmad and al- Ḥākim and it is ṣaḥīḥ. 19 Reported by Muslim in his Ṣaḥīḥ. 20 Reported by al-Ṭabarānī in al-Kabīr and it is ṣahīḥ. 21 Reported by Aḥmad in al-Musnad, Ibn Ḥibbān, al-Ṭabarānī and others and it is ṣaḥīḥ.

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“To Allāh, His Book, His Messenger, to the leaders of the Muslims and the general-folk.”22 This is the foundation of how Salafīs behave with others. It is sincerity of purpose in giving advice, enjoining good, prohibiting evil and intending good. There are no covert agendas, party-politics, hidden allegiances or crafty alliances. It is but desiring the truth, sincerely for Muslims and also for mankind in general. It is those with political goals and agendas who require secrecy, because they are motivated by pursuit of power, wealth and land, and thus the religion simply becomes a tool towards that end. In contrast to sincerity of purpose (al-naṣīhah), secrecy, secret organization, plotting, scheming, subterfuge and claiming to have knowledge, realizations or judgements that the well-known Scholars of Islām and the Sunnah do not know, is from laying the foundation for establishing misguidance. Rather, this is from the core traits of the Bāṭiniyyah and their subversive movements. It clashes explicitly with the Qurʾān, the Sunnah and with what the Companions understood and transmitted to the ummah.

Ibn ʿUmar () reports that a man came to the Prophet () and said “Advise me.” He () said, “Worship Allāh alone and do not associate any partners with him. Establish the prayer, give the zakāh, fast Ramaḍān and perform Ḥajj and ʿUmrah to the house. Hear and obey (the ruler) and upon you is to be open (transparent) and beware of secrecy.”23

And the righteous caliph, ʿUmar bin ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz () said, "When you see a people meeting secretly in affairs to the exclusion of the general-folk, then they are in the process of laying the foundations for misguidance."24

Establishing the khilāfah is not a pillar from the pillars of īmān, nor a foundation (aṣl) amongst the foundations of the religion, and none of the orthodox, Salafī scholars of Islām have entered this subject area

22 Reported by Muslim in his Ṣaḥīḥ. 23 Related by Ibn Abī ʿĀṣim in al-Sunnah, with a good isnād. Refer to al-Albānī’s takhrīj in Dhilāl al-Jannah (no.1070). 24 Al-Lālikāʾī in Sharḥ Usūl al-Iʿtiqād (no. 251).

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There is not to be found in any revealed text, any command to establish the khilāfah. Rather, the khilāfah is bestowed by Allāh when the Muslims are deserving of that, when they a) hold fast to the Book and the Sunnah upon the way of the Companions, b) with authentic īmān, c) sincere, righteous actions, d) worshipping Allāh alone upon tawḥīd and e) being remote from shirk in all its forms and types. These are the legislated (sharʿiyy) ways and means that lead to the desired goal. There are no such things as political parties in Islām. There is no concept of revolution, nor of marches, demonstrations and the likes. These are all innovations and are from the ways of the non-Muslims, they bring turmoil and tribulations and do not lead to the goals desired by the Sharīʿah. And all of them require secrecy, plotting, conniving, insincerity, two-facedness – all affairs which clash with the spirit of character demanded by the Sharīʿah and the spirit of Islām itself.

The Call of Iblīs

In contrast to the call of the Prophets and Messengers, the call of Iblīs (Shayṭān) is founded upon deception, lack of clarity, whisperings, doubts, misconceptions, desires and everything which is dark and murky. Thus, every falsehood, evil, shirk, disbelief, innovation, misguidance, disobedience and sin is traced back to him. Iblīs and his

25 Rather, making the issue of leadership to be from the greatest uṣūl of the religion is the way of the Rāfiḍah Shīʿah. 26 Minhāj al-Sunnah, (1/75).

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And from the greatest of paths in misguidance are those involving secrecy and secret organization. These methods indicate hidden agendas which are for the gain of a few and behind these people is Iblīs hiimself.

The Salafī scholar, Aḥmad bin Yaḥyā al-Najmī () said, “Secrecy and concealment in their daʿwah [meaning the jamāʿāt siyāsiyyah] is without any [justified] need, because the Muslim state supports the daʿwah, aiding it and giving monetary aid for those undertaking it and likewise, the Muslim society, it supports every daʿwah of rectification and participates therein. So none call for secrecy except that they have (hidden) affairs other than (the intent) to teach the legislative rulings. They desire to conceal them until they have achieved their desired goals.”27

The Destructive Trinity

Thus, secret organization (al-tandhīm al-sirrī) is a sign that a people have covert agendas and intend evil for a society. Today, the major manifestations of these Bāṭinī movements which pose a threat to the people of Tawḥid and Sunnah are:28

27 In his excellent book, “Mawrid al-Adhb al-Zilāl” (p. 216), a refutation of the al-Ikhwān and al-Tablīgh. 28 Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī refers to “the most intense and severe of murky (dark) plots” in the form of “the Trinity (al-Thāluth)” comprising “the Rāfiḍah, the Ṣūfiyyah and Siyāsah.” The Rāfiḍah and Ṣūfiyyah are apparent and as for Siyāsah (Politics) it refers to the two wings of al-Ikhwān, the Bannāʾiyyah and the Quṭbiyyah. Refer to his article, “Haqīqat Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn.”

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1) The various Rāfiḍī Shīʿite sects who are in reality a by-product of the Persian Magian and Jewish infiltration of Islām. The alleged love of Ahl al-Bayt was used as a veil to infuse Magian and Jewish doctrines into the fabric of the Islāmic ʿaqīdah and to cause tribulations, splits and weakening of power amongst the Muslims by focusing on issues of leadership and rule.

2) The Ṣūfī esoteric orders who entered the emanationist and other philosophies of the Greeks, Buddhists and Jews into the Islāmic ʿaqīdah and innovated gnosticism and mysticism. From the greatest of their Bāṭinī doctrines is waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence) which is a precursor to the doctrine of waḥdat ul- adyān (unity of religions).

3) The Khārijites who judge both rulers and ruled with apostasy through the issues of ḥākimiyyah and walāʾ and barāʾ and who operate with secrecy in their subversive, revolutionary activities. In the modern era, this includes the likes of Ḥasan al- Bannā and Sayyid Quṭb who claimed that only they, and those within their inner circles or groups of secret organization truly understand Islām and that the Muslims at large have reverted to Jāhiliyyah and need to be invited afresh to Islām. The Khārijites use the Qurʾan and the claim of enjoining the good and prohibiting the evil as a justification for their hostility towards the main body of Muslims and their rulers (in the form of revolutions, coups, assassinations). Their primary aims are acquiring power (control over land) and wealth, and their flowery speech about Tawḥid, Ḥākimiyyah and the likes is a means to that end. The Prophet (() stated that the Qurʾān does not go beyond their throats and this is a proof that their claimed attachment to the affair of Tawḥīd, the slogan of Ḥākimiyyah and to the instrument of enjoining good and prohibiting evil is only a means to an end. At the end of time, the Khārijites will be followers of the Dajjāl (the Anti-Christ) as occurs in authentic Prophetic texts.

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This series of articles will investigate the Bāṭinī movements in Islāmic history and their continued influence today in the form of the Rāwāfiḍ (al-Khomeinī, the Iranian Revolution), the Muslim Brotherhood (Hasan al-Bannā, Sayyid Quṭb) and their splinter groups of Takfīrīs and Khārijites (al-Qāʾidah, ISIS) and the gnostic, esoteric Sufīs callers to waḥdat ul-wujūd and how all three orientations work collectively, in a complimentary fashion to bring harm to Muslims in both religious and worldly affairs.

Many of those caught up in these movements are just common-folk who do not know any better. Their ignorance and raw emotions have been monopolized upon to help serve the personal and material interests of those who are at the very top of these movements and these ones in turn - if they are not already in league with the external foes - are being used by them to aid in the furtherance of geopolitical agendas.

The reality could not have been expressed more clearly than in the speech of Abū al-Wafā ʿAlī bin ʿAqīl (d. 513H) who said, "Our Shaykh Abū al-Faḍl Al-Hamdhānī said: The innovators in Islām and the fabricators of ḥadīths are worse than the disbelievers. This is because the disbelievers attempt to corrupt the religion from the outside, whereas these individuals attempt to corrupt it from the inside. They take the similitude of the inhabitants of a land, who strive to corrupt its condition (from the inside), while the disbelievers take the similitude of raiders laying siege to the land from the outside. Thus it is the ones on the inside that open the doors of the land's surrounding barrier (and let the besiegers in). These types (of people) are far worse to Islām than the ones who don't attribute themselves to it."29

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 10th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 5th September 2014CE

29 Al-Mawḍūʿāt (1/51).

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The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qaidah and ISIS

Part 2: The Bāṭiniyyah, Their Ideologies, Subversive Movements and Revolutions

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The Legacies of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʿ and Nāfiʿ bin Azraq Upon the Rāfiḍah and the Khawārij

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The Armies of the Khārijites and the Dajjāl (Anti-Christ)

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

Introduction

All praise is due to Allāh, the Lord of the Worlds, the Lord of Noaḥ, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muḥammad. May the peace and blessings be upon them all. To proceed:

In the first installment of this series, we established the clarity of Islām and the open and transparent methodology of the Prophets in rectifying the servant and the land through the Tawḥid of Allāh (). The claim of privileged or hidden knowledge, secrecy in affairs that affect the Muslims at large, and having secret organization were explained to constitute the foundation for enabling misguidance.

In this installment we will look at the various Bāṭinī movements in Islāmic history which were created through the use of secrecy and secret organization and the slogans of social justice, equality and freedom. Those who put these movements into motion were from the remnants of civilizations that had waned or pretty much disappeared due to the arrival of Islām. These early movements have not ceased to exist until this day of ours except that they take on different forms, shapes and labels. The core ideas and methods of operation are essentially the same.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 12th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 7th September 2014CE

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Part 2: The Bāṭiniyyah, Their Ideologies, Subversive Movements and Revolutions

The term Bāṭiniyyah is a generic label referring to sects whose foundation is secrecy and secret organization and the claim of possessing certain forms of knowledge and realization to the exclusion of the masses such as knowledge of secret, hidden interpretations of the Qurʾān. The emergence of this idea of esoteric (secret) knowledge within Islām was used by the enemies of Islām to undermine its foundations. This strain of thought was and still is carried through Shiʿite and Sūfī interpretations of Islām. This is why within these traditions you will find many ideas taken from non-Muslim civilizations who harboured enmity and hostility Islām. Gnosticism, Mysticism, Emanationist philosophies, the spirituality of the Buddhists in Taṣawwuf, Platonic and Aristotelian philosophies are examples.

The first well-known Bāṭinī secretive movement was that of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī4 who instigated the revolution against ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān (). He began by complaining to some of the major Companions5 but when that failed he started recruiting the dregs of society.6 After succeeding in engineering the assassination of ʿUthmān

4 His existence, presence and activities are documented and reported by dozens of Sunnī and Shīʿite authorities up until the end of the 19th century. After that some of the Orientalists and their bootlickers and shoeshiners from the Muslim thinkers began to propagate the claim that he is a figment of the imagination and was invented in order to malign the Shīʿites. 5 Al-Ṭabarī mentions in his Tārīkh (4/283) in the events of the year 30AH that Abdullāh bin Sabaʾ began his activities by approaching the Companions such as Abu Dharr () and complaining about Muʿāwiyah () who was the delegated ruler of Shām. Then he went to Abū al-Dardā () who became wise to him and said to him, "By Allāh, I think you are a Jew." Then he came to ʿUbādah bin al-Ṣāmit who also doubted him. 6 After his attempts failed with the Companions he joined with a thief called Ḥakīm bin Jablah al-ʿAbdī from Banī ʿAbd al-Qays in Baṣrah and created a small following whereby he would present his ideas to them and they became amazed by him. However, the ruler of Baṣrah was suspicious of him and expelled him. He then moved to Kūfah and gathered another following, but

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(), he then embedded himself along with his followers under the banner of ʿAlī bin Abī Ṭālib () whilst secretly promoting the doctrine of the prophethood of ʿAlī and then eventually the divinity of ʿAlī. The Sabʾiyyah sect was a precursor for the Bāṭinī Khārijite movements in general and it also laid the groundwork for the appearance of the Khārijites who deserted ʿAlī's army and made takfīr of the Companions. Some of the heads of factions of the Khārijites such as Nāfīʿ bin Azraq (of the Azāriqah sect) were involved in the activities against ʿUthmān (), indicating the connection between the Sabʿiyyah and the Khārijiyyah. Both were aimed at undermining Islāmic rulership under the slogans of social justice (al-ʿadālah al- ijtimāʿiyyah) and rulership (imāmiyyah for the Rāfiḍah and ḥākimiyyah for the Khāriijtes).

was also expelled. He finally settled in Egypt from where he began to revile ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān claiming that he did not deserve the khilāfah and also began to spread two doctrines: a) the claim that Muḥammad () will return just as ʿĪsā is said to return and b) that every Prophet has a legacy and that the legacy of Muḥammad () is ʿAlī (). He then portrayed ʿUthmān as one who usurped the right of ʿAlī and then under the guise of enjoining the good and prohibiting the evil - which later became the method of the Khārijites - he began to rouse the people against ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān. Ibn Kathīr reports in al-Bidāyah (7/175) that the Sabʾiyyah fabricated a letter which they claimed to be from Āʿishah () which commanded the people to revolt against ʿUthmān (). The assassination of ʿUthmān was the opening of the door of evil in this ummah and that door has not shut since. All tribulations occurring from that time to this day are connected, and trace back to the opening of that door. This includes the appearance of the Khārijites of ISIS and the various Takfīrī groups preceding them. These factions have appeared due to the activities and writings of the Bāṭinī, Rāfiḍī Freemason Sayyid Quṭb who reviled ʿUthmān and negated Islām from Banū Umayyah including Muʿāwiyah and his parents, Abu Ṣufyān and Hind. At the same time he called for violent revolutions in all Muslim lands after making takfīr of all contemporary Muslim societies, claiming they had reverted to pre-Islamic jāhiliyyah and claiming that they had usurped the ḥākimiyyah of Allāh (). These ideas are rooted in those of the Sabʾiyyah and Khārijiyyah of old.

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Muḥammad bin Ḥusayn al-Daylamī (d. 711AH) states, "Know that the beginning of the forging of the doctrine of the Bāṭiniyyah - may Allāh unleash upon them the deluge (flood) of Nūḥ, the wind of Ād, the stones of Lūṭ, and the blast of Thamūd - was in the year 250H. A people who conspired together devised it and in their hearts was hatred for Islām and hatred for the Prophet (). They were from the Philosophers, the Atheists, the Magians, the Jews [and they devised the doctrine] in order to strip the people from Islām after its strength [had manifested over those civilizations]. So they sent callers to the horizons and furthest regions to invite people to this sinister doctrine so that authority [in the land] returns back to them and that the religion of the Arabic Prophet is invalidated, but "Allāh refused except that He should perfect His light." (9:32)" 7

Al-Daylamī also states, "The people knowledgeable of the doctrinal statements (of the various factions) are agreed that the first who founded this sinister way - meaning the way of the Bāṭiniyyah - are a people from the offspring of the Magians, the remnants of the Khurramiyyah, the Philosophers and the Jews. A caller gathered them together and they discussed the affairs and said, 'Muḥammad has overwhelmed us, has invalidated our religion and he has aiders in agreement with him who support his way. We have no hope of taking what they possess (of lands, wealth) from their hands through the sword and through war due to their strength and abundance of their armies, for they have traversed the land and sea. Likewise, there is no hope for us in debating with them due to the Scholars, nobles and theologians they have (in their midst) and the abundance of books and authorships (they have).' So they agreed upon devising a plot through which they could arrive at corrupting their religion without them realizing, and they founded their affair upon deception and they increased in traversing its ways and means over and beyond the way of Iblīs, the Accursed."8

7 In the book Bayān Madhāhib al-Bāṭiniyyah wa Buṭlānihī which is a summarization made of his book Qawāʿid Aqāʾid Āl Muḥammad (p. 3-4). 8 Bayān Madhāhib al-Bāṭiniyyah wa Buṭlānihī (p. 19).

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Some of the well-known groups which arose as a consequence and who are identified with this orientation include the Qarāmiṭah, the Ismāʿīliyyah, the Nuṣayriyyah, and the Mazdakiyyah.9 It is said by the

9 Mazdak (d. 528CE) was a Persian Magian and it is said he was the first to invent Socialism (Communism), his teachings reflecting the spirit of social revolution. There are strong similarities between his philosophy and the ideology of Marxist Socialism which was devised in the 19th century to help ferment revolutions in Europe. He believed that the strong manipulate the weak and that the soution was to distribute all wealth equally. It is also said that he wanted to have private property confiscated and also wanted to replace the institution of marriage with free, consensual sex. Many of the Mazdakians who remained after their kingdom was sacked entered the Bāṭinī and Qarāmiṭī movements by mixing their beliefs with Shiʿism. Ibn Taymiyyah said, "And they have (given) names well known to the Muslims. At times they are called al-Malāḥidah (Heretics) and at times, al-Qarāmiṭah and at times, al- Bāṭiniyyah and at times al-Ismāʿīliyyah and at times, al-Nuṣayriyyah and at times al-Khurramiyyah and at times, al-Muḥammarah..." Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā (35/152). In The History of Zorastrianism (1938), an extensively researched and referenced study, author Maneckji Nusservanji Dhalla, writes (pp. 348-349), "MAZDAK. The economic basis of his religious reform. The second great heretic of this period who had a considerable following was a pious Mobad named Mazdak, son of Bamdat. A Pahlavi treatise named Mazdak Namah, Book of Mazdak, is said to have been rendered into Arabic by Ibnul Muqaffa. The work has been lost, but its contents have been preserved in other Arabic works. The author of Dabistan says that he met some Mazdakites who practised their religion secretly among the Mohammedans. These showed him a book called Desnad, written in Old Persian. There are references to Mazdak and his teachings in Greek and Syriac, Arabic and Persian. He is called the accursed heterodox who observes fasts, who appeared to cause disturbance among the faithful. He was contemporary with Kobad. Mazdak agreed with the fundamental doctrine of Zoroastrianism in respect to the indelible antithesis between the two principles, Light and Darkness, or Ohrmazd and Ahriman. Masudi calls him a Zendik. Tabari, Mirkhond, and others accuse him of teaching the doctrine of the community of wives. The Dabistan repeats the statement. Mazdak's revolutionary reform, however, was not so much religious as it was social and economic, for he preached communism, pure and simple. The account of Mazdak's system is very meagre; but it is known that he accounted Jealousy, Wrath, and Greed as the three main causes of all evil in the world. Everyone, according to Mazdak's teachings, should be given equal

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The historian Muḥammad bin Mālik al-Ḥamāni al-Yamāni mentions in his book "Kashf Asrār al-Bāṭiniyyah wal-Qarāmiṭah" that Maymūn bin opportunity and equal share of the enjoyment of the earthly possessions of God. So it was originally ordained by God, but that natural order has been upset by the aggressive strong for their own self-aggrandizement. Society should therefore return to that original ideal state. These revolutionary teachings thrilled for a time Iran, and exercised a powerful fascination on the masses. The crisis was brought to a head when, far from taking any initiative to stamp out the heresy, the king encouraged it, and finally embraced it. His son, Prince Noshirvan, summoned the Dasturs and Mobads to consider the situation. It was certain that the cult would spread and the young prince adopted severe measures to suppress it, lest it should menace the public peace. The clergy who viewed the new heresy with great alarm, advised rigorous measures to extirpate the threatening creed. Mazdak did not live long to preach his doctrine, for the prince arranged a banquet for him and his followers and put them all to the sword in A.D. 528. This communistic socialistic sect received therewith a fatal blow from which it never wholly recovered, but it maintained a feeble spark of life for a considerable time. The Rawandis, Babak, called al-Khurrami, and al-Muqanna, the Veiled Prophet of Khurasan, later embodied the salient teachings of Mazdak in their system." End quote from M.N Dhalla. Note here reference to the Khurramites. 10 Maymūn al-Qaddāḥ appeared in Kūfah during [latter half of the 3rd century hijrah] and was engrossed in philosophical and other suspect books through which he propagated ideologies to the common-folk, claiming that the Qurʾān had hidden interpretations. He manifested love for ʿAlī (), claiming he had precedence in imāmāh (right of rulership) and through that he reviled the Companions, spreading this into the hearts of the common-folk. Refer to "Kashf Asrār al-Bāṭiniyyah" Muḥammad bin Mālik al-Yamānī (d. 470AH) [Maktabah al-Sāʾī, Riyādh, (p. 32 onwards)] who asserts that Maymūn al- Qaddāḥ was a learned Jew who was versed in philosophy and astrology and was well-versed in the foundations of different religions. Through Bāṭinī doctrines they intended to reduce Islām to nothing but a mere label. 11 Refer to Abū Manṣur al-Baghdādī's al-Farq Bayn al-Firaq (p.282) in which he states that they met together in a prison in ʿIrāq and conspired together to promulgate their Bāṭinī doctrines.

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Qaddāh al-Yahūdī founded his Bāṭinī call in Kūfāh and infiltrated the Shiʿah of Ismāʾil bin Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq to help achieve his goals. Along with his son Saʾʾīd ʿUbaydallāh, he began to spread his call. Nine others responded to their call and joined them. They then embarked upon corruption on the Earth whilst concealing their activities by pretending to call to the way of Ahl al-Bayt from the offspring of Alīʾ ().12 From their offspring came series of rulers who took over Morocco, then moved east across North Africa until they took Egypt and built the city of Cairo, and finally they moved into Shām.13

During the late 3rd century hijrah Ḥamdān Qirmiṭ appeared, after whom the Qarāmiṭah are named. The Qarāmiṭah combined between the religion of the Persian Magians and the Sabeans. So they took the notions of light and darkness from the Magians and the notions of intellect14 and soul from the Sabean philosophers15 and created another

12 Refer to Musā al-Dawaish's introduction to Bughyat al-Murtād of Ibn Taymiyyah, (p.19). 13 The historian, al-Maqrīzī writes in al-Khiṭaṭ, in the history of Egypt, (2/347), "And the Faṭimid rulers used to have days of celebration and festive seasons throughout the year and they are: the season of the year's peak, the season of the year's beginning, the Day of Āshārāʾ, the Mawlid (birthday) of the Prophet (), the birthday of ʿAlī bin Abī Ṭālib (), the birthday of al-Ḥasan and the birthday of al-Ḥusayn (), the birthday of Fāṭimah al-Zahrāʾ (), the birthday of the current ruler, the night of the first of Rajab and its middle (the fifteenth), and the night of the first of Shaʿbān and its middle..." End quote. The Bāṭinī Ubaydiyyah innovated these matters into the religion in order to pull the Sunnī Muslims away from the actual symbols and rituals of Islām and make them preoccupied with other affairs and to give them an appealing alternative from the sharāʿi (legislated acts of worship and obedience). Thus, they innovated birthday celebrations for the Ahl al-Bayt, and this was simply a means to call to their outward way, Ismā'īlī Shīʿism, a veil and cover for their disbelief which goes back to Persian Magianism. 14 The Greek Philosophers claimed an " intellect" (ʿaql) is the first being (God) and everything else emanates from this primary intellect. Reference to God as the "intellect" can often found in the writings of the Bāṭiniyyah such as Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Sayyid Quṭb.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 10 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS religion by combining them.16 Then they coated its outer appearance with the religion of the Rāfiḍah Shiʿah (love for Ahl al-Bayt) in order to appear as Muslims, whereas in reality they were hypocrites, disbelievers.

The methods used by the Bāṭiniyyah echo those of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ at the dawn of Islāmic history and have continued till this day of ours. The same Bāṭinī movements played a role in aiding the Christian Crusaders and the Mongol Tartars in their invasions of Muslim lands and the history books mention their crimes against the Muslims in this respect.

Also from such groups were Ikhwān al-Ṣafā (the Brethren of Purity). They maintained utmost secrecy for a long time and their writings appeared in the fourth century hijrah. They were Ismāʿīlī Shiʿites who desired to fuse Greek philosophy, Shiʿism and the Sharīʿah together. They appeared in the time that the ʿUbaydiyyah (Shiʿites) took over Egypt and worked in complete secrecy.17 Ibn Taymiyyah () said,

15 The Sabeans were affected by Aristotelian and Platonic philosophies and were found in the Muslim lands upon the advent of Islām, being concentrated in places such as Ḥarrān. The innovation of ʿilm al-kalām, speaking about Allāḥ, His names, attributes and actions on the basis of Aristotelian and Platonic philosophy was entered into the ummah by al-Jaʿd bin Dirham. Al- Jahm bin Ṣafwān took these doctrines from al-Jaʿd and to him are the Jahmiyyah ascribed. This innovated was then transmitted to other kalām groups such as the Muʿtazilah, Rāfidī Hishāmiyyah, Kullābiyyah, Karrāmiyyah, Ashʿariyyah, Māturidiyyah and Sālimiyyah. The Ahl al-Kalām and the Philosophers all operate upon the same conceptual baggage and terminology in speaking about Allāh, His essence, names, attributes and actions - in opposition to the Prophets and their followers, and their speech about Allāh is centred around the language of ajsām and aʿrāḍ (bodies and accidents). 16 Refer to Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā (35/161). 17 This secret society possessed a heirarchy of four levels that was largely based upon age. Each level was given a title. From the age of 15-30 were the "abrār, ruḥumāʾ" (pious and merciful) and they comprised mainly of craftsmen. The next level was that of the "akhyār, fuḍulāʾ" (good and excellent) who had to be over the age of 30-40. They were fit for political leadership. After them was the level of the "kirām" (the noble, excellent), and

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"And like the book of 'The Epistles of the Brethren of Purity' which was authored by a group from the state of Banu Buwayh (the Buwayhiyyah) in Baghdād. And they were from the Sabean Philosophers who pretended to be upon Ḥanīfīyyah (the upright religion). They had combined, as they claimed, between the altered religion of the Ṣabeans and Ḥanīfīyyah. They brought the speech of the philosophers and elements of the Sharīʿah, and (their book) comprised much disbelief and ignorance."18

An encyclopedia of fifty one tracts was composed and written in philosophy, science and theology and these writings were spread amongst the people, with the hope that after their ideas had been infused into the minds of the masses their goals could be realised. One of the main themes in their writings was a call to the unity of religions and the promotion of a universal one-world religion.

Despite attempts to conceal their names, history has preserved them for us. Ibn Taymiyyah mentions them and from them are Zayd bin Rafāʿah, Abū Sulaymān bin Maʿshar al-Bustī al-Maqdisī, Abū al-Ḥasan bin Hārūn al-Zinjānī, Abū Aḥmad al-Nahrjūrī, and al-ʿŪfī.19 they were referred to as Kings. They had to be at least 40 years of age. They considered the Prophets to be from this category. The highest level was "malakiyyah" (the angelic rank). Only those of 50 years of age and beyond could reach this level which they considered greater than that of the Prophets and Messengers. Like modern Freemasonic societies, they had people of all walks of life and profession within their order, meeting regularly at monthly intervals, maintaining their duty to support each other and keeping their affiliation a secret. 18 Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā (4/79). 19 For more details refer to the books of Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā (4/79), Minhāj al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah (2/466), (8/11), Bughyat al-Murtād (pp. 180-181) and also Kitāb Ikhwān al-Ṣafā' of ʿUmar al-Dusūqī. A Note on Conspiracy Writers Accusing Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb and the Salafīs of Being From the Esoteric Cults. There are individuals who write and speak on secret societies, the Illuminati and terrorism, and they include people like David Livingstone. In his writings he claims that Ibn Taymiyyah was an occultist, that Muḥammad Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb and his reform movement was derived from that occultism, that the Salafī movement traces

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Another Bāṭinī sect was the Hashshāshīn (the Assassins) who were Ismāʿīlīs. Under the leadership of Ḥasan Ṣabāh, they set up an order called the Secret Order of the Assassins and constructed their base in Northwest Iran during the early 5th century hijrah. Recruits were trained in the art of combat and there was a heirarchy in the order, starting with the grandmaster at the top (Ḥasan Ṣabāh), working all the back Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and that they are a subversive movement working (or being used) for the interests of Freemasonry. This writer is out of his depth, is an ignoramus in matters of ʿaqīdah, oblivious to the true origins and histories of the deviant sects and their creedal differences and wanders blindly and aimlessly in his writings which relate to Salafīs. He relies largely on the hostile and biased writings of Sūfīs (and Ottoman sources) for his views on Ibn Taymiyyah and the so-called "Wahhābīs." All modern-day extremist groups and their main figureheads are from the Ashʿarī, Sūfī, Māturīdī tradition. People like Ḥasan al-Bannā, Abu Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Sayyid Quṭb, Taqī al- Dīn al-Nabahānī. Many of them originated in Egypt and their extremist ideas influenced those in the Gulf countries which are upon Tawḥid and Sunnah broadly speaking. As for the Bāṭiniyyah and the esoteric Sūfī movements, the plentiful writings and works of Ibn Taymiyyah in exposition and annihilation of their doctrines are sufficient to render David Livingstone an academic fraudster and charlatan. Those who showed the greatest enmity and opposition to Ibn Taymiyyah were the gnostic Ṣūfīs, from the believers in waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence) and ittiḥād (divine union) and ḥulūl (divine indwelling). Ibn Taymiyyah's fatwās against the secretive Bāṭinī Nuṣayrīs are also well known. It is apparent that this charlatan does not read Arabic and has probably never even read a single treatise of Ibn Taymiyyah, let alone his extensive refutations of the secretive Bāṭinī movements (see Bughyāt al-Murtād Fī al-Radd ʿalā al-Mutafalsafah wal-Qarāmiṭah wal-Bāṭiniyyah for example). Sufficient to expose his ignorance is the fact that the Bāṭinī Ṣūfī and Shīʿite movements were the greatest of enemies to both Ibn Taymiyyah and Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb and that the teachings of both these scholars were a threat to them and their secretive orders and their gnostic, esoteric claims about the Sharīʿah and their alleged Ḥaqīqah (higher reality). As for the claim that Ibn Taymiyyah came from Ḥarrān, a Ṣabean centre of learning and was therefore influenced by their "occult" teachings, this is false because it is established in the biographical accounts that Ibn Taymiyyah was 5-6 years of age when his family left Ḥarrān because of the Mongol approach to that region and moved to Damascus. Further, Ibn Taymiyyah has refutations of the Ṣabeans scattered throughout his works.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 13 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS way down to the fedāʾiyyīn, who were the assassins ready to sacrifice themselves for higher agendas. Once the base was set up, they launched attacks against the Sunni Seljuk rulers. Branches of this movement appeared in other areas such as Shām. However, they were wiped out when the Mongols made their way across Asia over a century later.

The Brief Outline of the Bāṭīnī Revolutionary Movements Against Islām, the Muslim Lands and Their Rulers20

Those who plotted to kill ʿUmar bin al-Khāṭṭāb were Abū Luʾlʾu Fayrūz al-Nāhawandi, a Persian Magian, al-Hurmuzān, also a Magian and Jufaynah, a Christian. Shaykh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rājihī stated, “And it is said that the first Freemasonic sacrifice [in Islām] was [that of] ʿUmar bin al-Khaṭṭāb (), then they strove in the fitnah (tribulation) until they killed ʿUthmān (), then ʿAlī, until there arose from amongst them, the [sects of] the Shīʿah and the Khawārij.” 21

After the assassination of Uthmān, differences between ʿAlī and Muʿāwiyah () in how to deal with the aftermath of the situation22 were monopolized upon and amplified by the presence of Sabiʿyyah who took their opportunity to split the then united body of Muslims and kindle tribulations. There were people of many inclinations and backgrounds who had joined this movement against Islām and its ruling authority. They made claims of professing love of Ahl al-Bayt, establishing social justice, enjoining the good and prohibiting the evil,

20 Refer al-Iʿtidāʾāt al-Bāṭiniyyah ʿalā al-Muqaddasāt al-Islāmiyyah of Kāmil Salāmah al-Daqas (1989, pp.8-11). 21 In al-Fawāʾid Fi al-ʿAqidah, no. 44. 22 ʿAlī () was in favour regaining stability and strength after the shock of the assassination, especially considering that thousands of the revolutionaries had descended upon Madīnah where they surrounded the home of ʿUthmān () before assassinating him. Muʿāwiyah () wanted immedate pursuit of the assassins and revenge. However, the killers hid themselves within ʿAlī's army and strove to create a rift through mistrust and they managed to achieve their objectives.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 14 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS and returning leadership to where it rightfully belonged. Under these veils of deception, they infused and revived their Magian and Jewish beliefs, spreading them amongst the ignorant and foolish until they acquired a following23 whose outward appearance was Shīʿism (love of Ahl al-Bayt) and whose inward reality was pure disbelief.

These currents and movements eventually led to small Bāṭinī states appearing in the Muslim lands, starting with Marw in 129H, when Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī and his Rāfīḍī faction revolted against the Banī Umayyah and slaughtered Muslims with fierce revenge.

During the ʿAbbāsid caliphate the Persian Bātinī movements such as the Rāwandiyyah who believe in the transmigration of souls, and likewise the Manichaeists (followers of the Persian Mani), went into motion and implemented their plots to undermine the strength of the Muslims and plunder their unity. These Persian Magian mini-states continued to appear from the third century onwards. The Ṭāhiriyyah state appeared in 259H and then that of the Qarāmiṭah24 in 278H, set up by al-Ḥasan bin Ḥamad Saʿīd al-Janābee al-Qirmiṭī, who was a Persian Magian. The roots of the Qarāmiṭah actually trace back to Mazdak, a Persian Zoroastrian. Their call was simply another face of the religion of Mazdak, collectivist (communist) and permissive (erosion of morals).

Then in 334H the Buwayhiyyah state appeared, set up by a Persian family who also propagated their Magian beliefs through the veil Shīʿism. After, them came the ʿUbaydiyyah who started their political

23 The religious doctrines of the Shīʿites are, upon investigation, analysis and comparison, a mixture of Magian and Jewish doctrines, concealed and layered with what is in reality, a fake love for the Ahl al-Bayt. The killers of Ḥusayn were from the Shiʿah of Kūfah, and the Shiʿites caused much distress and grief to the Ahl al-Bayt in general. 24 The Qarāmiṭah also revolted against the ʿAbbāsids, gaining control over eastern parts of Arabia. They were Mazdakians and followed the same Communist, Socialist ideology instituted by Mazdak amongst his followers. They stole the al-Ḥajar al-Aswad (the Black Stone) from Makkah and slaughtered pilgrims, throwing their bodies into the well of Zamzam. Such was their hatred for the people of Islām.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 15 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS activities in Morocco just before the turn of the fourth century. Over the decades they moved across North Africa and conquered Egypt in 358H and after that, Shām. They ascribed to Maymun al-Qaddāḥ who is said to be a Persian Magian of Jewish origin. From this dynasty came al- Hākim Bi Amrillāh who claimed ulūhiyyah (divinity) for himself. He would send his callers to spread the beliefs of the Magians, such as the transmigration of souls, and the claim that the spirit (rūḥ ul-qudus) entered ʿAlī, and then himself. This is the same belief propounded by [Rūḥullāh] al-Khomeini, upon which his doctrine of wilāyat al-fāqih was built, in which the supreme leader (of the Shīʿites) is the deputy for the awaited Mahdī and possesses divine authority.

Then centuries later, in 906AH (16th century CE), the Ṣafavid Shīʿite state was formed (from Ṣūfī dynastic roots) and was no less in evil than its predecessors, the Qarāmiṭah and ʿUbaydiyyah. The Qazilbash25 were groups of Shiʿah who played a role in the establishment of the Ṣafavid dynasty that took over Persia and converted most of it to Rāfiḍī Shiʿism (present day Irān) a few centuries ago. These Shīʿite groups were connected to the Mazdakiyyah and the Khurramites (extremist Shiʿites)26 which were earlier Bāṭinī movements.

25 The Qazilbāsh were so named because they wore red turbans and they came out of the Ṣafavī Ṣūfī order whose leader was a person called Haydar. His grandson, Shāh Ismāʿīl adopted Twelver Shiʿīsm and went on to found the Ṣafavid dynasty which now rules Irān. 26 The Khurramites were a group that emerged in the fifth century hijrah and they were remnants of the Mazdakians who had fled after Mazdak was killed and his rule brought to an end centuries earlier. They adopted Shīʿism and were a radical sect who led a revolt against the ʿAbbāsids because they did not want an Islāmic state in Persia due to their desire to perputate their Zoroastrian religion and its political dominance in the past. Abū Muslim al- Khurasānī had earlier led revolutions against the Banī ʿUmayyah and he was killed during the era of ʿAbbāsids. It was claimed that Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī had the spirit of Allāh inside of him, having previously been within Muḥammad () and ʿAlī (). He was a Persian Zoroastrian nationalist. The name "Khurrāmiyyah" is said to be derived from the word "red" because these people would wear red gowns. The Khurramites led a

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These esoteric, secretive orders have not ceased to exist and now play a role in modern politics (the Nuṣayrīs of Syria and the Shiʿah of Irān). The late 20th century witnessed the Irānian (Persian, Magian, Ṣafavid) revolution led by al-Khomeini and once power was taken, the Shīʿite leaders began to work sedition in the Sunnī lands through their attempts to create instability and incitement against the ruling authorities in those lands.

Ibn al-Qayyim () said, "The worst factions of the Magians who do not affirm a Creator, nor a resurrection, nor ḥalāl and ḥarām are the Khurramiyyah, the followers of Babek al-Khurramīy. And upon their doctrine are factions of the Qarāmiṭah, Ismāʿīliyyah, Nuṣayriyyah and Drūziyyah and all of the ʿUbaydiyyah who call themselves 'Fātimiyyah.' They are the most disbelieving of disbelievers and do not attach to any religion amongst the religions nor any legislation amongst the legislations."27

The philosophical, doctrinal lineage of the present day Iranian Shīʿite rulers and clergy is very apparent in light of this history. The lineage starts with Mazdak, the Persian Zoroastrian, prior to Islām by a century (6th century CE). Remnants of his offspring and followers showed up as the Khurramiyyah centuries later (8th century CE) who revolted against the ʿĀbbāsids. They were the precursors to the Qāzilbash (12th- 16th century CE) who went on to set up the Ṣafavid dynasty that unified Irān upon Twelver Shīʿism. The rulers and clergy of Iranian Shīʿism (including their "Āyatollahs") are all from this philosophical, doctrinal, spiritual lineage. The belief of possessing the spirit of Allāh is common amongst them and ['Rūḥullāh (the Spirit of God)'] Khomeini propagated this belief that was used by Rāfiḍī Bāṭinīs before him such as Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī.

sustained revolt against the ʿAbbāsids, taking over the lands ruled by them, dividing them and sharing them upon a Communist, Socialist type ideology. 27 Ighāthat ul-Lahafān (2/247).

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It is not coincidental that the Buwayhiyyah, Qarāmiṭah and ʿUbaydiyyah whose states appeared around the same time (between the mid-3rd century and early-4th century hijrah) all had roots in Mazdakism, Manichaeism and Zoroastrianism, all Persian religions and philosophies. Shīʿsm became a cover for the enemies present at the dawn of Islām to pass judgement upon Islām and to regain strength and glory for their defeated civilizations. The Bāṭinī movements instigated many revolutions throughout Islāmic history and have always incorporated the slogan of social justice and equality as their driving force in revolting against the people of Islām and the Sunnah.

The Ideological Slogans of Revolutionary Movements

Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī said, "And we have observed lessons from reality and from history, and there is no one reflecting and no one taking admonition except those upon whom Allāh has shown mercy and from them [these lessons] are: That every person of fitnah (tribulation), and every caller to misguidance, raises, with all strength, the slogan of "fairness, justice and equity". The revolution (led by ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ) against the righteous Caliph [ʿUthmān ()], rather against Islām, was in the name of justice. The revolution of al-Mukhtār bin Abī ʿUbayd, the heretic, was in the name of justice and equity. The revolution of Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī was under the slogan of justice and stopping oppression (injustice). And the Freemasonic movements, they carried the slogan of "justice, equality and freedom". The Communist revolution was also [carried out] beneath these slogans. And all of them are deception, and deceitful (lying) slogans, may Allāh expose those calling with them, and uncover their veils, and humiliate them in this life before the hereafter."28

28 Maḥajjat al-Bayḍāʾ (pp.9-10), which is his refutation of Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd who erred severely in attempting to undermine, upon lack of insight and knowledge, Shaykh Rabīʾs refutations against the "bāṭinī, rāfiḍī, khabīth" Sayyid Quṭb.

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The French and other revolutions across Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries founded upon the ideas of Adam Weishaupt (the abolition of governments, monarchies, religion, private property, inheritance and the family institution) and Marxist Socialism were instigated in order to overturn the old order and gain control over land, resources, property and people. The common-people were deceived by these false materialist ideologies and the alluring slogans of justice and equality and were roused against their monarchies. The masses were led to believe through effective propaganda for these materialist pseudo- sciences that the [capitalist] monarchies were the cause of injustice and oppression and that their removal, followed by equal distribution of wealth is the solution. Once the revolutions had taken place, the instigators and planners took swift control over land and property and began to systematically slaughter the peasants and the more educated, middle classes who could organize opposition to them, and then ruled with an iron hand. With the useless peasants and threatening middle classes neutralized, those that were left were enslaved by Socialism, Communism. The institution of Freemasonry was used as a vehicle for the implementation of these major upheavals in Europe and this remains the agenda on a global level.29 What was achieved in Europe

29 When you reflect upon the ten planks of Communism you will realize that the "left" and "right" paradigm of politics (and the alleged democracy that runs on top of that) which most Western nations operate upon is simply a veil and a cover. Beneath the cover, there is something else. Consider the ten planks carefully: 1) Abolition of all private property (this is achieved through heavy taxation, debt burden), 2) Heavy progressive, or graduated income tax (this is to keep everyone at relatively similar levels of wealth), 3) Abolition of all rights of inheritance (this is to allow the state to take all wealth and property), 4) Confiscation of property of all emigrants and rebels (referring to what happens when debts or taxes are not paid), 5) Centralization of all credit (through a central bank), 6) Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the state (this is to monitor and control all subjects), 7) Extension of factories and instruments of production (referring to taking lands from farmers and giving them to private corporations), 8) Equal liability to labour - everyone's got to work, (social security or national insurance number is given to everyone), 9) Manufacturing and agriculture blended together (this means conglomerates, corporates taking over farming and agriculture) and city and country blended together (this is population

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 19 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS through these revolutions was the intended goal for the Eastern Islāmic lands and this brings us to the activities of Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī in the late 19th century. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī's secretive organizations were modelled by Ḥasan al-Bannā, an Ashʿarī Ṣūfī who set up the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928 in Egypt. Al-Afghānī's position towards the Companions such as ʿUthmān () and the Banī ʿUmayyah and his views on Socialism were propounded by Sayyid Quṭb. Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdi of the Indo-Pak subcontinent also carried the poison of al-Afghānī towards ʿUthmān () and Banū ʿUmayyah.

It is important to keep these facts in mind as we come to learn that the Qarāmiṭah revolted against the ʿAbbāsids and Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī revolted against the Banū Umayyah, and these revolutions were a continuation of the activities of ʿAbdullah bin Sabaʿ against the caliphate of ʿUthmān, rather against Islām. And then we see people like Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Sayyid Quṭb praising those revolutions and Sayyid Quṭb and Abū Aʿlā Mawdudi propounding ideologies to launch violent revolutions in the Muslim lands, and in their writings is to be found the poison of those Bāṭinī Rāfiḍah towards the Companions and then we see them as the closest of friends to the enemies of Allāh, the Majūsī Ṣafavīs like al-Khomeinī and Nawāb Ṣafavī. And from them control, moving all people out of rural areas into towns and cities), 10) Free education for all children in public schools (this means compulsory indoctrination of children to be good citizens within the collectivist system). The slogans of freedom, liberty, equality, brotherhood and democracy that we hear nowadays (and which have resounded in history) are really to establish the system just described in those countries where this system has not yet been installed. Revolutions are instigated in countries (with these slogans) so as to destroy them and rebuild them upon this model and eventually to have the whole globe running in this way. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī's activities were towards this end, and were aimed at furthering the goals of Freemasonry in the Islāmic lands of the Middle East where natural resources give countries both finanicial independence and national sovereignty. Both of these are detested by the Globalists because they serve as major obstacles to their agendas. Thus, numerous approaches are taken to undermine unique nationalistic or religious identities and part of this is to promote pseudo- religions which promote a collectivist, one-world, universal religion doctrine.

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(Quṭb, Mawdūdī) their works and ideologies, came the Takfīrīs and the Khārijites of al-Qaidah and ISIS.

The Unity of Existence and the Unity of Religions

It is also important to make a note here about the relationship between the doctrines of waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence), waḥdat ul-adyān (unity of religions) and taqrīb which is nearness between theological schools, in particular between Sunnīs and Shīʿites.30 These ideas are central to many of the secret movements and organizations, whether they are the Bāṭinī movements discussed above or the Freemasonic societies. Many of the pseudo-religions that were fabricated in the 19th century (Bahāʾiyyah, Jehovah's Witnesses) carry this theme as a central dogma. When the political jamāʿāt appeared such as al-Ikhwan al- Muslimūn, Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr and Jamāte Islāmī, they all operated upon this principle of unity and overlooking theological differences. This Bāṭinī Freemasonic principle is needed by secret societies or societies (jamʿiyyāt) that operate upon ḥizbiyyah (partisanship), since large numbers of people whose opinions and ideas can be shaped are required by those at the top to facilitate the political objectives. Thus, we see an intersection and interplay between the thālūth (trinity) alluded to by Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī31, the Shīʿah (secretive, subversive movements), the Ṣūfīs (unity of existence, unity of religions) and the Siyāsiyyūn (politicians, the jamāʿāt) who are in fact neo-Khārijiyyah. They work towards acquisition of power, through watever means possible. Uniting the masses (irrespective of creed) so as to lead them

30 The call to taqrib is of tactical benefit to the Rāfiḍah Shīʿah and is spearheaded by al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn (the Muslim Brotherhood). All of the political jamāʿat which appeared in the 20th century, and their ideological figureheads, had cooperation, friendship and understanding with the Shīʿah. This includes Ḥasan al-Bannā, Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Sayyid Quṭb and others. 31 Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī refers to “the most intense and severe of murky (dark) plots” in the form of “the Trinity (al-Thāluth)” comprising “the Rāfiḍah, the Ṣūfiyyah and Siyāsah.” The Rāfiḍah and Ṣūfiyyah are apparent and as for Siyāsah (Politics) it refers to the two wings of al-Ikhwān, the Bannāʾiyyah and the Quṭbiyyah. Refer to his article, “Haqīqat Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn.”

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All of these factions are opposers and disputants to the Prophets and Messengers in the methodology of daʿwah and iṣlāh, which is calling the people to the Tawḥid of Allāh (), rectifying the servant and the land thereby.

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Summary

In summary, we should note that Shīʿism and Ṣūfism have always been veils with which the enemies of Islām camouflaged themselves, and they continue to do so today. Their aim is to first pollute, dilute and extinguish the Islāmic ʿaqīdah which splits and weakens its adherents and secondly to conquer and dominate their lands. The first is by promoting unity of religions and diversity of theological schools and the second is by fermenting discord, agitation, civil unrest and revolution. The Bāṭinīs launched revolutionary movements against the Muslim authorities under the slogans of ḥurriyyah (freedom), musāwāh (equality) and ʿadl (justice) as a means towards these goals. We will leave the final word for Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī who said, "Indeed, the Rawāfiḍ (Shīʿah) who are the most enmitous towards the lands of Islām and the Muslims, they are more severe in enmity than the Jews and Christians. I believe resolutely that they have a large role in supporting these revolutionary movements for the destruction of the Muslim lands whilst they remain at a distance and in safety from destructive revolutions themselves. They do not cease supporting these revolutions in the Muslim lands so that one day these (lands) bow down to them."32

Next, we will look at the Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Freemason, Jamāl al-Dīn al- Asabādī al-Irānī which will lay the foundation for looking at Ḥasan al- Bannā's Muslim Brotherhood and the Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Freemason, Sayyid Qūṭb, both of whom carried the ideas of Jamāl a-Dīn al-Afghānī.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 12th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 7th September 2014CE

32 Kashf al-Sitār (pp. 32-33).

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The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qaidah and ISIS

Part 3: The Activities of Jamāl al-Dīn [al-Afghānī] in the Muslim Lands

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS

The Legacies of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʿ and Nāfiʿ bin Azraq Upon the Rāfiḍah and the Khawārij

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The Armies of the Khārijites and the Dajjāl (Anti-Christ)

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

Introduction

All praise is due to Allāh, the Lord of the Worlds, the Lord of Noaḥ, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muḥammad. May the peace and blessings be upon them all. To proceed:

In the second installment of this series we looked at the various Bāṭinī movements which appeared at the dawn of Islām, starting first as underground, secret movements, then becoming small states that would revolt against the main Muslim body and eventually turning into empires stretching over large parts of the lands of Islām, such as the states of the Qarāmiṭah in East Arabia, the ʿUbaydiyyah in North Africa and the Ṣafavids in Persia (Irān). Their aims were to erode and neutralize the Islāmic ʿaqīdah, to replace it with a mixture of Persian, Magian, Sabian, Greek, and Jewish philosophies and creeds, to promote unity of religions and nearness between theological schools (as a means of eroding the authentic Islāmic ʿaqīdah), and to take control over lands by promoting revolutions in the name of freedom, equality and fraternity.

In this article we will look at the beliefs and activities of Jamāl al-Dīn [al-Afghānī], an Iranian Shīʿite who traversed the Muslim lands, Europe and Russia in the late 19th century.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 14th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 9th September 2014CE

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Part 3: The Activities of the Bāṭinī Rāfidī Freemason, Jamāl al-Dīn [al- Afghānī] al-Irānī4

It is not possible to put the Muslim Brotherhood, Ḥasan al-Bannā, Sayyid Quṭb, the groups of Takfīr and Khārijiyyah, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS which emerged thereafter into context without looking at the person and activities of Jamāl al-Din [al-Afghānī]. Just as his alleged Islāmic activities were not really in the interests of Islām and its people, likewise, the politicized jamāʿāt which appeared in the 20th century do not actually serve Islām, its people or their lands. Rather, they use the plight of Muslims in various lands as a means to manipulate emotions and sentiments, gather followers, and use them (through revolution or democracy) to acquire power for themselves.

Jamāl al-Dīn [al-Afghānī] is commonly portrayed as a pan-Islāmist in Western academic circles and also as the founder of "the modern Salafī movement."5 There is no evidence to justify this claim and it is in fact blatant disinformation. When one looks at his doctrinal roots, he is Shīʿite in origin. His ideas and the sum of his activities indicate that he was working for higher political agendas which were not in the real interests of the Muslims and their lands.

The claim that he was opposed to the Europeans and Colonialism do not really stand ground, and it appears this is propagandaa to divert attention away from the real beneficiaries of his activities. This short paper is unable to address that subject area in detail and the reader can refer to Muṣtafā Ghazal's work on al-Afghānī which elaborates on the

4 Most of the biographical information has been taken from Muṣtafā Ghazal's "Daʿwat Jamāl al-Dīn Fī Mīzān al-Islām" (Dār Ṭayyibah, 1st edition, 1983CE), Aḥmad Amīn's "Zuʿamāʾ al-Iṣlāh Fī al-ʿAṣr al-Ḥadīth" (Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī) and the third volume of ʿAlī al-Wardī's "Lumuḥāt Ijtimāʿiyyah Fī Tārīkh ʿIrāq" 5 Despite this being a false claim, it is relied upon heavily by numerous factions including a) sects who have theological differences with the Salafī way and its proponents, such as Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb and those before them, b) Western academics who are ignorant of creedal differences between the various theological schools in Islām, c) Conspiracy theory writers who are furthest away from verification (taḥqīq).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 5 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS topic. What raises suspicions about al-Afghānī is that when he entered Egypt and Turkey, he was given a warm reception as if he was already known, such reception that other prominent figures would not receive. Gatherings of the elites began taking place at his residence no sooner had he settled in. This indicates that he was being spent upon and was already known in certain circles and indicates that he may have entered Freemasonry prior to his arrival in Egypt. Freemasonry was present in both Irān and India where al-Afghānī had spent time before arriving in Egypt.

Further, wherever he went, he fell out with the rulers and plotted to have them assassinated or removed. In these places he was working to change the form of rule and government, trying to influence the rulers in that regard. And when his ideas and plans were dismissed or not implemented, he fell out with them. This is what happened in Egypt, Irān and also Turkey. It appears he was trying change the way those countries were run for the benefit of other parties. When you consider the legacy he left in the form of his students such as Muḥammad ʿAbduh, Saʿd Zaghlūl and others, and the ideas they propagated after him, it is clear that revival of Islām was the last thing on his mind, rather he wanted to demolish the foundations of Islām.

His name is Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn and is of Iranian origin. His father's name was Ṣafdar whose meaning is separator of the ranks, this was a quality given to ʿAlī () and was thus a name of choice for Shiʿites.6 He was born in Hamdhān district in Irān, in the city of Asadabād in 1839. Jamāl al-Dīn [al-Afghānī] is mentioned with a variety of appellations in biographical accounts indicating that throughout his travels he would use different identities. His assumed names include: Jamāl al-Dīn al-Istanbūlī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Asādabādī, Jamāl al-Dīn al- Ḥusaynī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Ḥusaynī ʿAbdullāh bin ʿAbdullāh, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī al-Kābūlī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Ḥusaynī al-Afghānī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Rūmī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Kābūlī.

6 Refer to "Daʿwat Jamāl al-Dīn Fī Mīzān al-Islām" by Muṣtafā Ghazāl (p. 11).

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His beginnings, foundations, and education are completely Shiʿite in nature. He first studied in Qazwīn in Irān, then moved to Tehran and after that to Najaf in ʿIrāq for higher studies in Shiʿite knowledge. All of his teachers were Shiʿites. He spent a period in Afghanistan during his early 20s and was involved in politics. From there he travelled to India but was severely restricted by the British authorities in his movements. From there he went to Egypt in 1870 for period of 40 days, and then moved to Astāna, the capital of the Ottoman state. After a year, he went back to Egypt where he got involved in the politics of the country.

ʿAlī al-Wardī writes "Al-Afghānī habitually changed his title when he moved from land to land. We have seen him in Turkey calling himself al-Afghānī whereas in Irān he calls himself al-Husaynī.7 And it becomes apparent from his preserved papers that he used to take other titles as well, al-Istanbūlī, al-Kābūlī, al-Rūmī, al-Ṭūsī and al-Asābādhī. And al- Afghānī would change his appearance and headwear in the same way he change his name. In Irān, he would wear the dress of the Shīʿah. In Turkey and Egypt he would wear the white turban above the fez, sometimes without the fez and sometimes the fez alone. And in the Ḥijāz he would wear the kūfī (cap) with the thick cord (ʿiqāl). And it is said that in some of his tours he would wear a green turban."8

Muṣtafā Fawzī Ghazāl wrote, "This indicates that he had a secret agenda which he strove to implement and that there was to be found behind him one who would plan things for him and require him to change colours in such a way and to use those names."9 He was widely travelled, having been present in Irān, Irāq, Afghanistan, Turkey (Anatolia) India, Egypt, the Hijāz (which he visited only once in 1857 for a very short duration with the intent of pilgrimage), Europe (London, Paris and Munich) and also Russia (Moscow, St. Petersburg).

7 When he was in Egypt in the 1870s he would write in the newspapers with the pseudonym "Mazhar bin Waḍḍāḥ.." 8 In his book, "Lumuḥāt Ijtimāʿiyyah Fī Tārīkh ʿIrāq" (3/313). 9 in his book, "Daʿwat Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī Fī Mīzān al-Islām" (p. 63).

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The Doctrines of Jamāl al-Din al-Irānī

Though Jamāl al-Dīn had a Twelver Shiʿite education and upbringing, biographers and researchers of his activities indicate he had beliefs and objectives that went beyond his religious background. He was known to hold or propound beliefs such as the unity of existence, the acquisition of prophethood,10 and the unity of religions. These ideas indicate he was an Ismāʿīlī Bāṭinī and Ṣūfī mystic.

Aḥmad Amīn writes, "They accused him with heresy due to this and reviled him because he said that Prophethood is an art (that can be developed), and they incited against him until he was advised to leave al-Astānah. Then, when he came to Egypt, the Scholars such as Shaykh ʿUlaysh and also some of the general folk accused him of heresy."11

Salīm al-Anjūrī, a Christian student of al-Afghānī stated, "He delivered an off-hand sermon regarding skills, exaggerating therein until he added Prophethood amongst the conceptual skill forms. The students of knowledge caused an uproar against him and the newspapers of the time showed severe rejection against him."12 As a result of this uproar, he made his way to India, passing through Egypt.

Aḥmad Amīn writes, "Sayyid [al-Afghānī], as is cited from him by Shaykh Muḥammad Abduh and some of his close associates, was a Ṣūfī and was upon the doctrine of the Mutaṣawwifah which is obscure and ends up in the (doctrine) of the unity of existence (waḥdat al- wujūd)..."13 and Ghazāl explains that many of al-Afghānī's teachers

10 The Bāṭiniyyah, under the influence of Greek Philosophy, held beliefs such as the eternity of the universe, the rejection of bodily resurrection and Prophethood simply being an art form that can be acquired if one has the right qualities. These beliefs clash with the very foundations of what the Prophets and Messengers came with. Al-Afghānī is related to have propagated this idea in a sermon whilst he was in Astānah, in the Ottoman state. 11 In his book "Zuʿamā al-Iṣlāh Fī al-ʿAṣr al-Ḥadīth" (p. 110). 12 Refer to Tārīkh al-Ustādh al-Imām (1/44) of Riḍā who is citing from al- ʿAnjūrī. 13 Refer to Zuʿamāʾ al-Iṣlāh Fī al-ʿAṣr al-Ḥadīth (p. 112)

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 8 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS were Ṣūfīs, believers in the doctrine of waḥdat ul-wujūd. In Tārīkh al- Ustādh al-Imām, Riḍa writes, "The European philosophy regarding existence is very similar to that of the Ṣūfis regarding the unity [of existence] and al-Sayyid [Jamāl al-Dīn] was inclined to this doctrine as was indicated by al-Ustādh al-Imām (Muḥammad ʿAbduh) in his biography."14

The doctrine of waḥdat ul-wujūd is a precursor to the doctrine of the unity of religions and from there we arrive at the freemasonic slogans of freedom, equality and fraternity whose intended meanings are other than what the common-folk and lower-level gullible Freemasons consider them to mean. It is also related that al-Afghānī tried to bring nearness between the Sunnīs and the Shiʿah - and this was either to legitimize the Shīʿite theology and creed in the eyes of the Sunnī majority or for other objectives.15 Al-Afghāni was also known to abandon prayer,16 drink,17 smoke cigars,18 and socialize with foreign women.19

Al-Afghānī, the Bābiyyah, Bahāʾiyyah and Unity of Religions

Jamāl al-Dīn also ascribed to the Bābiyyah, a religious ideology erected in Persia in the mid-1800s characterized by the call to a one-world

14 Tārīkh al-Ustādh al-Imām (1/79). 15 He was followed in this by his student Muḥammad ʿAbduh and then many Azharī scholars followed the same idea and it was also propounded by Ḥasan al-Bannā and his Muslim Brotherhood organization. 16 Refer to al-Rāʾiyyah al-Ṣughrā Fī Dhamm il-Bidʿah (p. 372) wherein the author, al-Nabahānī, states that he once met with him in 1297H in Egypt next to al-Azhar between Maghrib and close to Ishā and he did not pray Maghrib. 17 His Christian student, Salīm al-Anjūrī states, as cited by al-Wardī in "Lumuḥāt Ijtimāʿiyyah Fī Tārīkh ʿIrāq" (3/311), "He used to dislike sweet (foods) and loved bitterness. He would drink a lot of tea and smoke tobacco, and when he took liquor it would be a shot of cogniac." 18 This was given as one of the reasons for the throat cancer which he eventually died of whilst in Astānah in 1897. Refer to Ghazāl (p. 49). 19 Refer to al-Wardī (3/312-313) who relates his connections and flirtations with women and his infatuation with a women named Kathy.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 9 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS religion. Despite battles with the Persian government, the Bābiyyah failed to meet success, were subdued and went underground. The ideology reappeared just over 20 years later with a new name, the Bahāʾiyyah, led by Mirzā ʿAli al-Māzindarānī (known as Bahāʾullāh) who called for global religion and unification of mankind into one global society. From their fundamental teachings are "recognition of the unity and relativity of religious truth,"20 and "the establishment of a global commonwealth of nations" and they also state, "humanity is one single race and the day has come for its unification in one global society."21

Muṣtafā Ghazāl cites from Muḥsin ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd in his book "Ḥaqīqat al-Bābiyyah wal-Bahāʾiyyah" (p. 210), "The foundational (doctrines) and pillars of the Bāhāʾiyyah, the successors of the Bābiyyah agree in many affairs with the foundations and objectives of Jamāl al-Dīn. The Bahāʾiyyah, in addition to them being affected by this destructive orientation through the doctrinal theorems of the Ṣūfīs, Ḥulūlīs and Ittiḥādīs are also affected by what Freemasons call to of abandoning (all other religions) and embracing a single (global) religion."22

Al-Ḥamīd also writes, "The Bahāʾis claim that religions in their current forms cause hatred and discord.23 Then they try to treat this by abandoning all religions and believing in their false deity (ṭāghiyah, meaning Bahāʾullāh), Mirzā Husayn, and those doctrines which he took

20 By this they mean that all religions are equal, that they are different representations of a single truth. This is why a person can come from any creed and become a Bahāʾī. 21 From http://info.bahai.org. 22 The Bahāʾīs accept a person of any faith and background into their religion, Muslims, Jews, Christians, Buddhists, Hindūs and others. Their aim is to dissolve all other religions into one global religion, this being one of numerous simultaneous approaches to create a global civil society ruled by Communist, collectivist principles. They have very strong influence in the United Nations and it is said that many of its original founders or main players are Bahāʾīs. They play a large, active role is the propagation of an environmentalist religion (global warming, climate change). 23 This was the very idea promoted by Ikhwān al-Ṣafā, the Ismāʿīlī Bāṭinī secret order, in their epistles that were spread in ʿIrāq during the 4th century hijrah.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 10 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS from the books of his Ṣufī shaykhs, and these ideas, as has preceded in this book, all emanate from the idea of waḥdat ul-wujūd."

The killer of the Shāh of Irān at the time Nāṣir al-Dīn (d. 1896CE) was a Bābī follower of al-Afghānī called Mirzā Riḍā Kirmānī. When he stabbed the Shāh he said "This is from Jamāl al-Dīn" essentially condemning himself to death for the sake of Jamāl al-Dīn and his objectives. Al- Afghānī had been expelled from Irān by the Shah years earlier who feared that al-Afghānī was plotting a revolt in order to have him removed.

Note the similarities between the Bahāʿīyyah, the Ikhwān al-Ṣafā and the ideas of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghāni in that they all call to a universal religion under which all religions are consumed.

Freemasonic Societies and Activities in Iran, Egypt, Europe and Russia24

It is likely that al-Afghānī had already entered Freemasonry before entering Egypt. As soon as he arrived in Egypt he joined the Alexandrian (British) Freemasonic Lodge (Star of the East). He considered the slogan, "freedom, equality, fraternity" to be a foundation of social justice for all.25 He certainly found equality and fraternity as evidenced by his friendship and closeness with Jews and Christians who made a bulk of his students, but the freedom he was looking for was in the form of revolutions against the ruling authorities. The first Lodge he had joined was not overtly involved in politics to his dismay.

24 When we speak of Freemasonry in the course of this paper, it is important to distinguish between the institution itself, and factions of people who use the institution of Freemasonry as a vehicle for their agendas. This is because many well-intentioned and professional people join Freemasonry, remaining at its lower levels, without ever becoming aware of how it is used, at the higher levels, as a vehicle for pushing and implementing certain national and international agendas. 25 Zuʿamā al-Iṣlāh Fī al-ʿAṣr al-Ḥadīth of Aḥmad Amīn (p. 73).

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He then founded a new lodge under his leadership, the Grand Orient, which followed France26 and its members comprised around 300.27

Once he entered the Freemasonic lodges and acquired accomplices and contacts, he commenced his involvement in political affairs and played a part in removing the ruler Ismāʾīl Pāshā and replacing him with his son Tawfīq who was also a Freemason and member of his lodge. He later fell out with Tawfīq Pāshā who feared that al-Afghānī was preparing a revolution in order to remove him from power. The dispute appeared to be the failure of Tawfīq Pāshā in forming a republic (so that the power would be vested in the citizens), enabling a democratic system to be installed which Pāshā was said to have promised when he joined the Freemasonic lodge.

Al-Afghānī was exiled from Egypt and subsequently made his way to Bombay, India where he spent three years of his life. From there he went to Paris in 1883. He spent another three years travelling to and fro between Paris28 and London before making his way to Russia in 1886, through the route of Irān. It appears he had objectives in Irān, forming a constitutional government, which did not come to fruition and whilst he was there, he suddenly decided to go to Russia. He spent three years in Russia, and also travelled to Munich from there. The movements of al-Afghānī appear to be have been dicated to him as no sense can be made about his reasons for travelling to these places.

In 1890 he returned to Tehran and only after a year he was expelled by the Shāh due to differences which had arisen between them. Al- Afghānī was attempting to make changes and reforms to the form of

26 There were competing British and French interests in Egypt and thus both nations had a presence there, meddling in the nations politics. Al-Afghānī was more strongly inclined towards the French, and this would explain in part, his some of his positions towards the English. 27 From it's members were Muḥammad ʿAbduh, ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jazāʾirī and others. 28 It is said that in Paris he met representatives of the Young Turk movement and encouraged them in their plans for reformation of the Ottoman state. Refer to Muṣtafā Ghazāl (p. 37).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 12 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS government which the Shāh was not pleased with. Upon his expulsion he went to Baghdād in ʿIrāq. From there he went to London and began speaking against Shāḥ Nāsir al-Dīn.29

He was then summoned to Astānah to help resolve the problems between him in the Shāh through the medium of the Sultān ʿAbd al- Ḥamīd. Muṣtafā Ghazal mentions an opinion that a main reason for al- Afghānī being summoned was that the Sulṭān feared he might join the Young Turk movement and support them in removing the Sulṭān, with his knowledge that al-Afghānī had met with them in Paris. So he offered al-Afghānī the position of Shaykh al-Islām so that he could be kept under watch, but al-Afghānī refused as he did not want his activities being monitored. He remained in Astānah and would frequent the Sulṭān but from statements that are narrated about him, it appears he had hidden objectives. Al-Afghānī is related to have said, "This Sultān is tuberculosis in the lung of the state."30

Ghazāl writes, "And he began desiring to remove (the Sulṭān) and scheme plots for that purpose, and thus appeared Jamāl al-Dīn to the eyes in that never did he travel to any land except that he revolted against its ruler and strove to remove him or assassinate him. He first accustomed himself with Ismāʿīl Pāshā, working with him until he turned against him. Then he worked with the Shāh and turned against him and strove to assassinate him or remove him, finally managing to assassinate him as is yet to be (discussed). And here he is working with Sulṭān ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd who opend both his heart and country to him, honoring him and receiving him with great hospitality, but then he turned against him, desiring his removal. Rather, he was bolder than that, for he said about Sulṭān ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd and the Shāh of Irān, Nāṣir al-Dīn, 'Removing them both is easier than removing a pair of socks'. Now if this statement from him is authentic, it is obligatory upon us to truly grasp this statement, because it is not the statement of any person

29 Muṣtafā Ghazāl cites from Anwar al-Jundī who said that Jamā al-Dīn al- Afghānī was accused of encouraging the British state of removing the Shāh from power. Refer to p. 40. 30 Refer to Aḥmad Amīn's "Zuʿamāʾ al-Iṣlāh Fī al-ʿAṣr al-Ḥadīth" (p. 101).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 13 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS amongst the people. For what he said actually took place. Sulṭān ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd was removed due to the hand of the Freemasons and the Shāh of Irān was killed by the hand of Jamāl al-Dīn because the killer of the Shāh, when he was about to kill him, said, 'Take this from the hand of Jamāl al-Dīn'."31 End quote from Ghazāl.

Al-Afghānīs activities indicate that he was working for the interests of European Freemasonry. If one looks at the results and consequences of his actions and the legacy he left through his students, it is clear that the benefit was not for Islām and the Muslims, but for others.

Ideological and Spiritual Connections to Early Bāṭinī Secret Societies and Their Philosophies and Goals

In his request to become a member of the Star of the East Lodge in the 1870s when he arrived in Egypt, al-Afghānī addressed the keepers of the lodge as follows, "I hope (request) from al-Ikhwān al-Ṣafā and Khullān al-Wafā..." a reference to the Bāṭinī movement which came out openly in the early fourth century hijrah.32 A scan of this letter has been preserved.

This reference to the higher members of the lodge as Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ wa Khullān al-Wafāʾ (Brethren of Purity and Loyal Friends) is striking and indicates a spiritual and ideological connection to the 4th century hijrah Bāṭinī secret

31 Refer to (pp. 42-43) 32 Shaykh al-Islām Ibn Taymiyyah has many refutations against the Bāṭiniyyah and refers to this particular faction (Ikhwān al-Ṣafā) and their philosophical writings which were distributed in perfect secrecy for a long time.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 14 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS order of Ikhwān al-Ṣafā which called for the merging of philosophy and mysticism with Islām as a means of eroding it and as a step towards the unity of religions, a major theme within their writings. It should come as no surprise that many of al-Afghānī's acquaintances, accomplices and students were of other faiths, since difference in faith is not a hindrance to serving the agendas and goals of Freemasonry. Al- Afghānī's students comprised of many Jews and Christians, from the most prominent of them are Yaʿqūb al-Ṣanūʿ (Jewish) and Adīb Isḥāq (Christian). Al-Afghānī encouraged both of them to set up newspapers which were used to ferment discord that would help facilitate the fulfilment of higher agendas he was working for. Al-Ṣanūʿ set up the newspaper called Abū al-Nadhārah and Isḥāq set up the newspaper Jarīdah Miṣr. Through these newspapers they began writing against the ruler, Ismāʿīl Pāshā, intending to put his son, Tawfīq Pāshā into power.

Secret Organizations, Revolutionary Movements

Jamāl al-Dīn set up numerous societies, following the ways of the Bāṭinī Shiʿite movements of old. From the societies he created include:

1. The National Freedom Party (al-Ḥizb al-Waṭaniyy al-Ḥurr). This was initially a secret affair but came out when an Egyptian delegation went to see the Minister of France with al-Afghānī requesting intervention in the affairs of Egypt. This party was purely political and accepted people of any faith and included Jews, Christians and Communists. He promoted an "Egypt for the Egyptians" and was also pushing democracy and liberation from both European and Ottoman colonialism.33 There were competing British and French interests in Egypt at the time and al-Afghānī was inclined towards the French. This society was behind the removal of Ismāīʿīl Pāshā from power, but al- Afghānī soon fell out with the new ruler, Tawfīq Pāshā, who had him, along with his students such as Muḥammad ʿAbduh exiled from Egypt.

33 Refer to Muṣtafā Ghazāl (p. 19) who cites from Muḥammad ʿAmmārah in Aʿmāl al-Kāmilah (p. 33).

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2. The Society of Young Egypt (Jamʿiyyat Mīṣr al-Fatāh). This was set up in Alexandria and the majority of its members were Jews and Christians.34 Incidentally, the Young Turk movement sought to overthrow the Ottoman Sultān around the same time as Jamāl al-Dīn was active. There are connections between the two movements. Sultān ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd spells out in his memoirs the plans of the English to end the Ottoman Caliphate.35 The Young Turk movement was comprised of Doenmeh Jews whose origins were in Salonica (Greek port).36 Ghazāl writes that when al-Afghānī entered Egypt he was under the protection and financial support of Riyāḍ Pasha. The Christian student of al-Afghānī, Adīb Ishāq, writes about Pashā, "He is from Bayt al-Wazn [Palestinian town near Nablus] and is from the Egyptian Jews, his father was given responsibility over the treasury and so he proclaimed Islām and his children followed him in that."37 Al-Afghānī was provided residence in the Jewish quarters and became a very close friend of Yaʿqūb (Jacob) Ṣanūʾ, a Jew whose was skilled in the Tawrāh and was

34 Refer to Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm in "al-Fikr al-ʿArabī Fī Miʾah Sanah" (pp. 72- 73). 35 Muṣtafā Ghazāl cites (p. 186) from Sultān ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd's memoirs, "The one thing they strived to achieve [meaning the Freemasons] was to sow dissension and rebellion in the land and within the army without them knowing that they are working for the interests of the English who had spread the ideas of freedom in our empire as a pretext, hoping to weaken us." Earlier in the book (p. 46) Ghazāl also cites the Sulṭān from his memoirs, "A document came into my hands, prepared in the English Foreign Ministry by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and an Englishman called Blunt. They both spoke of abolishing the caliphate from the Turks and suggested the English announce that Sharīf Ḥusayn, the Amīr of Makkāh should be the caliph of the Muslims. I used to know Jamāl al- Dīn closely, he used to be in Egypt and was a dangerous man." The Blunt referred to here is William Scawen Blunt, an agent of the British. 36 Muṣtafā Kamāl Ataturk was amongst them, he was a Doenmeh Jew. Once the Ottoman state was ended Ataturk, began to abolish the Islāmic symbols to completely change its identity from a religious to a secular state. 37 As cited by Ghazāl through Anwar al-Jundī, refer to page 157 of Daʿwah Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.

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well read in the Qurʾān and Injīl (Gospel). Salīm alʿAnjūrī, who is another Christian student of al-Afghānī wrote, "Then he took residence in the Jewish quarters and he did not remain there long until his abode became a meeting forum for scholars and authors."38

3. The Society of the Strongest Handhold (Jamʿiyyah al-ʿUrwah al- Wuthqā). This was a secret society set up in India but which then extended to Shām, Egypt, Sudān and Tūnisia. There were connections between this society and European Socialists and it is said that his newsletteer al-ʿUrwah al-Wuthqāʾ was financed by those same interests.

Travels to Russia

After returning to Tehran, al-Afghānī set out for Russia some time after 1883. Al-Afghānī's travels to Russia were secretive and raise suspicions as he was there for over three years and he returned later to make another visit. It is said he was invited to Russia through the agency of a an individual called Mikhail Katkov. Mustafā Ghazāl writes that al- Afghānī would have been aware of the plans to bring down Christian Tsarist Russia through Communism and he is related to have said, "We shall soon pray funeral prayer over the Tsar and Tsarism."39 However, he may not have been upon this orientation from the beginning as evidence suggests he was trying to build ties between Irān and Russia for imperialist goals that competed with those of the British in India. In any case, at some point he would have been aware of the coming demise of Tsarist Russia and likewise of the Ottoman caliphate. Al- Afghānī's Young Egypt movement was clearly following the example of the Young Turk movement which was used to bring down the Ottoman state. Al-Afghānī had met with representatives of the Young Turks whilst in Paris as has preceded which caused the Sulṭān to be wary of him and his intentions.

38 Refer to Tārikh al-Ustādh al-Imām of Rashīd Riḍā (1/44). 39 Aʿlām wa Aṣ-hāb Aqlām (p. 118) as cited by Ghazāl (p. 139).

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Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī's Objectives

From an evaluation of all of his activities, Muṣtafā Ghazal summarizes in "Daʿwat Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī Fī Mīzān al-Islām" (p. 228 onwards) that in a very broad sense, al-Afghānī's aim was to spread Freemasonry and help to fulfil its goals in the Islāmic East. From the main elements making up this agenda include

a) Influencing rulers to change their form of government b) Bringing down the Ottoman Caliphate, c) A call to the unity of religions, and to combine Islām with Christianity and Judaism. d) A call to Westernization and Europeanization in the name of revival (tajdīd), e) A call to nationalism as a means of breaking up the Islāmic bloc, f) Calling to Socialism (Communism), g) A call to liberty and freedom,40 and breaking loose from religious traditions and regulations, h) A call to religious diversity in the name of religious unity, i) A call for the liberation of women.

The agenda pursued by al-Afghānī correlates with that of the Bahāʾiyyah with whom he had tight connections, just as it correlates, in some aspects, with the political, social and economic objectives behind the revolutions taking place in Europe in the same century.

Al-Afghānī, Socialism (Social Justice) and Islām and the Origins of the Rāfiḍī Poison of Sayyid Quṭb and Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī

In his earlier book al-Radd ʿalā al-Dahriyyīn (written in India), Al- Afghānī was against Socialism and called for Capitalism. However, in his last work, Khāṭirāt, he settled upon a Socialist, Communist ideology. His society Jamʿiyyah al-ʿUrwah al-Wuthqā had alliances with European

40 His Christian student Adīb Isḥāq states as mentioned and compiled in "Tārīkh al-Ustādh al-Imām" of Rashīd Riḍā (1/40) that he was "severely inclined towards freedom (ḥurriyyah)."

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Socialists as evidenced throught the ʿUrābī revolt in Egypt between 1879 and 1882. Ghazāl summarizes41 that initially, whilst in India, al- Afghāni may not have seen any practical benefit in Socialism. But when he came to Europe and mixed with the Socialists and came to know of their objectives, he changed his orientation. Rashīd al-Dhawwādī writes, "Hence, al-Afghānī was the driver of Socialism without doubt, and he strove with his thought and activity in calling to the actualization of a society of sufficiency and justice..."42

After citing this, Muṣtafā Ghazāl says, "Upon this, Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī is the first one who tried to overturn the texts and historical realities so as to make the religion of Islām a Socialist religion. Then after him came a people who proceeded upon his path, and exaggerated therein, playing with definitive texts so that they can make the religion of Islām as a means to arrive at Socialism. And al- Afghānī was the first to revile ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān () and made him responsible for (establishing) a feudal system and its evils, a heirarchical organization and its (associated) dangers, enriching some and impoverishing others. Jamāl al-Dīn says, 'In a short time during the caliphate of ʿUthmān the spiritual condition of the ummah changed in a perceptible way. The most severe manifestation of this is what occurred during his era and the era of the workers of the state (meaning the rulers) and the leaders and the near relatives of the khalīfah (ʿUthmān) and the capitalists (those with wealth) in a form in which one can perceive the presence of a heirarchy claimed by the rulers and a heirarchy of nobles and another of the affluent and pompous. But separated from these ranks were the ranks of the labourers and the children of the mujāhidīn and whoever was like them.'43 Then he (al-Afghānī) considers this class separation to be a result of affluence despite the knowledge that most of those who ruled over the lands during his (ʿUthmān's) time where themselves employed by ʿUmar bin al-Khaṭṭāb and that those who fell into violations of duty

41 Refer to Ghazāl (pp. 259-261). 42 Ruwād al-Iṣlāh (p. 78) as cited by Ghazāl. 43 Refer to al-Aʿmāl al-Kāmilah li Jamāl al-Dīn (p. 111) and al-Radd ʿalā al- Dahriyyīn (pp. 200-201).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 19 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS during the rule of ʿUthmān were punished and removed. Not a single one of the historians mentioned that the rulers during the time of ʿUthmān acquired wealth in an unlawful manner, or through theft, deception or bribery. Most of those who received a share of wealth, and they are ʿUthmān's relatives, were given from ʿUthmān's own wealth in order to bring their hearts closer and to push them to serve Islām. Then after he (al-Afghānī) threw the accusation against ʿUthmān, he tried to say that the revolutionaries who surrounded ʿUthmān were from the downtrodden Muslims and indicates that Abū Dharr was the first of those downtrodden ones who became aware of this danger. Al- Afghānī says, 'As a result of the sum of those manifestations brought about by the presence of those class distinctions between (the affluent) and the workers and downtrodden amongst the Muslims another faction formed which began to perceive oppression (was taking place) and they began to prepare to demand their earned right of support and which had been present during the reigns of the first and second caliphs, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar. The first of those who became aware of this danger which threatened the state and Islamic unity was the noble Companion Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī.'44 Thus, Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī in his view is the founder of the Socialist school in Islām and upon this approach we find the Socialists after him." End quote from Ghazāl.45

Sayyid Qūṭb, another Bāṭinī, Rāfiḍī Freemason, echoed these words and reproduced them in his writings in order to develop an ideology which could be used to ferment revolutions in the Muslim lands. Quṭb's analysis of the reign of ʿUthmān () is preceded by that of Jamāl al- Dīn al-Afghānī. Quṭb also explicitly stated that Islām is a mixture of Christianity and Communism, and he also praised the revolution of

44 Refer to al-Aʿmāl al-Kāmilah li Jamāl al-Dīn (pp. 111-112) and al-Radd ʿalā al- Dahriyyīn (pp. 200-201). 45 Refer to Daʿwah Jamāl al-Dīn (pp. 264-265). The Orientalist bootlicker and shoeshiner Muḥammad Ammārah, in commenting upon these views of al- Afghānī and attempting to defend him, cast doubt upon the existence of ʿAbdullah bin Sabaʾ and this was picked upon by the Shiʾites who then began to claim Abdullāh bin Sabaʾ is a historical fabrication, despite affirmation of his existence in their very early biographical works.

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ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ against ʿUthmān and also that of the Qarāmiṭah against the Muslims.

The Legacy of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Irānī [al-Afghānī]

Al-Afghānī left a destructive legacy through his prominent students who include Muḥammad ʿAbduh, the closest of his students, who corrupted al-Azhar and entered Freemasonry amongst its scholars and clerics. Muṣtafā Ṣabrī writes, "Perhaps he (ʿAbduh) and his friend Jamāl al-Dīn desired to play with Islām in the same way as Luther and Calvin, the leaders of the Protestants in Christianity, but they were unable to create a new religion for the Muslims and sufficed instead with promoting heresy therein in the name of progress and revival (nuhūḍ, tajdīd)."46 ʿAbduh was a caller to nearness between the Sunnīs and Shīʿites and was also a modernist, undermining the Islāmic Sharīʿah and giving preference to the laws of the Europeans.

Saʿd Zaghlūl was another student and his wife, Ṣafiyah Zaghlūl, was instrumental in calling for "the liberation of women," organizing street demonstrations in Cairo in 1919. Al-Afghānī himself was an active caller to the ideology of the liberation of women.47

Then there is Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā who requires a detailed discussion outside the scope of this treatise. In summary, Riḍā came from the typical Ashʿarī, Ṣūfī tradition as is indicated by some of his writings in theology. He was no doubt poisoned by the ideas of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Muḥammad ʿAbduh. Later in his life he came under the influence of the writings of Ibn Taymiyyah and began to publish extracts within al-Manār magazine alongside remnants of the poison of al-Afghānī and ʿAbduh. Salafī scholars differ as to whether Riḍā genuinely inclined towards Salafiyyah or whether it was an

46 As cited by Ghazāl (p. 230). 47 Refer to Ghazal (p. 274) who says that al-Wardī goes further than this and tends to the view taht al-Afghānī would have relationships of love with women, and particularly a women named Cathy from Paris, whose letters to al-Afghānī are preserved and in which she her expresses her intense love for al-Afghānī and her pain of being separated due to having to return to Paris.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 21 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS attempt to push his poison into the Salafī daʿwah and its adherents.48 The Salafī scholar Muqbil bin Hādī wrote a refutation of ʿAbduh and Riḍā in which he dismissed them both as Freemasons intending to harm Islām.49 Shaykh Muqbil wrote, "For our publicizing the misguidance of Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā the one who veiled himself with Salafiyyah is to show that Ahl al-Sunnah do not have biased alignment and this is different to the ignoramuses of al-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn who revolve around the saying of the one who said, 'Let us cooperate in that which we agree and excuse each other in that which we disagree'."50

48 Many conspiracy writers attempt to make a link between Salafiyyah and Freemasonry through Rashīd Riḍā, ʿAbduh and al-Afghānī. However, Rasḥīd Riḍā was actually an Ashʿarī in the time he was a student of Muḥammad ʿAbduh. 49 Due to this transformation of Rashīd Riḍā from his Ashʿarī, Ṣūfī roots to an inclination towards Salafiyyah, many adversaries to the way of the Salaf from the Ashʿarī and Māturīdī doctrinal schools claimed that Muḥammad ʿAbduh and Rasḥid Riḍā were the founders of the so-called modern Salafī movement. This has no merit and is driven by doctrinal bias as is not hidden to anyone who evaluates the historical facts thus presented, since adherence to the way of the Salaf was spoken of in the second century hijrah by the Imāms of the Salaf such as Imām al-Zuhree (d. 124H) and others. Shaykh Muḥammad Nāsir al-Dīn al-Albānī praised Rasḥīd Riḍā from the angle of what he saw of benefit from the writings and publications of Rashīḍ Riḍā and Shaykh Muqbil bin Hādī al-Wādiʿī criticised Rashīd Riḍā for many of his deviations which remained with him from his past. From any consideration, the claims that Salafiyyah was founded by these three Freemasons (al-Afghānī, ʿAbduh, Riḍā) is patently false and those who make such claims are those with doctrinal bias from the Ashʿarīs, Ṣufīs, or from the Ḥanafī, Māturīdī Turks - which is understandable as the role of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī in undermining the Ottoman empire has since become evident. This propaganda is then picked up by non-Muslim researchers and conspiracy writers and conveyed to a wider non-Muslim audience. 50 In his book Rudūd Ahl al-ʿIlm (2nd edition, 2006CE, p. 142) and it is a refutation of Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā and demonstration of his remoteness from Salafiyyah.

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The Ikhwānī and Ṣūfī Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm, one of the leaders of al- Ikhwān writes in praise of al-Afghānī, stating in his book "Aḥdāth Ṣanaʿat Tārīkh (3/574), "The history of Jamāl al-Dīn testifies that his distinguished students and sincerest of friends were plentiful amongst the non-Muslims, such as Adīb Isḥāq the Christian, Yaʿqūb al-Ṣanūʿ the Jew. And he encouraged the first to set up the two newspapers of Miṣr and al-Tijārah and he himself used to write in them, and he encouraged the second to set up the newspapers, al-Hazīlah and Abū al- Nadhārah..." It is clear that students of al-Afghānī were involved in activities to support the wider agendas of al-Afghānī and shaping public opinion through the press was one of those means.

There is also evidence to connect Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and his Bāṭinī Ismāʿilī doctrines with Helena Blavatksy who founded the Theosophical Society and propounded ideas similar to those of Ikhwān al-Ṣafā and the Bahāʾiyyah regarding a universal religion based on the brotherhood of man. She claimed every civilization had esoteric knowledge which has been lost and her philosophy was aimed at reconnecting societies with such esoteric knowledge. In his work on Blavatsky, K. Paul Johnson provides evidence for the link between Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and his Persian mysticism (Ismāʿīlī Bāṭiniyyah) and Blavatsky through the Russian Mikhail Katkov who invited al-Afghānī to Russia and was also the publisher of Blavatsky's works. Johnson also states that Blavatsky's movements coincided with those of al-Afghānī. She was in India, Egypt, Tbilisi, and Paris during the same times that al-Afghānī arrived and remained there. Johnson argues that Blavatksy took her occult mysticism doctrines from Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī's Ṣūfī, Shīʿīte mysticism and presented them to a Western audience with the label of Theosophy.51

51 Refer to K. Paul Johnson's "The Master's Revealed" in the chapter on Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (p. 47 onwards).

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Shaykh Muqbil bin Hādī al-Wādiʿī on Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and His Students

The Salafī Scholar, Muqbil bin Hādī () of Yemen said, "For Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, it is said his origin is from Irān and that he pretended to be Afghānī but was not an Afghānī. Rather, he desired to deceive the people so that it became known he was an Afghānī due to his knowledge that the Islāmic society dislikes the Rāfiḍah. And he is considered a plant (an agent) against Islām, he has evil positions, and perhaps he remained in Russia and other non-Muslim lands for many years. He is the one who spread the school of following desires, I will not say the intellectual school, even though I had written "intellectual school" in [my book] "Rudūd Ahl al-ʿIlm ʿalā al-Ṭāʿinīn Fī Ḥadīth al-Siḥr," however I reflected thereafter, and sound intellect does not conflict with authentic transmission (of revealed text), so therefore it is a school of following desires [and not an intellectual school]. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, Muḥammad ʿAbduh and they were followed by Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā, they invalidated the strongholds of Islām one by one.. Jamāl al-Dīn and Muḥammad ʿAbduh were agents for the enemies of Islām [working to] sweep away the Ottoman State - despite what it possessed of calamities - it was still an Islāmic state... I say they are two misguided and misguiding individuals, and they allied with the enemies of Islām to destroy Islām."52

As al-Afghānī is an Ismāʿīlī Bāṭinī, following in the tradition of those before him, his activities should be interpreted in line with what the Scholars of Islām, Sunnah and Salafiyyah have made clear, through historical realities, about the Bāṭiniyyah of old. It is here that the speech of Ibn Taymiyyah () is highly appropriate, "...and the Shīʿah entice the enemies of the religion, amongst the Atheists, the Bāṭiniyyah and others besides them. For this reason they counsel the atheists - was was done by the Qarāmiṭah who used to be in Baḥrain, and they are the most disbelieving of the creation, and the likes of the Qarāmiṭah of the Maghreb and Egypt, and they used to conceal themselves behind tashayyuʿ (beliefs of the Shīʿah) - they counseled

52 Refer to Qamʿ al-Muʿānid wa Zajr al-Ḥaqid al-Ḥāsid (2/332).

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53 Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā (13/209-210).

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Summary of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī

It is clear from the above that Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Muḥammad ʿAbduh have no connection to Salafiyyah, neither from near, nor far. Salafiyyah has been wrongly ascribed to them because they made limited reference to the concept of 'predecessors' - intending to refer to past dynamicity [ijtihād in the early period] as opposed to rigidity, stagnation and blind-following which appeared later amongst the Muslims. This idea was part of their wider call to move Muslim masses towards Modernism and imitation of Europe in the name of ijtihād and revival and to alter their forms of government so that those countries could be even more vulnerable to outside influence. Their calls for ijtihād were for a modern re-interpration of the Qurʾān. They were not in any way referring to Salafiyyah which is a call to returning to the way of the Salaf in ʿaqīdah, daʿwah and manhaj as a broad program of reform and which was the way of Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn ʿAbd al- Wahhāb who founded their call upon the Tawḥīd of the Prophets and Messengers and not the Tawḥīḍ of the Ṣūfī and Shīʿīte heretics and nor their innovated gnosticism and mysticism.

Al-Afghānī was a Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Shīʿite Freemason whose activities should be seen in the same light as the Qarāmiṭah and Bātiniyyah movements of old and likewise those of Ikhwān al-Ṣafā. He was working for higher agendas with the aim of undermining Sunnī Islām by calling to unity of existence, unity of religions, nearness between the Sunnīs and Shiʾites (for the benefit of Shīʾites and their agendas), freedom, liberalism, socialism and the liberation of women. He involved Jews and Christians in his activities and was often in the presence of his Iranian entourage, many of whom were also Freemasons. His activities, like the Bāṭiniyyah of old were performed in the name of revival and progress, liberty and freedom, unity and brotherhood. Though his activities appeared to opposed to European imperialism and colonialism, his real agendas were otherwise.

Through his student Muḥammad ʿAbduh, al-Afghānī corrupted the institution of al-Azhar and entered Freemasonry into its corridors. His legacy continued amongst his students in Egypt who proceeded to

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 26 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS spread his poison within Egyptian society and beyond. It is within this context that we come to the Muslim Brotherhood of Ḥasan al-Bannā in which we see a continuation of the same ideological foundations and principles. The doctrines of waḥdat ul-wujūd, Ṣūfī mysticism, unity of religions, nearness between the Sunnīs and Sḥīʿites, secret organizations and so on. These affairs will be explored in the next part in the series.

It is important to note that we judge individuals, sects and movements on the basis of their statements, ideologies and activities and as for detailed knowledge of their origins, or who is supporting them, then it is not necessary to know or understand this in order to judge and evaluate them in light of the Islāmic Sharīʿah. Thus, irrespective of whether we know who is behind Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (or al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn and their likes) we have the criterion (furqān) of the Book and the Sunnah to judge their beliefs, ideologies and methodologies, even if we knew nothing about their history. This is to indicate that the primary foundation of our speech against these movements is the Book and the Sunnah upon the understanding of the Righteous Salaf. In addition, history is an important subject and it reveals to us the connections between ideas, groups and movements and adds to our insight about the origins, directions and goals of these movements.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 14th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 9th September 2014CE

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The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qaidah and ISIS

Part 4: The Sūfī, Ashʿarī Terrorist, Ḥasan al-Bannā and His Masonic Muslim Brotherhood [al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn]

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The Legacies of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʿ and Nāfiʿ bin Azraq Upon the Rāfiḍah and the Khawārij

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The Armies of the Khārijites and the Dajjāl (Anti-Christ)

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

Introduction

All praise is due to Allāh, the Lord of the Worlds, the Lord of Noaḥ, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muḥammad. May the peace and blessings be upon them all. To proceed:

We established in Part 1 of this series that the daʿwah of Islām, the daʿwah of the Prophets and Messengers is very clear, open and transparent from all angles. It is a call to the pure oneness (Tawḥid) of Allāh (), a call to the worship of Allāh () alone without any partners. Likewise, it is a call to adherence to the Sunnah of the Messenger (). This is how Islām was established. There was no higher truth or reality [besides the one conveyed openly], no esoteric knowledge, no secret organization and nor any political movement or party in the field of daʿwah. The daʿwah of the Messenger () was not a movement of toppling the rulers or engineering revolutions.4

In Part 2 we looked at the Bāṭinī movements initiated by those of Persian, Zoroastrian, Magian and Jewish backgrounds. Under the guise of love for Ahl al-Bayt, they displayed an outward front of Shīʿism whilst concealing disbelief inwardly. Through this method they intended to fuse their Magian, Zoroastrian and Jewish doctrines with

4 The heads of the political jamāʿāt of the 20th century such as al-Ikhwān, Taḥrīr and Jamāte Islāmī, due to being influenced by the revolutionary movements of the early 20th century in Europe began to distort the Prophetic methodology of daʿwah to conform with the methods of those revolutionary movements. This is very apparent in the writings of Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Taqī al-Dīn al-Nabahānī and Sayyid Quṭb. They misguided millions into thinking that the Prophetic call was aimed at toppling the thrones of the tyrants to remove political, social and economic injustice, whereas they were sent in reality to call to the worship of Allāh alone, with political, social and economic reforms and strength being a consequence and result of that call, as a blessing and favour from Allāh ().

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 4 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS those of Islām in order to split and weaken the Muslims with a view to regaining control over the lands of Persia, North Africa and the Middle East. This started in the form of small ideological currents of thought propagated by certain individuals which then grew into minor movements until finally, Shīʿite mini-states began to appear and then eventually large empires stretching across North Africa (Ubaydiyyah), East Arabia (Qarāmiṭah) and Persia (Ṣafavids). There was a continuity of Bāṭinī secret orders and secret organizations behind these activities and many of them aided and supported the Crusaders in the West and the Mongols in the East when they came to the lands of Islām.

In Part 3 we looked at the activities of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Irānī, a Bāṭinī Ismāʿīlī Shīʿite and Freemason and subscriber to the aims and objectives of the Bahāʾī pseudo-religion. He was a Bāṭinī Ismāʿīlī Ṣūfī mystic propounding doctrines of waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence) and waḥdat ul-adyān (unity of religions), liberalism, modernism and a transition to secular modes of government. He traversed the lands of Islām, Europe and Russia and his activities, whilst appearing on the surface as anti-colonial, were in fact subversive and detrimental to Islām. His objectives were to convince Muslim rulers to alter the forms of government in the Islāmic lands (Egypt, Turkey) so as to make them vulnerable to outside influence and manipulation. He became very close and intimate with leaders and when they did not take the desired course, he would fall out with them and either plot their assassinations or revolutions against their authority.

In this installment we move to the 20th century and the organization set up by Ḥasan al-Bannā, al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn, which was merely an extension of the daʿwah of the two criminals, Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī and Muḥammad ʿAbduh. We witness in the jamāʿah of al- Bannā the beginning of the era of the "Islāmic jamāʿah." This is the greatest innovation to harm Islām and its adherents in the 20th century and it gave birth to countless other harms varying in their intensity. There is no such concept as a political jamāʿah in Islām, it is alien and foreign to Islām.

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Those who initiated these jamāʿāt in the early to mid 20th century were affected by the practical (and in some cases ideological) elements of Marxism, Socialism, Baʿthism and Communism which they fused with into their writings and presented as "Islāmic" methodologies of reform. All of these methodologies were centred around revolutions of sorts to achieve their ultimate objective, which was to snatch power by any means possible, and all of them held the view that Islām vanished many centuries ago - in fact at the very dawn of Islām itself5 - and that no true, real Islāmic society has been in existence for a very long time.

Hasan al-Banna came up with the mass-populist version, which is to gather everyone together into one big mass and mobilize them towards a revolution to establish a khilāfah to effect social, political and economic change. Abū Aʿla Mawdudi wrongly portrayed the methodology of the Prophets as being one of violent revolutions to topple the tyrants, but he himself adopted a party-politics approach due to circumstances. Sayyid Qutb took the Leninist approach of an elitist vanguard of believers who have understood Islām properly to the exclusion of everyone else, and who engineer a military coup or revolution. Taqī al-Dīn al-Nabāhani drew from his experience in Baʿthist and Nationalist parties and took the approach of a very rigid, tight, disciplined party (modelled on Baʿthist, Communist parties) that would work first for an ideological and then practical revolution to establish the khilāfah.

All of these people (and many others) who brought this poison of "fikr" (ideology) are the descendants of those who brought the poison of "kalām" into the Ummah in the second, third and fourth centuries hijrah, the Ahl al-Kalām from the Jahmiyyah, Muʿtazilah, Ashʿariyyah and others. They split the ummah in that era, accusing the People of Tawḥīd and Sunnah with tajsīm and kufr and likewise the same deviant innovators split the ummah in the 20th century, accusing whole Muslim societies or their governments and rulers with kufr and apostacy. All of these 20th century thinkers were Sūfis, Ashʿaris,

5 The likes of Sayyid Quṭb and Mawdūdī allege that Islām was diverted from its true course by ʿUthmān, Muʿāwiyah and the Banū Umayyah.

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Māturīdīs and Muʿtazilis in their creed. The doctrines of mass takfīr did not come from Salafīs or "Wahhabīs", they came from Ṣūfī, Ashʿārīs.

These ideological figureheads distorted the meaning of the word jamāʿah in order to entice people to join them, enlargen their numbers and aid them in their destructive activities. They deceived the people into thinking that it is obligatory for every person to be part of a jamāʿah and offer a pledge of allegiance to an amīr (leader), meaning the leader of their innovated political jamāʿah through which they desire to contend with the rulers. The word jamāʿah in the Sharīʿah of Islām refers to the Companions of Allāh's Messenger (). They are the first, original jamāʿah whose hearts were brought together upon tawḥīd, īmān and taqwā. Their understanding of the religion has been praised and Muslims have been commanded in the revealed texts to follow their understanding and implementation of the religion. The consequence of that is unity in both hearts and bodies around the original authentic Islām and whoever is upon that is from the jamāʿah in its legislative (sharīʿyy) sense, and from the greatest foundations of this jamāʿah is to hear and obey those in authority, even if they are sinful, tyrannical. As for the jamāʿah of Ḥasan al-Bannā, it was modelled on Freemasonic societies and is an extension of the Bāṭinī sects of old who had a heirarchy, a strict chain of command and sworn loyalty, and its aim is to overthrow current authorities through whatever means and methods are appropriate for them. The disease of the "political jamāʿah" spread to other lands and through it the foundations and handholds of Islām such as the ʿaqīdah of walāʾ and barāʾ were systematically demolished and replaced with blind, fanatical ḥizbiyyah. Al-Bannā brought vile, destructive principles and sowed the seeds of the ideologies of mass takfīr and terrorism that plagued the Muslim ummah for the rest of the century. Sayyid Qūṭb did not originate the ideology of mass takfīr. He simply outlined it in a very clear and open way. It was actually Ḥasan al-Bannā who sowed its seeds and put it in the minds of his followers.

Further, al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn was set up as a Ṣūfī and Shīʿīte jamāʿah with both of these trojan horse strains combined through Siyāsah (politics). The organization is infiltrated by Shīʿites. The brother of

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Ḥasan al-Bannā, ʿAbd al-Rahmān al-Sāʿātī was a staunch Shīʿite, as we shall see later in this treatise.6 Thus, this organization is merely a vehicle and facilitator for the agendas of the Bāṭinī, Ṣafawī Rāwāfiḍ against the lands of Islām, Tawḥīd and Sunnah. The reader should keep in mind what has preceded in Parts 2 and 3 of this series and note the role of Shīʿism and Ṣūfism as trojan horses against Islām and its people and you will notice the doctrines of waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence), waḥdat ul-adyān (unity of religions), taqrīb (nearnesss between Sunnah and Shīʿah), thawrah (revolution), takfīr (excommunication) emanating from these people, their writings and their organizations which are founded upon secrecy and hizbiyyah.

As you read this document, keep in mind the insightful words of Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī, [the flag-bearer of the science of al-Jarḥ wal- Taʿdīl in our age and who has stood as a fortress of iron against these Bāṭinī-type movements], when he made reference to "The most intense and severe of murky (dark) plots" in the form of "the Trinity (al- Thāluth)" comprising "the Rāfiḍah, the Ṣūfiyyah and Siyāsah"7 meaning these three orientations are set up in order to wage war against Tawḥīd and Sunnah. In the person of Ḥasan al-Bannā, you will fathom the reality of this Trinity, and realize that "three is one and one is three" and the more you read and contemplate carefully of what is to follow about Ḥasan al-Bannā and his organization you will see the depth of meaning in this statement regarding the Trinity of the Rāfiḍah, Ṣūfiyyah and innovated, Machiavellian Siyāsah.

Finally, it is interesting to note how all the leaders and scholars of al- Ikhwān al-Muslimūn are a collection of Ashʿarīyyah, Shīʿah, Muʿtazilah,

6 As for Jamāl al-Bannā, another younger brother of Ḥasan al-Bannā, he is a secularist and follows a rationalist, humanist philosophy! He denies a large part of the Sunnah and accepts only the Qurʾān and reason as the criterion for judging ḥadīth authenticity. He is also a caller to liberalism, feminism and socialism. Thus, we have Ḥasan al-Bannā, the staunch Ṣūfī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al- Bannā, the staunch Shīʿite and Jamāl al-Bannā, the staunch secularist, liberalist, humanist. 7 Refer to his article, "Haqīqat Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn."

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Jahmiyyah, Khawārij and Ṣūfiyyah.8 They are all united upon enmity to the People of the Sunnah and they overlook their own differences in order to undermine and harm the People of the Sunnah. And then, a great and insolent crime indeed, their evils, corruption and extremism are thrown upon the Salafīs and the Salafī daʿwah when they are free and innocent from these unjust allegations.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 15th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 10th September 2014CE

8 Usāmah bin Lādīn's roots lie in Ṣūfīsm, his family came from a Ṣūfī tradition in Yemen. Sayyid Quṭb was an Ashʿarī Ṣūfī. Ḥasan al-Bannā was an Ashʿarī Ṣūfī. All of these figureheads of tribulation, extremism, takfīr and terrorism are found to have a Ṣūfī Ashʿarī background and they are the ones who laid the ideological groundwork for the emergence of al-Qaidah and ISIS.

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Part 4: Ḥasan al-Bannā, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Legacy of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Muḥammad ʿAbduh

There are strong correlations between the ideas and activities of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and those of Ḥasan al-Bannā. Both were concerned with politics under the cover of Islāmic reform. Both were involved in setting up secret organizations. Both were calling to democratic forms of government. Both called for unity of religions (waḥdat al-adyān) and nearness between the Sunnīs and Shiʾites (taqrīb). Both were involved in intrigue, subterfuge, assassinations and what is similar to that. And both were upon the ways of the deviated sects such as the gnostic Ṣūfīs with beliefs of waḥdat al-wujūd.

Just as those with enmity to Islām wish to portray the Bāṭinī Shīʿite, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī as a caller to Salafiyyah in order deceive others about his ideology and to malign the Salafī daʿwah, in a similar vein they present Ḥasan al-Bannā as a "Salafī" caller. Further, many Ikhwānī authors attempt to make propaganda for this Ashʿarī Ṣūfī by comparing him to the great Scholars of the past such as Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb and their likes.9 When they wish to call Salafīs to participate with them in their Bāṭinī movement, they portray Bannā as a Salafi. When they turn to Pakistan and India, Bannā is portrayed as a Ṣūfī. When they turn towards Irān, Bannā is a caller to taqrīb (nearness with Shīʿites). When they turn towards Europe, they present Bannā as one having affiliations with the Christians of Egypt and how Christians were employed within the Muslim Brotherhood. All of this indicates the similarity between the daʿwah of al-Afghānī and that of al-Bannā. Different faces and fronts for different audiences and occasions. Rather, one daʿwah (al-Bannā's) is a continuation of the other (al-Afghānī's), and both are veiled as "anti-colonialist activity." Show opposition to the colonialists and imperialists, be presented as Islāmic heroes whilst at the same time you systematically destroy the handholds of Islām with destructive principles and deviant, heretical doctrines. Portrayed as anti-colonialist reformers, millions upon millions of Muslims

9 Refer to Daʿwah Ikhwān al-Muslimīn Fī Mīzān al-Islām (Dar al-Manār, 1st edition, p. 67-68) of Farīd bin Aḥmad bin Manṣūr.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 10 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS become emotionally attached to them, their writings, their deviant ideas and errant methodologies, and are thereby misguided away from the true means of rectification and reform which are found in the way of the Prophet () in daʿwah and rectification, which is centered around the Tawḥid of Allāh ().

Who is Ḥasan al-Bannā?

He is Ḥasan bin Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Bannā, the founder of al- Ikhwān al-Muslimūn (the Muslim Brotherhood). He was born in 1906 in al-Maḥmūdiyyah in the Bahīrah district. He was nurtured within the confines of the Ṣūfīs, following the Shādhilī Ḥaṣāfī ṭarīqah, a path he stuck to for the duration of his life. Al-Bannā propounded the Ashʿarī kalām ʿaqīdah in his works. During his youth he was involved in political activism, and partook in a number of youth movements prior to setting up the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928 in Ismāʿīlīyyah. Because al-Bannā's call was a political call, he would show different faces to different factions and present his call with multiple titles and attributes with a view to winning adherents from all sides. The reality of Ḥasan al-Bannā is largely hidden because his disciples and students have dominated the field in writing positively about him and presenting his call and activities in a certain way to glorify his image. However, the one who looks through the criterion of waḥy (revelation) and evaluates the man through the Prophetic methodology of daʿwah and rectification will not conclude except that he was a mufsid (corrupter). His aim was not to rectify the people in terms of religious belief and practice as much as it was to recruit large numbers of people of all backgrounds in order to lead them into the actual desired activity. To snatch rulership through whatever means possible.

A Continuation of the Path Initiated by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Muḥammad ʿAbduh

In his book Mudhakkarāt al-Daʿwah wal-Dāʿiyah (p. 182), Ḥasan al- Bannā praises al-Afghānī, his students and his daʿwah. He writes, "Muṣtafā Kāmil, Farīd and whoever came before them such as Jamāl al- Dīn and Muḥammad ʿAbduh built the awakening (nahḍah) of Egypt and

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 11 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS if it was to continue on its course and not deviate from it, it would reach its desired goal, or at least it would progress and not falter, it would gain and not lose." Muḥammad Ḍiyā al-Dīn al-Rayyis wrote in "al-Daʿwah" magazine (13th edition, 22nd Rajab 1397AH), "For it [Egypt] is the land which Jamāl al-Dīn chose to spread his message for the return of the strength of Islām, then Muḥammad ʿAbduh followed him in that who created the awakening (revival) in the study of Islāmic sciences, and then his efforts were continued by Muḥammad Rashīḍ Riḍā, Ṭanṭāwī, Jawharī, Farīd, Wajdī and others... and then arose the group of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn so that it could continue upon the methodology of the earlier reformers."

Ṣāliḥ ʿAshmāwī wrote in the Ikhwānī "al-Daʿwah" magazine (21st edition, 23rd Rabī al-Awwal 1398AH), under the title, "Ḥasan al-Bannā in the History of Islāmic Struggle", "Ḥasan al-Bannā, in his war against colonialism and his revolution for freedom and his call for Islāmic unity was simply initiating a new series of the Islamic struggle by the side of the first series which was devised by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Ḥasan al-Bannā combined between the path of Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn which was affected by freedom (ḥurriyyah)... and the path of Mūhammad ʿAbduh..."

The Ultimate Goal of Ḥasan al-Bannā Revealed

ʿAbbās al-Sīsī, an Ikhwānī, in his book "Fī Qāfilat al-Ikhwān" cites from a sermon of Ḥasan al-Bannā from his regular weekly sermons given on Tuesdays, he says, quoting al-Bannā, "So if he is not content then say to him, so long as he is true in his intention and desiring good that 'The judge between us and you in settling this matter of difference is the īmām, because we are all subjugated right now, so let the īmām arrive, and there is no īmām for the Muslims right now, so let us forget everything and let us drop everything in front of the greatest affair, the affair of liberating the Islāmic land. Let us make this our first goal until we are able to bring the judgement of Allāh and we are able to resolve these differences. Since without this Islāmic government which

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 12 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS preserves the legislation of Allāh, there is no organization and no judgement'."10

In this statement many realities are uncovered:

First, the seeds of takfīr of the entire ummah. This matter is discussed in more detail further below.

Second, shades of the ideologies of the Rāfiḍāh who believe that judgements can only be established when the īmām arrives and erects the Islāmic government.

Third, resemblance to the Rāfiḍah and Khārijiyyah in making the greatest affair of the religion to be the issue of imāmah and ḥākimiyyah.

Fourth, complete neglect of the greatest foundation of the religion, the Tawḥīd of Allāh () because al-Bannā argues that no issues of difference between the Muslims can be settled unless a supreme īmām has erected the Islāmic government. This would include theological differences and affairs related to shirk and innovations in belief and practice, some of which enter the realms of kufr.

Fifth, the claim of liberating the Islāmic land is one of the manifestations of mass takfīr of the ummah and hatred of Muslim societies and is the legacy followed today by the Khārijite Dogs of Hellfire from al-Qaidah and ISIS. The originator of this doctrine is not Quṭb but al-Bannā. Quṭb simply outlined the doctrine explicitly whereas al-Bannā put it into the minds of his followers subtly.

Sixth, both Sayyid Quṭb and Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī were upon the same ideology and they stated this in their works with the meaning that the greatest goal (for them) is the execution of a worldwide revolution to liberate the Islāmic lands from the apostates who had usurped the ḥākimiyyah of Allāh and to give it back to Allāh! The goal of attaining

10 Fī Qāfilat al-Ikhwān (1/266).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 13 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS rulership and power is from the designs of all the groups and sects of the Bāṭiniyyah as has preceded in Part 2 of this series, and we see with all of these Bāṭinī movements, connection to Shīʿīsm. This is what we will also see with Ḥasan al-Bannā in what follows.

The Muslim Brotherhood Timeline in Brief11

Ḥasan al-Bannā set up al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn in 1928CE in Ismāʿīliyyah after he completed his studies at the Dār al-ʿUlūm, Cairo, a year earlier. Prior to that he would meet with the common-folk in the cafes and speak to them, inciting their sentiments. Then six workers12 came to him and asked him to set up a jamāʿah. Al-Banna requested the pledge of allegiance and complete obedience from them.13

For the next seven years until 1935 he continued using the language of ḍīn and daʿwah, and there would be very few people in his gatherings and public speeches that would take place on the streets. In 1935 al- Bannā began to set up secret operations and founded a militia wing as well as a secret service (al-jihāz al-sirrī) that was subservient to his command. He also set up a Rover (Scouts) movement as a front so that the activities of the secret service and the militia wing could be concealed behind it. He also founded an espionage wing that would spy on people. All of these branches gave unflinching, religious obedience to al-Bannā. The ideas for this organizational model set up by al-Bannā were taken from Communist-type parties and Freemasonic societies.

When the organization acquired strength al-Bannā invited the heads of other parties and organizations to enter join him. He would promise them positions of leadership if they joined and lowliness and humiliation if they did not join and chose to be left out. It was not long before he started making physical threats against the government if it

11 Refer to ʿAlī wal-Waṣīfī's excellent book "Al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn Bayn al- Ibtidāʿ al-Dīnī wal-Iflās al-Siyāsī." 12 Ismāʿīl Azū, Fuʾād Ibrāhīm, Ḥafidh ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Ḥasbullāh, Zakī al-Maghrabī and Aḥmad al-Hūṣarī. 13 Risālat al-Taʿālīm of al-Bannā, (p. 397).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 14 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS would not take heed of his verbal admonitions. During this time he would inform and remind his followers that the time of execution for their plan [to take power] required preparation and discipline. Anyone who left his jamāʿah would be threatened and would be accused of having neglected his īmān and whoever joined him would be a believer, perfect in īmān.

By 1942 al-Bannā nominated himself for parliamentary elections but he was asked by the Prime Minister, Muṣtafā al-Naḥḥās to remove himself from candidacy and in exchange he would be granted concessions in terms of his daʿwah. Al-Banna agreed and was allowed to continue in his activities. In 1944 he nominated himself again as a parliamentary candidate, and was requested to withdraw by the then Prime Minister of Egypt, Aḥmad Māhir who at the time was allied with the British against the Nāzīs of Germany which was not pleasing to the Ikhwān. Al- Bannā never withdrew and the Ikhwān lost in all seventeen regions in which they had tried to win seats. He then planned the assassination of Aḥmad Māhir, which was completed in 1945. Maḥmūd Fahmī al- Naqrāshī took over, rounded up al-Bannā and other Brotherhood members and had them imprisoned. They were later released by the Attorney General. When World War II ended, the Ikhwān turned to open violence against the state, al-Bannā would incite his followers with rhetoric of violence towards the Egyptian government.

In 1946, they began bombing various parts of Cairo city. Aḥmad al- Khāzindar a judge in the Court of Appeal was assassinated in March 1948 by ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sindī of the secret apparatus of al-Ikhwān because of his activities against the Ikhwān. Al-Bannā spoke against the assassination openly, but in reality, proper permission had not been granted for this assassination and al-Sindī operated on what he assumed to be a green light from al-Bannā which was not the case. So al-Bannā came out openly in condemnation of the murder as a tactical move. These actions are part of the Machiavellian politics that such Bāṭinī movements require in order to fulfil their objectives. The perceptions of the populace have to be managed so no negative viewpoints or stigmas with respect to the organization begin to spread.

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Then in 1948, due to the violent activities of al-Ikhwān, the Prime Minister, Maḥmūd al-Naqrāshī ordered the dissolution of the organization, the closing of their centres and seizing of their assets. The special (secret) services branch of al-Ikhwān which was still intact made takfīr of the Egyptian state and made the decision to assassinate al-Naqrāshī. Al-Naqrāshī was assassinated on 28th December 1948 and six weeks later on 19th February 1949 Ḥasan al-Bannā was assassinated. When he died, the government prohibited people from gathering at his funeral and his procession was followed by only two people, his father and Mukrim ʿUbayd, a Christian politician.14 For the next couple of years the jamāʿah was without a leader but its secret apparatus continued committing acts of terrorism similar to those of al-Qaidah nowadays. In 1951, the Freemason Ḥasan al-Ḥudaybī became the supreme guide of al-Ikhwān and a couple of years after him the Bāṭinī Freemason, Sayyid Qūṭb entered the ranks of al-Ikhwān whence he began to propound the doctrines of takfīr and ḥākimiyyah and encourage revolution against Jamāl Abd al-Nāsir who took power in 1952. It is not unlikely that al-Ḥudaybī along with Quṭb were entered into Ikhwān to dominate its leadership and develop opposition to Nāṣir because he was promoting Socialism and Arab Nationalism which was not healthy for foreign interests. 15 The goal of al-Ikhwān remained the toppling of the ruling regime.

Aḥmad Shākir in 1948: A Criminal Destructive Daʿwah

Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir, the Scholar of Ḥadīth from Egypt stated in 1948, "The movement of Shaykh Ḥasan al-Bannā and his Muslim Brotherhood, those who have overturned the Islāmic daʿwah into a criminal destructive daʿwah, is financed by the Communists and Jews

14 Mentioned by the Ikhwānī Jābir Rizq in his book "Ḥasan al-Bannā bi Aqlām Talāmīdhihī." 15 The British wanted rid of Nāṣir because he was consolidating Arab power and also because he sought to nationalize the Suez Canal. This would have a major impact on economic interests. For that reason, they supported movements against him, desiring his removal or assassination.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 16 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS as we know that with certain knowledge."16 What follows in the rest of this paper will help the reader to appreciate this statement. Tharwat al-Khirbāwī, who used to be with al-Ikhwān for fifteen years authored a book titled, Sirr al-Maʿbad, al-Asrār al-Khafiyyah li Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn, after becoming aware of many of their realities. In an article for al-Sharq newspaper in early 2014, titled "Ḥasan al-Bannā al-Nabiyy al-ʿAmīl" which means "Ḥasan al-Banna, the Prophet, the Agent"17 Tharwat al-Khirbāwī raises the baffling question as to how can a jamāʿah arise, claiming to make daʿwah and then be involved in fighting, killing, spilling blood, destruction and terrorism, fighting its own nation using these means. He notes that al-Bannā was not known for any major works in fiqh, tafsīr or ḥadīth or any of the sciences of the religion, indicating that his call was not one of religious reformation, but a political call with political and social objectives.

The Muslim Brotherhood is a Freemasonic-type Organization

Tharwat al-Khirbāwī writes, "Upon my study of the Masonic organization my attention was turned to the similarity, in terms of its organizational structure, with the group of al-Ikhwān, until even the degrees of affiliation of the group, I found them to be exactly the same in both organizations."18 It is established that the second supreme guide and leader of al-Ikhwān, Ḥasan al-Hudaybī was a Freemason. Muṣtafā al-Ṣibāʿī, the supreme guide of al-Ikhwān in Syria was also a Freemason. Strong evidence now exists that Sayyid Quṭb was also a Freemason.19 The organisational model and structure of the Muslim Brotherhood has striking resemblances to the mode of operation of the Freemasonic societies that were present in Egypt. There existed

16 Taqrīr an Shuʾūn al-Taʿlīm wal-Qaḍāʾ (p.48). 17 http://www.alsharq.net.sa/2014/01/11/1046122 18 Sirr al-Maʿbad (p. 26). 19 The institution of Freemasonry entered Egypt through Napoleon at the turn of the 19th century (1800s) and by the time Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī appeared in the 1870s, both French and English Freemasonry were well established. Muḥammad ʿAbduh entered Freemasonry into the institution of al-Azhar, leading to the strangest of scenarios whereby the Grand Muftī of al-Azhar (ʿAbduh) was also a high-ranking Freemason at the same time!

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 17 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS hierarchical structure, membership, secrecy, sworn allegiance to the brotherhood, supreme guides (murshids) and many other manifestations.

The smallest unit was an ‘usrah (a unit of five to ten members), and then several organisational levels led to al-murshid al-ʿāmm (the supreme guide). Potential members had to go through a probationary period, whilst being carefully monitored, before being accepted as active workers (ʿāmil), and even after reaching this level, members were required to make the pledge of allegiance (bayʿah) at every meeting. There was also disciplinary action for members who did not fulfil the requirements of the organisation. Another arm of the Brotherhood was the Jawwālah (the Rover Scouts) that was modelled on the Boy Scouts movement, and there was also al-jihāz as-sirrī (the secret arm), that was responsible for carrying out underground operations (including assassinations). Members were also measured according to their belief and faith in the idea and goals of the jamāʿah. The various members would be divided into assistant (musāʿid), associate (muntasib), worker (ʿāmil) or activist, striver (mujāhid). In addition, Ṣūfism was an integral part of the Brotherhood, this included the bayʿah (pledge of allegiance) to the overall leader, Ṣūfi gatherings (called the haḍrah), and anāshīds (hymns). Members also would wear green ribbons and other Ṣūfi paraphernalia20. Like Freemasonic societies, al-Ikhwān was built around a model of social justice, and would engage in charitable and social work to help win recruits in large numbers to help facilitate the ultimate goal of the organization.

ʿIṣām Talīmāh said, "Ḥasan al-Bannā himself... benefited from the Communist and non-Islāmic organizational structures in constructing al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn, which is the organization of "the family unit (usrah)" within al-Ikhwān, and which is "the cell (khaliyah)" to the Communists. And he benefited from the other Egyptian factions of the

20 Refer to “The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt” by Brinjar Lya, with a foreword by Jamāl al-Bannā. The above information on the role of Sūfism in the Brotherhood was taken from an interview by the author with Jamāl al- Bannā.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 18 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS time in setting up his secret organization."21 Ḥasan al-Bannā introduced the special ritual of the secret pledge of allegiance into the jamāʿah22 which is the way of the Freemasons in initiating members as means of declaring their unflinching loyalty. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Kāmil writes, "Rather, we are able to say that these methods are closer to the (ways of the) Masonic organization or the secret orders (al-jamāʿāt al- sirriyyah) which were mustered during the colonial period..."23

Institutionalized Hizbiyyah

The organisational structure of the Brotherhood and modes of operation gave birth to a destructive form of ḥizbiyyah (partisanship) within the Muslim Ummah in the form of exaggerated and often sworn loyalties to societies, groups and movements. This demolished the ʿaqīdah of walāʾ (loyalty) and barāʾ (disloyalty) for the sake of the Islāmic creed and methodology, and led them to be based instead around the jam’iyyah (society) and its objectives, irrespective of the member's creed or methodology. The effects of this institutionalised ḥizbiyyah continue today in the form of multitudes of jamʿiyyāt [societies with constitutions and organisational structures] which have split the Muslims in a manner unseen in previous centuries. Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī said, in his refutation of Abū al-Ḥasan Muṣtafā as- Sulaymānī al-Miṣrī, [an Ikhwānī from Egypt who set out to wage war against the Salafī daʿwah with innovated Ikhwānī principles], "And likewise, the issue of loyalty and disownment, for they (the Muslim Brotherhood) make loyalty to anyone who is pleased with their organisation, be he a Rāfiḍī, or Zaydī, or Khārijī, or from the Mu’tazilah, or from the Ṣūfī Extremists, or the Ashʿarīs. And they show enmity to

21 Published on the website Almesryoon.com as cited by ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī in his book "Al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn" (p. 121). 22 This pledge is made with the right hand placed over a Qurʾān and a pistol and then swearing loyalty to the jamāʿah and its goals. This special and secret pledge of initiation is other than the general open pledge which is for all members whereby they promise to repent from their past misdeeds and resolve to serve Islām thereafter. 23 Al-Mudhakkarāt al-Shakhṣiyyah (p. 57) through ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī (p. 121).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 19 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS the Salafīs, and wage a war against them with the most severe war. And if there occurred any difference between a Salafī and an Innovator from amongst them, then they would have supported and aided this Innovator, and would have fought against his Salafī opponent."24

A Destructive Daʿwah Built on Mass Takfīr of the Ummah

Muṣtafā Ramaḍān published an article25 comprising interviews with three former members of al-Ikhwān who all consider Ḥasan al-Bannā to be the founder of the doctrine of mass takfīr of the Muslim ummah and hold that the Ikhwānī daʿwah was built upon that very foundation, even if it was not explicitly preached prior to the era of Sayyid Quṭb in the 50s and 60s.

Tharwat al-Khirbāwī, a former leader in al-Ikhwān, was one of those interviewed and he said, "The Rasāʾil (letters) of al-Bannā, especially "Risālah al-Taʿālīm," comprise numerous allegations against the ummah in that it is a disbelieving ummah and that Islām has been absent from it for centuries and that Allāh sent him and his jamāʿah in order to return Islām back to the ummah." Al-Khirbāwī also said, "As for an authentic reading of (al-Bannā's works) they indicate that he is the manufacturer of the (doctrine) of takfīr in the 20th century." He also emphasized that "al-Bannā was the first person to place features upon the two societies. The society of sound faith, which is the society of al-Ikhwān and the society of falsehood which is the rest of the Muslims inclusive of their scholars and jurists."

Ṭāriq Abū Saʿd is another former head in al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn and he said, "Ḥasan al-Bannā was skilled in a form amongst the forms of ideological deception. He set up a jamāʿah whose outward manifestation presented as daʿwah but who inner (reality) was the use of force and takfīr (as a doctrine)... and al-Bannā disseminated these ideas within al-Ikhwān and the Ikhwān did not perceive that he had

24 In the Shaykh's article, "Ḥaqīqat al-Manhaj al-Afyaḥ al-Wāsiʿ ʿInda Abī al- Ḥasan" http://rabee.net. 25 http://onaeg.com/?p=1219303

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 20 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS put the seed of takfīr into his literature." Abu Saʿd goes on to explain that "the ulitmate objective of the jamāʿah was not daʿwah but was to snatch power." He emphasizes that "the takfīrī ideology was implanted in his daʿwah, its outward appearance was daʿwah but its inner (reality) was takfīrī," and he also added, "Al-Bannā divided Islām into two faiths. Their faith, meaning that of al-Ikhwān, which is the faith that is active, and the faith of those besides them which is languid (weak, sluggish)." This is another way of sowing the seeds for making takfīr of anyone who is not part of the jamāʿah.

Ramaḍān then cites Sāmiḥ ʿĪd who is a researcher into Islāmic groups and was a former member of the Ikhwānī leadership. Sāmiḥ ʿĪd says, "Yes, Ḥasan al-Bannā developed the takfīrī ideology but takfīr was concealed... When Ḥasan al-Bannā used to speak about his jamāʿah he would mention verses of the Noble Qurʾān that speak about the Believers and Righteous. But when would speak about the opposers to his jamāʿah, he would mention the verses pertaining to the pagans and hypocrites. And he would always say to those who were not from his jamāʿah, 'O Allāh guide my people for they do not know'. "

Both Ṭariq Abū Saʿd and Sāmiḥ ʿĪd revealed that al-Bannā's aim was to construct an army of 12,000 soldiers and then take over the government by force, and that his organization was a means to that end. To corroborate these statements we have testimony of the Salafī scholar, Shaykh Ḥasan bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Bannā (not to be confused with Ḥasan al-Bannā), who spoke about the jamāʿah of al- Bannā, "They would focus their call around establishing the prescribed punishments (ḥudūd), and that the Sharīʿah should be implemented through an Islāmic government which they were striving to accomplish in the short or long term, even if it was through civil disobedience and struggling against the rulers whom they considered disbelievers, or oppressors or sinners"26

26 From the book al-Ikwān al-Muslimūn (p. 53) of ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī through Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn.

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Famous Egyptian Writer , ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād on the Activities of Ḥasan al-Bannā and His Jamāʿah

Egyptian society began to show rejection against the activities of al- Ikhwān when they began to assassinate politicians during the mid to late 1940s. On the basis of a piece titled, "Al-Fitnah al-Isrāʾīliyyah" (The Israelī Tribulation) written by ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād,27 a famous Egyptian writer, and published in the 2nd January 1949 edition of al-Asās,28 some controversy was raised about the lineage of Ḥasan al-Bannā. The relatively short piece is presented here so that an idea can be about the perceptions held about the terrorist activities being performed by al- Ikhwān during that time (bombings and assassinations).29 Both al- ʿAqqād and Salafī scholars of Egypt would refer to the al-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn as Khuwwān al-Muslimīn (deceivers of the Muslims). What follows are some excerpts from the piece by al-ʿAqqād, our primary concern in the citation from al-ʿAqqād is the issue of terrorism and political assassinations and to illustrate the fact that various segments of society showed rejection against these activities. As for the

27 ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād is one of numerous Egyptian writers who in the late 1930s began to write on Islāmic subjects because it became fashionable for literary writers to do so. They were not scholars of Islām and wrote out of zeal and ignorance. Their writings were often filled with serious errors in creed and at times it was questionable as to whether they understood the very foundations of Islām or not. Al-ʿAqqād himself was astray, misguided, holding onto heresies with respect to Islām. 28 Note that this was a few days after the assassination of the Eyptian Prime Minister, al-Naqrāshī and in the same edition, Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir's piece was published in which he describes the perpetrators of the assassination as Khārijites who have fallen into apostasy for making lawful that which the Sharīʿah made unlawful. 29 Jewish terrorists groups such as the Irgun were attacking civilian and commercial targets due to their belief that establishing a Jewish state was justified through any means possible. The goal of the Muslim Brotherhood was similar in that they desired to set up an Islāmic state, as they alleged, through any means possible, including terrorist activities which they began to commit openly in the late 1940s, at the same time the Irgun were active.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 22 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS controversy about Ḥasan al-Bannā's lineage, it is discussed further below.

Al-ʿAqqād wrote, "The tribulation that Egypt has been put to trial with at the hand of the faction that used to call itself al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn is the closest tribulation in its organizational nature to the Israelī and [Persian] Magian movements (daʿawāt). And this similarity in organization inspires the mind to ask for whose benefit are tribulations in Egypt being kindled whilst it wages war against the Zionists?! Both the question and the answer require sound investigation. Our reflective thoughts increase when we return back to the man who set up this jamāʿah and ask "Who is his grandfather?" No one in Egypt knows who his grandfather is.30 And precisely everything that is said about him is that he is from Morocco and that his father used to be a watch repairer. And it is known that the Jews are many in Morocco and that the craft of watchmaking was their well-known, customary craft, and that here in Egypt we are not able to find a watch repairer who worked in this craft prior to a generation other than the Jews."

Al-ʿAqqād continues to say that when one looks at the features of this jamāʿah and its activities he will find an agreement between it and the destructive Israeli movements (in Palestine) in terms of their direction, and it is sufficient to cast doubt that "a man whose lineage is not known, and who is kindling tribulations in an Islāmic country and a country that is involved in a war against the Zionists, and yet we find this man upon the same methodology in his movement as that followed by the Jews and Magian (Persians) in destroying the Islamic state from inside but through the outward appearance of the religion. And the fact that there are members of his jamāʿah present in Palestine fighting (against the Israelis) does not remove the doubt, by a small or large amount, because it is not required that everyone (in the jamāʿah) should be made aware of the true and real intentions. Sufficient for us to say is that the participation of those in Palestine is of benefit to them in gaining trust [from the people] and in order to acquire weapons and

30 Note that the father of Ḥasan al-Bannā was Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Raḥman al-Bannā al-Sāʿatī who authored a classification of Imām Aḥmad's Musnad.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 23 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS experience in using them and other such affairs so that the specified day can be hastened [for them to implement their real plan here in Egypt].31 Thus, one's overwheming suspicion [leads to the belief] that we are facing an Israeli-type tribulation in both its methodology and use of means, if it is not an Israeli tribulation in its actual origin (to begin with)." Al-ʿAqqād continues to ask "Since when in history has there been both a revolution and defence of the country at the same time." Meaning that the Ikhwān are revolting against the government and at the same time claiming to defend the country. Al-ʿAqqād wrote this only days after the assassination of al-Naqrāshī and Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir wrote a piece in the same issue of the newspaper that day, a translation of which occurs later in this article.

Controversy About Ḥasan al-Bannā's Lineage and Origins

Numerous writers and academics raised questions about the actual lineage of Ḥasan al-Banna. This issue was raised after the period of terrorism the Ikhwān entered into from 1944 onwards, shocking Egyptian society, and it led prominent people such as ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād to raise questions publicly about al-Bannā's origins as has preceded. The various considerations which have been presented to question al-

31 The involvement of many of the jamāʿāt, at the head of them, al-Ikhwān al- Muslimūn, with Palestine and it's occupation is largely because it wins them support and aid to attain their wider political objectives, which are concealed behind their concern for the Palestinian issue. They use the issue to imply takfīr of other nations and scholars of the Sunnah who do not agree with their policies and methodologies and who actually give rulings and advice based upon the texts of the Sharīʿah and do not display fiery rhetoric. And all of this is alongside our knowledge that their opposition to the Jews is not based on religious grounds as was stated explicitly by Ḥasan al-Bannā. Rather, it is merely dispute about the land. The same was expressed by al-Qaraḍāwī, when he said, "We do not fight the Jews due to ʿaqīdah, we fight them for the land" as occurs in his interview with the paper, al-Rāyah (edition 4696). So they see this is a worldly issue and as for their actual position towards the Jews and Christians as it pertains to religion, then they see them as believers who are brothers in faith due to the doctrine of waḥdat ul-adyān that they propound elsewhere in their writings.

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Bannā's lineage are presented below. The reader should note however that this is a grey area and requires a much more thorough and detailed investigation. Further, it should be mentioned that al-Bannā's father, Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī, who despite his staunch Ṣūfism, had some highly beneficial works such as his arrangement of the Musnad of Imām Aḥmad bin Ḥanbal, titled, "Ghāyat al-Amānī Fī Tartīb Musnad Aḥmad bin Ḥanbal al-Shaybānī." These types of efforts make it difficult to accept the considerations and arguments presented to cast doubt upon al-Bannā's lineage. In any case, Ahl al-Sunnah judge people upon their beliefs, methodologies and activities. Knowing the lineage of a person is not necessary to evaluate that individual in light of the Book, the Sunnah and the way of the Salaf. The lines of evidence presented are as follows:

First, the book "Aḥādith al-Thuluthāʾ" of Ḥasan al-Bannā which is a collection of his lectures and sermons that were given on every Tuesday. This book was published in 1985 (Maktabah al-Qurʾān, Cairo) and was compiled by Aḥmad ʿĪsa ʿĀshūr.32 In a 1940 sermon Ḥasan al- Bannā said, "Perhaps a person might say: Why are most of the stories given concern in the Qurʾān those related to Banī Isrāʾīl? And why is a major portion of the stories in the Noble Qurʾān taken up with this?"33 Al-Bannā continues, "This has numerous reasons. The first reason: The nobility of this race and the abundant powerful spirituality which revolves within it. This is because this race has descended from noble origins, and has inherited an amazing type of vigour, even if it has at times harmed itself and harmed people by directing this vigour towards that which does not benenfit... This race has descended from Yaʿqūb, the son of Isḥāq, the son of Ibrāhīm. Thus, the spirituality has been inherited from a great through another great. The Prophet () said 'The noble, son of the noble, son of the noble. Yūsuf,

32 Refer to the article by Khalīl ʿAlī Haydar, "The Founder of al-Ikhwān and His Amazement with the Jews" published by al-Ittiḥād (UAE newspaper), here: http://www.alittihad.ae/wajhatdetails.php?id=43239. 33 This is certainly true, the story of the Prophet Mūsā () is the most oft- repeated story in the Qurʾān and Mūsā is mentioned more than any other Prophet.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 25 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS the son of Isḥāq, the son of Yaʿqūb, the son of Ibrāhīm.'34 Four ancestral forefathers, each one of them is a Messenger."

Then al-Bannā mentions the second reason, "This race possesses a determination (vigour) that no other race has possessed like they have. And just as this vigour was the source of their appraisal (commendation), it was also the source of their being deceived and forgetting the meaning of general humanity which is related in His, the Exalted's saying, 'O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you.' (49:13)." Then al-Bannā gives the third reason, "It is because they possess the earliest heavenly Book about which something at least is known by the people, and it is the Tawrāh, and they were the closest of people to the Arabic nation in that time."

Then al-Bannā goes on to explain, "The message of our chief, Mūsā () was in Egypt, and we wish to maintain the connection of his message to this ummah. The Israelīs were found in Egypt, even if their original homeland was Palestine, and the first of those to affirm them [in these two places] was Yūsuf (), 'Take this, my shirt, and cast it over the face of my father, he will become seeing. And bring me your family, all together' until His, the Most High's saying, 'He [Yusuf] said: Enter Egypt, Allāh willing, safe [and secure]' (12:93-99)." Then al-Bannā says, "Our chief, Yūsūf () granted them the eastern regions of the land of Egypt, and they never ceased to be desert lands, and he granted [these lands] to them because they came [as bedouins] from desert land and also because he did not want to merge them with the Egyptians who in that time were upon the religion of idol-worship whilst Yaʿqūb and the Prophets from his offspring were upon pure Tawḥīd. He did not wish for there to be anything to stir religious argument between them and the Egyptians."

34 A ḥadīth reported by Abū Hurayrah and collected by al-Nasāʾī, Ibn Ḥibbān, al-Bukhārī in Adab al-Mufrad and others.

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The essence of the above is that that al-Bannā is telling his Egyptian audience of the nobility of this race, that it has an abundance of spirituality within it, that it is descended from a noble lineage, that it has an amazing vigour, determination, one that no nation possesses, that their original habitation was Palestine and that they were granted the eastern desert regions of Egypt by Yūsūf () and that the message of Mūsa is something with which the Egyptians should be connected. This speech contains such praise that would make a person presume it was written by Jews as propaganda to justify the occupation of Palestine and taking the eastern parts of Egypt.

Second, his claim that the dispute with the Jews is not on the basis of religion, but only because of land, a statement which can be interpreted to mean a validation of the religion of the Jews.

Third, the majority of the Jews in Egypt lived in the Baḥīrah district where Ḥasan al-Bannā was born. In this region is the tomb of Abū Ḥuṣayrah [Yākov Abuhatziera] to which the Jews make an annual pilgrimage. Abū Ḥuṣayrah was a Moroccan Jewish Rabbī who died in 1880CE whilst passing through Egypt. After setting out for Palestine and passing through Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, he died in Damanhour, the capital of Baḥīrah in the Nile Delta region in Egypt and his tomb became a site of pilgrimage. Strangely, some of the Muslims considered Abu Huṣayrah to be a Muslim saint and used to gather at the tomb in order to seek blessings.35 There is something which can explain this. The majority of the Jews of Bahīrah came from Morocco and they used to manifest Islām as a means of shielding themselves (whilst preserving their Jewish faith inwardly). So when they appeared outwardly as Muslims, adopting Ṣūfi practices which resemble Jewish practices of venerating their Rabbi saints and would concern themselves with the study of the Qurʾān and Islāmic sciences, it was thought that Abū Huṣayrah was a Muslim saint.

35 The lineage of Abu Ḥuṣayrah is disputed, some say he was a Muslim, others say he was Jewish.

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The Jews of Morocco who moved to Bahīrah were themselves descendants of the Sephardic Jews of Andalūsia. They fled Andalūsia when the European Christians took over the land, killing Muslims and Jews in the process. The Jews fled to the neighbouring Muslim countries because they knew they would fare much better under Muslim rule. From Morocco, many Jews moved to Bahīrah in Egypt. The tomb of Abū Ḥuṣayrah is in Damanhour, the regional capital, as are the tombs of numerous other saints.36 The writers, researchers and academics who make the claim that Ḥasan al-Bannā's lineage traces back to Sephardic Jews from Morocco, state that his grandfather and father took Ṣūfism and Taṣawwuf as a cover to live securely in Egypt37 and encouraged Ḥasan al-Bannā to memorize the Qurʾān at an early age. Both his father and grandfather were watch repairers and at the time it was not known that anyone was a watch repairer in the area except the Jews of Bahīrah. There was not a single Egyptian known in the area which al-Bannā was raisied whose profession was repairing watches. It was an exclusively Jewish profession in that specific area.

36 In his Mudhakkarāt (p. 28, 33), Ḥasan al-Bannā mentions his frequent visits to the shrines of the saints in Damanhour and how they were illuminating times wherein he and his associates would be engrossed in taṣawwuf (ṣūfī practices) and ʿibādah (worship). 37 It is well known for the Jews to adopt the overt religious identity of the host nation whilst retaining their faith inwardly. This practice is known as Crypto- Judaism and was something Jews were often forced into due to persecution and oppression. The Crypto-Jews would adopt names and cultures of the host nation and often became indistinguishable from the rest of the population. Examples of crypto-Jewish communties include the Sabbateans (followers of Sabbatai Zevi, 17th century), the forerunners of the Doenmeh Jews behind the Young Turk movement which brought down the Ottoman state and from whom Mustafā Kamāl "Ataturk" originated. They converted to Islām outwardly and numbered a couple of hundred families in Salonica during the 17th century. The Frankists who converted outwardly to Christianity. The Belmonte Jews of Portugal, the Xueta in Majorca, communities of crypto-Jews in Mashhad, near Khurasān in Irān. They are also found in Spain, Mexico, Colombia and elsewhere. In early Islāmic history figures such as ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ and Maymūn bin Desān al-Qaddāh made an outward show of Islām out of hypocrisy in order to kindle tribulations amongst the Muslims.

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Fourth, The surname al-Bannā is not a family name, since the family name was al-Sāʿātī (which means watch repairer), it was an adopted title and no reason is given for choosing this title. His father was known as Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī and Ḥasan's brother was known as ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī, who was also a staunch Shīʿite. However, no one in the whole of Egypt knows the identity of his grandfather. All that is known is that he came from Morocco to Bahīrah.

Fifth, ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād is said to have requested Ḥasan al-Bannā to show his family tree to his fourth or fifth grandfather but al-Bannā failed to do so. Al-ʿAqqād was very outspoken against the Zionists, he published a number of books about them, "Al-Ṣuḥyūniyyah al- ʿĀlamiyyah" (World Zionism) and "Al-Ṣuḥyūniyyah wa Qaḍiyyah Falistīn" (Zionism and the Palestinian Issue), and in the latter book he accused the Muslim Brotherhood of being agents for the Zionists, and named al-Bannā as a Jew who was working for the regional interests of the Jews. A person should note the danger of relying upon these types of criticisms about the lineage of a person and who he is allegedly working for, because these can be obscure, hidden issues for which definitive evidence is hard to come by. Thus, as people of the Sunnah, our criterion is simple and definitive: We judge a person's beliefs, statements, actions and methodologies with the scale of the Qurʾān, the Sunnah and the way of the Salaf. This is the definitive furqān (criterion) and we arrive at definitive judgements in which there is no confusion or ambiguity. As for those who are aware from the Book and the Sunnah, they rely upon obscure issues, and issues which are not necessarily connected to the ʿaqīdah or manhaj in order to make their criticisms and to refute those to whom they have an ideological opposition.

Fifth, the controversy in this subject has also made newspaper headlines. In the newspaper article pictured below, the headline reads, "Ḥasan al-Bannā is a Moroccan Jew Planted by Freemasonry to Establish the Jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān." Four subtitles follow, ""The father of the supreme guide (al-murshid al-ʿāmm) was a watch-repairer, a Jewish profession and lived close to [the tomb] of Abū Ḥuṣayrah" and "Al-ʿAqqād: Al-

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Bannā who is of unknown origin is kindling tribulation and follows well the methodology of the Jews and Magian [Persians]" and "The Muslim Brotherhood raise the same slogans as the Masons, Freedom, Justice but Leave out Equality" and "The founder of the Muslim Brotherhood distorted the Qurʾān in Sūrah's Anfāl, al-Nisāʾ, al-Isrāʾ and al-Ahzāb."

These are some of the considerations made by researchers and writers on the basis of which controversy has been raised about the lineage of Ḥasan al-Bannā. We are not validating these claims nor rejecting them outright. However, it is important to note that our judgement upon Ḥasan al-Bannā and al-Ikhwān is not on the basis of this information. Rather, it is purely on the basis of the Qurʾān, the Sunnah and the way of the Salaf. It is in light of them that we have come to know this movement does not call to the Tawḥid of the Messengers. Their leaders have the calamitous innovations with them, that of the Rāfiḍah, the Jahmiyyah, the Muʿtazilah, the Ṣūfiyyah. They call to unity of religions, they follow the ways of the non-Muslims in their methodologies of demonstrations, revolutions, assassinations, coups and so on. All of that is known through the Book, the Sunnah and the way of the Salaf and that is suffficient to pass judgement upon them and their misguidance. All of that is firmly established and is the foundation of our position towards these jamāʿāt and their leaders. Thus, the

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The Role of Ḥasan al-Bannā's Father and Aḥmad al-Sukkārī in the Development of the Organization

The father of Ḥasan al-Bannā, Aḥmad ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī and Aḥmad al-Sukkarī who was an associate and friend of al-Bannā during his religious education days in Maḥmūdiyyah would eagerly follow the news about the developments in the jamāʿah in Ismāʿīliyyah. Al-Bannā would send them detailed reports of his activities and connections in Ismāʿīliyyah, the successes he was met with and likewise the difficulties and obstacles that would come in his way. The letters to his father were compiled by one of his brothers, Jamāl al-Bannā, and they were published recently by Dār al-Hilāl in 2009. Al-Bannā's father would support him through a vast range of obscure connections he appeared to have. This continued until the jamāʿah grew and developed enough to move to Cairo. Both his father and Aḥmad al-Sukkarī moved to Cairo to join the jamāʿah. The father took the position of al-murāqib al-ʿāmm (senior director) and he began a magazine called "al-Ikhwān al- Muslimūn" and Aḥmad al-Sukkarī took the position of al-wakīl al-ʿāmm (attorney general).

In this formative period, a lot of material wealth came from unknown directions. and al-Bannā's father had a role to play in bringing such support to the jamāʿah. At the beginning of the jamāʿah, the real goals were concealed and it presented as a daʿwah and social group. However, as the organization took form and shape, the real intentions began to be expressed. The goal was to establish a righteous Islāmic state that would implement Islām, its teachings and rulings, which was simply another veiled way of saying that the organization is planning to snatch power. It was only after the period of terrorism from 1944 onwards, leading to the assassination of al-Bannā himself that questions were raised about the individual who set up this jamāʿah of mischief, death and destruction, where he came from, what is his lineage and who are his forefathers and ancestors.

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Ḥasan al-Bannā and Ḥasan al-Hudaybī

In an 1953 book titled Maʿālim al-Ḥaqq Fī Kafāhinā al-Ḥadīth, Muḥammad al-Ghazālī38 protested the Freemasonic takeover over the very leadership of al-Ikhwān, and he explicitly mentioned the name of Ḥasan al-Hudaybī and insinuated the same about Sayyid Quṭb. Al- Ghazālī made it appear that al-Ikhwān had changed from the era of Ḥasan al-Bannā. In reality, there was an undisclosed tight connection between al-Bannā and Ḥasan al-Ḥudaybī who was a known Freemason. Helmy Namnam, Egyptian journalist and researcher, states that al- Ḥuḍaybī gave the pledge of allegiance to al- Bannā in 1943 but it was an agreement between them both that this would be kept secret, upon the understanding that al-Huḍaybī wanted to work in the background only and that it was important for the jamāʿah to have hidden supporters and helpers. Another reason was that the government did not approve of men of law being involved with societies and groups involved in political matters. These reasons actually indicate that Ḥasan al-Bannā was the one who brought al-Ḥuḍaybī, the Freemason, into the jamāʿah.39 Al-Ḥudaybī became the supreme guide in 1951 and a couple of years later, Sayyid Quṭb, another Freemason, joined the jamāʿah, and this was what Muḥammad al-Ghazālī was protesting against in his aforementioned book.40

Ghuluww (Exaggeration) in the Leader of the Jamāʿah Upon the Way of the Bāṭiniyyah

In the aforementioned article for al-Sharq newspaper41 Tharwat al- Khirbāwī on explains how his followers would write explanations of

38 He was one of the senior and most respected scholars of al-Ikhwān but he was an ʿaqlānī (rationalist, modernist), denied aspects of the Sunnah and was also upon the doctrine of taqrīb (nearness between the Sunnīs and Shīʿites). All the prominent scholars and figureheads of al-Ikhwān have major, serious deviations with them. 39 Refer to his article Sayyid Quṭb Amīr al-Takfīr, Part 6. 40 This matter is covered in the next installment in this series. 41 http://www.alsharq.net.sa/2014/01/11/1046122

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 32 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS the writings of al-Bannā (his "Rasāʾil") as if they were the Qurʾān, requiring exegesis, and how al-Bannā would present an image of how the Ikhwān (his followers) were just like the Companions () the result of which is to imply that he is like the Prophet () amongst them. Al-Khirbāwī goes on to speak of a matter that would be spread and discussed amongst the jamāʿah which is al-nabiyy al-mulham ghayr al-mursal which means a prophet who has been inspired but not made a messenger and likewise the issue of ḥikmah (wisdom) being prophethood42 and how a generation of the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān were nurtured to have a certain glorified view of al-Bannā, almost as if he was a prophet. Al-Khirbāwī asks, who is the one who put these types of ideas into their minds? Ḥasan al-Bannā himself he answers.

Al-Khirbāwī cites instances of al-Bannā's speech that put these ideas into the minds of his followers, "Whoever follows us has succeeded in the race. And whoever turned away from us then Allāh will - for our sake - throw at his falsehood and invalidate it" and "Whoever wishes to know al-Ikhwān, then let him hold to his musḥaf (Qurʾān copy), strip himself of all desire and let him see what is in the Qurʾān, at its hour, he will soon see who are al-Ikhwān" and also, "O people! We call you whilst the Qurʾān is in our right hands, the Sunnah is in our left hands and we call you to Islām" - bearing in mind he is addressing a Muslim society.43 And also his saying to his followers, "The people may say to you, you have not ceased to be obscure, so say to them that we are Islām (itself), O people!" Thus, it is as if the jamāʿah has become Islām itself, and its individuals are its embodiment. This mentality is the same as that produced by Sayyid Quṭb decades later when he considered all Muslim societies to be apostate societies and the only true believers who understood Islām was Quṭb and his followers. And this is also the way of the Bāṭiniyyah of old who believed that they had understood higher and deeper realities unknown to the commoners

42 Note that the Ismāīʿīlī Bāṭiniyyah believed that Prophethood can be acquired and is merely wisdom, perspicacity, strong imagination and so on. 43 And at the same time he has Christians within the Muslim Brotherhood whom he does not call to Islām but accommodates on the basis of unity and nationalism (waṭaniyyah).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 33 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS because they were not fit to understand them and that it was for the elite to direct and manage the people. Thus, in all these cult movements, you see that the leaders take a glorified role [Ḥasan al- Bannā, Sayyid Quṭb, Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Taqī al-Dīn al-Nabahānī] and their books and writings become the inspirational source, and become the foundations for teaching Islām, except that it is not Islām, but the political ideology of revolution taken from the Marxists and Communists and fused with Islām.

In his book, Ibn al-Qariyah, Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī relates an incident that took place in al-Azhar university between Shaykh Aḥmadīn and some of the followers of Ḥasan al-Bannā who believed that Ḥasan al-Bannā was superior than some of the Companions. Al-Qaraḍāwī said, "And here one of the the brothers in the class (and he is Aḥmad bin Muḥammad Ḥasan Rāḍī from Basyūn) said, 'Such as Shaykh Ḥasan al- Bannā and what he performed of daʿwah and jihād - meaning he is better than the some of the Companions.' And no sooner had the name of Ḥasan al-Bannā been mentioned that Shaykh Aḥmadīn was violently agitated and said, 'Do you wish to make Ḥasan al-Bannā better than the Companions?' And then the Shaykh began to attack the Ustādh, Ḥasan al-Bannā, with harshness. And it was here that I said to the Shaykh, 'O teacher, this man has passed on to his Lord, and we have been prohibited from reviling the dead. What is the sin of Ḥasan al-Bannā if one of his students holds a view different to yours, or the view of the majority?'"44 In recounting this story, al-Qaraḍāwī reveals the ghuluww (exaggeration) towards al-Bannā and he himself found fault with the Shaykh for criticising the student in his ghuluww towards al-Bannā.

This type of exaggeration is characteristic of Bāṭinī-type movements because they are founded upon obedience to other than the Messenger of Allāh () and to this end the callers of these movements often nurture their followers to show such extremism and exaggeration to win and maintain their unflinching loyalty. Essential, when your ultimate goal is to engineer revolutions and take power.

44 Ibn al-Qariyah of al-Qaraḍāwī (1/491).

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Accommodating All Differences, the Golden (Freemasonic) Principle and Vile Party-Spirit (Ḥizbiyyah)

Hasan al-Bannā continued the tradition of the Bāṭinī Ismāʿīlī secret society of Ikhwān al-Ṣafā of the 4th century hijrah and then of Jamāl al- Dīn al-Afghānī, by requesting that all differences between the theological schools be forgotten so that all of them can unite, and this became known as the "Golden Principle" of Ḥasan al-Bannā, "let us cooperate in that which we agree and let us overlook each other in that which we disagree."45 This is apparent in many of his writings and can be found throughout his rasāʾil.46 Refer to Rasāʾil al-Imām (p. 15) where he says that the daʿwah of al-Ikhwān is a generalized (āmmāh) daʿwah and it does not affiliate with any specific faction. In Risālah al-Muʿtamar al- Khāmis, he says that from their principles is "keeping away from all issues of difference" meaning that differences are not allowed to get way in the work of the jamāʿah (even if they are in foundational matters). In his Mudhakkarāt al-Daʿwah wal-Dāʿiyah (p. 228) he states his promise to strive in forging brotherhood between Muslims and ending harshness and differing between all their factions and sects.

45 Refer to Majmūʿ Rasāīl al-Bannā (p. 453). 46 This principle was actually transmitted to al-Bannā through Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā who carried it from Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī. However, Riḍā, because he had been influenced in his later period by the writings of Salafī scholars such as Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn al-Qayyim, qualified it with a restriction that was abandoned by Ḥasan al-Bannā. In a number of places Riḍā adds the qualification, "And they judge to the legislation (sharʾ) and balance (mīzān) in that which they disagree" al-Manār (November 1912, 15/833). Refer to Khālid ʿUthmān al-Miṣrī's "Kashf ʿIlāqah al-Murībah" (Dār ʿIlm al-Salaf, 2009CE, p.38). Further, Rashīḍ Riḍā had much in criticism of the Shīʿāh, so he knew of their falsehood and wrote about it, which means he did not present this principle with the same intents and purposes as al-Afghānī and al-Bannā. Rashīd Riḍā had more knowledge than al-Afghānī who was a mere politician, and though he was poisoned by many of al-Afghānī's ideas, he was able to see the incorrectness of this principle if left unqualified, and this is because he was attentive to knowledge. Nevertheless, Riḍā still carried much of the poison of al-Afghānī and ʿAbduh in other areas which is why Salafī scholars such as Shaykh Muqbil accused him of being mutasattir bil-salafiyyah, that is, merely veiling himself with Salafiyyah.

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ʿUmar al-Tilmisānī, the third supreme guide of the Ikhwān writes in Dhikriyyāt, Lā Mudhakkarāt (p. 31), "The daʿwah gathered together, as his esteemed self [Bannā] said, all the schools and orientations into a comprehensive Islāmic call."

On 5th September 1948, the Ikhwān celebrated 20 years of the birth of their organization in the town of Ismāʿīlīyyah and Ḥasan al-Bannā gave a sermon in which he stated, "The movement of al-Ikhwān is not opposed to any particular creed from the creeds or religion amongst the religions or faction amongst the factions. Since the perception which overwhelms the souls who operate (the organization) is that the foundational principles of all of the revealed messages have been threatened by Atheism. It is upon all believing men of these religions to stand shoulder to shoulder and direct their efforts in saving humanity from this danger."47

Shaykh Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Bannā48 () said, "Ḥasan al-Bannā used to try and unite all the jamāʿat and madhāhib (groups and schools) and would speak to people in accordance with their methodology or school. So, he would mention the statements of al- Shāfiʿī to the one who was upon the way of al-Shāfiʿī and so on."49 Ḥasan al-Bannā says, as occurs in his Majmūʾ Rasāʾil (p. 102), "Our position towards all the various calls which have transgressed in this era and have split the hearts and shaken the ideas is that we look at them through the scale of our own call (daʿwah). Whatever (other call) agrees with it, then welcome! And whatever opposes it, then we are free of it." These ideas, strategems, plots and methodologies are a continuation of the ideas of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, the Bahāʾiyyah and the Ikhwān al-Ṣafā of old. They follow in the ways of all of secret societies who wish to gather the populace into one large mass so they can be directed into whatever activity will help the fulfilment of the

47 Fī Qāfilah al-Ikhwān (1/211). 48 Muḥamamd al-Bannā is a Salafī scholar from Egypt who moved to Jeddah and is no relation to Ḥasan al-Bannā. He died a few years ago (). 49 Refer to Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (Dār Sabīl al-Muʾminīn, 2010CE, p. 33)

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 36 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS higher agendas at work and which are not readily disclosed to the masses from the beginning.

The Bidʿah of al-Irjāʾ - No Innovation Harms in the Presence of Faith.

A consequence of the above principle of al-Bannā and his brotherhood is that no matter what deviation, heresy or innovation a person or a group was upon, it would not harm their faith and their ability to work together for a higher objective. Thus, the Rāfiḍī who reviles the Companions and the Wives of the Prophet (), the Jahmī who denies the ʿuluww of Allāh, His Names and Attributes, the Muʿtazilī who denies the Sunnah, the Ṣūfī who believes in waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence), then complete silence is to be shown in the face of their innovations and not a word is said that would bring about splitting, differing and enmity.

This is from the greatest of evils and destroyers of the religion of Islām. In fact, in times gone, the various sects would refute each other. What Ḥasan al-Bannā called to was an end to all such activities which bring about separation and bringing unity instead. This unity is not the unity of the Book and the Sunnah, but a Freemasonic type unity in which creedal differences are secondary to other higher objectives.

Ḥasan al-Bannā and Ṣūfism

Ḥasan al-Bannā was a Ḥaṣāfi Ṣūfi of the Shādhilī50 order and would be engaged in Ṣūfī dhikr sessions which he relished.51 Ṣūfism, along with Shiʾīsm is a Bāṭinī movement and there are strong ties between the two. Many of the esoteric doctrines and forms of worship adopted by the Ṣūfīs have their origins in Greek philosophy, Christian ascetics, the Hindu Brahmans, and Buddhists and Jewish mysticism.

ʿAbd al-Raḥman al-Wakīl writes, "Taṣawwuf is the most despicable and most harmful of plots innovated by Satan by which he uses the slaves

50 Mudhakkārāt (p. 27). 51 Mudhakkārāt (p. 32).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 37 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS of Allāh in his own war against Allāh and His Messengers. It is from the weapons of the Magians which they feign as being divine. Rather, it is the weapon of every Ṣūfī enemy to the true religion. Examine it, you will find Brahminism, Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Manaism, Desanism and you will also find Platonism, Gnosticism, and you will find Judaism, Christianity, Idol-worship and Jāhiliyyah."52

The Salafī scholar, Shaykh Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Bannā related how in his gatherings, Ḥasan al-Bannā would ask if specific people were present (who were not Ṣūfī inclined and were of a sound ʿaqīdah) and if they were not, he would ask the lights to be dimmed and would enjoin his gathering to the dhikr of Allāh (upon the way of the Ṣūfīs).53 Saʿīd Ḥawā (Ikhwānī Ṣufī) writes, "The movement of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn was founded by a Ṣūfī, and he adopted the reality of Ṣūfism without its negative elements."54

Frequenting the Tombs of the Saints

Also from the Bāṭinī practices of Ḥasan al-Bannā is the frequenting of the tombs of saints as he reveals himself in his Mudhakkarāt (p. 33) wherein he explains how he along with a group would travel to the graves of the saints after the dawn prayer, journeying for 20 or so miles. On the same page he mentions visits to the tomb of Sinjar, one of the main figures of the Ḥaṣāfī order. It is established through al- Bannā's own writings and of Ikhwānī commentators after him (Abu al- Ḥasan al-Nadwī, Saʿīd Ḥawā) that he remained upon this way of the Ṣūfīs to the end of his life. He was also referred to as "al-Murshid al- Kāmil" as stated by Saʿīd Ḥawā in Tarbiyatuhum al-Rūḥiyyah (p. 159) where he explains the meaning of this phrase to be "The perfect inheritor of the Prophetic (tradition)" and earlier in the book (p. 21) Ḥawā indicates that this title was given to al-Bannā by his followers

52 Maṣraʿ al-Taṣawwuf (p. 19). 53 From the article by Abū Ziyād Khālid Bāqays which comprises glimpses from the biography of the Shaykh. Refer to Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn (Dār Sabīl al-Muʾminīn, 2010CE, pp. 33-34) 54 Jawlāt Fī al-Fiqhayn al-Kabīr wal-Akbar (p. 154).

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Downgrading Shirk to Bidʿah Which Does Not Expel from the Religion

In the magazine, al-Hadyī al-Nabawi, 10th edition (1367AH/1948CE), the Salafī scholar, Shaykh ʿAbd al-Raḥman al-Wakīl refutes Ḥasan al- Bannā's claim in his Mudhakkarāt (published a year earlier) that the tawassul through the awliyāʾ(in the form done by the Ṣūfīs) is simply a matter of difference of opinion, just like difference on the issue of reciting the Fātiḥah in the prayer. The Shaykh explains the danger of this claim, addressing Ḥasan al-Bannā directly, and cites verses that rebuke the People of the Book for mixing truth with falsehood (2:41-42) and concealing the truth (2:174). Al-Wakīl says to al-Bannā, "Turn your face to the upright religion O respected ustādh, and do not forget that you have a following behind you who are set ablaze by their sentiments towards you and their protection of you. Say it just once, seeking the face of Allāh, and do not let this abundant, large (following) deceive you, even if the vile majority amazes you, 'How many a small company has overcome a large company by permission of Allah.' (2:249) You have made the Messenger your leader and the Qurʾān your imām, so is it from the message of your leader to make tawassul through deformed decayed bones and lifeless, dead rocks?!"55 This shows that al-Bannā was not concerned at all with guiding the people to the dīn brought by the Messenger, the dīn founded upon Tawḥid He would dismiss such affairs and state "Now is not the time," indicating that there were goals he envisaged greater than the Tawḥid of Allāh ().

The Doctrine of Waḥdat al-Wujūd (Unity of Existence)

In addition, we also find the doctrine of waḥdat ul-wujūd. The brother of Ḥasan al-Bannā, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sāʿātī recounts how his brother would sit and lead a group of the Ḥasāfīs in remembrance in the mosque and how "his heart would be illuminated by the light of Allāh"

55 Refer to Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (Dār Sabīl al-Muʾminīn, 2010CE) of Muḥammad ʿAwaḍ Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ghaniyy (p. 23 onwards).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 39 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS and the light would be dimmed and "the area would be encompassed by heavenly light and surrounded by divine majesty" and "the bodies would melt and the souls would be in rapture and everything in existence would disappear and be erased and the voice of the reciter would flow with sweetness and fill (the souls with) delight" and then he mentions the lines of poetry that would be recited, "Say 'Allāh' and leave existence and whatever it contains. If you wish to explore the attainment of perfection, then everything besides Allāh, if you were to verify it, is pure non- existence, both generally and specifically."56

This is an expression of waḥdat ul-wujūd which asserts that nothing is in existence but Allāh and that what appears to be other than Allāh, meaning what we observe around us, is in reality, pure non-existence and is only illusory. There is only one existence, and it is that of Allāh. This emanationist doctrine has influence from the mysticism of the Jewish Kabbalah, which is really a system of magic developed over the centuries by the Jews due to the influences of Egyptian and Babylonian captivity.

The Innovations of the Bāṭinī Ismāʿīlī Ubaydiyyah of 4th century Egypt

Ḥasan al-Bannā would also celebrate the birthday of the Prophet () which was innovated by the Bāṭinī ʿUbaydiyyah who took over Egypt in the fourth century hijrah.57 When the season of the Prophet's birthday came Ḥasan al-Bannā and the Ḥaṣāfī Ṣūfīs would recite poetries of praise from the beginning of Rabīʿ al-Awwal till the twelfth night and within their poetry would be their statement "This beloved has made his presence amongst the beloved" and also ""There is no doubt that the beloved of the people is present" meaning that that the Prophet was in attendance in their gathering and also "He has pardoned everyone for what has passed and taken place" meaning that the Prophet has forgiven them their sins and pardoned them for their disobedience.

56 Cited by Jābir Rizq in his book Ḥassan al-Bannā Bi Aqlām Talāmidhatihī wa Muʿāṣirīhi (p. 70-71) from the Ikhwānī magazine al-Daʿwah, 13th February 1951. 57 Refer to his Mudhakkarāt (p. 58).

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This is shirk with Allāh, the Lord of the Worlds, besides whom there is none who can forgive the sins of His slaves.

Saʾīḍ Ḥawā mentions that al-Bannā would encourage the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet () considering it to be an important part of the Islāmic curriculum to be taught in schools58 and ʿAbbās al-Sīsī mentions on how on one occasion during the celebration of the mawlid in Alexandria, al-Bannā gave a sermon in which he mentioned, "We revive the mention of the birthday of the Messenger () and it is the right all people, Muslims and non-Muslim to celebrate with this blessed remembrance, for our Messenger did not come for Muslims only" - and he means by this that Jews and Christians can come and celebrate too.59

The Brother of Ḥasan al-Bannā, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sāʿātī was a Staunch Extremist Shīʿite

What is baffling is that Ḥasan al-Bannā was a staunch, fervent Ṣūfī and his brother, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī was a staunch, fervent Shīʿite. And after the assassination of al-Bannā, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān was touted to be the next leader but it was not to be. Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm, an Ikhwānī historian, writes in Aḥdāth Ṣanaʿat al-Tārīkh, ""As for Ustādh ʿAbd al- Raḥmān al-Sāʿātī alongside his Shīʿism for the Ahl al-Bayt (may Allāh be pleased with them) which would dominate him and his extremism in this Shīʿīsm, he would see himself and his brothers and some of his own family and relatives to be more worthy of the station of his brother (Ḥasan) in the daʿwah."60 Meaning that after al-Bannā's death ʿAbd al- Raḥmān wanted to be the next supreme leader of al-Ikhwān. What indicates his extremism in his Shīʿīsm is that he wrote a novel regarding the Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī kāfir al-Muʿizz Li Dīn Allāḥ, the ʿUbaydī ruler, which was made into a theatrical play. The Salafī scholars of Egypt wrote a refutation of this disgrace in one of their magazines (see further below).

58 Tarbiyatuhum al-Rūḥiyah (p. 178). 59 Fī Qāfialah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (1/48). 60 Aḥdāth Ṣanaʿat al-Tārīkh (2/446).

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Nearness Between the Sunnīs and Shīʿites (Taqrīb)

So far we see little difference between the Bāṭiniyyah of Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī and the Bāṭiniyyah of Ḥasan al-Bannā al-Ḥaṣafī al-Shādhilī. As for nearness between the Sunnah and Shiʿah, then ʿUmar al-Tilmisānī, the third supreme guide of the Ikhwān writes in Dhikriyyāt, Lā Mudhakkarāt (pp. 249-250), "And in the forties from what I recall, Sayyid al-Qummī - and he is Shiʿite in his madhhab - came as a guest of the Ikhwān at the main headquarters, and at this time, the Imām, Shahīd (al-Bannā) was [undertaking] serious action in bringing proximity between the schools, so that the enemies of Islām do not take the splitting between the schools as a means through which they can work to tear apart the Islāmic unity.61 We asked him one day about the extent of the difference between Ahl us-Sunnah and the Shīʿah, but he prohibited us from entering into the likes of these thorny issues which are not befitting for the Muslims to become occupied with, bearing in mind what the Muslims are already upon of separation and that the enemies of Islām work to kindle its fire. So we said to his eminence, 'We do not ask this due to partisanship or to widen the difference between the Muslims, but we ask due to knowledge because what is between the Sunnah and the Shīʿah (of difference) is mentioned in the authored books that are innumerable, and we do not have the time that will allow us to investigate all those sources.' So he, may Allāh be pleased with him, said, 'Know that Ahl al-Sunnah and the Shīʿah are Muslims, the kalimah "There is none worthy of worship except Allāh and Muḥammad is the Messenger of Allāh" unites them. And this is the foundation of the creed. And the Sunnah and the Shīʿah are the same (regarding that), and (they) are upon purity. As for the

61 This is the same method used by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī which is to dissolve the Islāmic ʿaqīdah and its unique identity by promoting pluralism and relative truth, meaning all sects and creeds are legitimate and should come together upon a basic common denominator. This is also the method of the Bahāʾī movement in relation to religions as a whole, Bahāʾism aims to dissolve all religions through the slogans of unity and universal brotherhood and this is why it has a core presence within the United Nations.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 42 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS difference between them both, then it is in matters in which it is possible to bring them together'."

In the same book, al-Tilmisānī writes, "And the connection between the Ikhwān and the leaders of the Shīʿah did not slacken. They connected with Ayatollāh Kāshānī, and they invited Nawab Ṣafawī to Egypt (hosting him as a guest). All of this was done by Ikhwān not in order to make the Shīʿah leave their madhhab but they did this with a noble objective which their Islām called them to, which is to try and bring closeness between the Islāmic madhhabs to the closest level possible"

Sālim al-Bahnasāwī, an Ikhwānī, writes in this book "al-Sunnah al- Muftarā ʿalayhā" (p.57) Since the group for bringing about nearness between the [various] Islamic schools was set up, and in which the Imām al-Banna and the Imām al-Qummī (Shiʿite) partook, cooperation was already taking place between al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn and the Shiʿah, and this led to the visit of the Imām Nawab Ṣafawī (Shiʿite revolutionary) to Cairo in 1945."62

In another of his books, al-Mulham al-Mawhūb Ḥasan al-Bannā, ʿUmar al-Tilmisānī writes (p. 78), "And due to his eargerness he (al-Bannā) reached out for unifying the word of the Muslims to [the extent] that he would aim for a conference which would bring together all of the Islamic sects [hoping] that Allāh may guide them [all] to consensus upon a matter that would prevent them from making takfīr of each other specifically, and [agreement] that our Qurʾān is one, our religion is one, and our Messenger () is one, and our deity is one. And for this objective he received as a guest, the esteemed Shaykh Muhammad al-Qummee, one of the senior scholars of the Shiah and their leaders, at the general headquarters for a period of time that was not short. Just as it is well-known that the Imām al-Bannā had met with the Shiʿite Ayatollāh Kāshāni during Hajj in the year 1948 and some mutual understanding took place between them that one of the personalities of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn today, one of the students of the

62 There are photographs of Nawāb Ṣafawī meeting with Sayyid Quṭb in his visit to Cairo.

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Imām, Shahīd [al-Banna], the teacher, ʿAbd al-Mutaʿāl al-Jabarī pointed to in his book "Why was Hasan al-Bannā Assassinated" (1st print, [Dar] al-Iʿtiṣām, p.32), quoting from Rober[t] (or perhaps Ruper[t]) Jackson his saying: 'And if the life of this man was lengthened (meaning Hasan al-Bannā) it would have been possible to actualize much for this land, especially if Hasan al-Bannā and Ayatollāh Kashānī, the leader of Irān, had agreed to put an end to the differing between the Shiʿah and the Sunnah. And the two men met in the Hijāz in the year [19]48 and it appears that they acquired mutual understanding and would have come to [agreement] on a fundamental point, had it not been that the assassination of Hasan al-Bannā was hastened'." End quote from al- Tilmisānī.

This policy of nearness between the Sunnah and the Shīʿah is found in the writings and works of all main figureheads of al-Ikhwān such as ʿUmar al-Tilmisānī, Muṣtafā al-Ṣībāʿī, Muḥammad al-Ghazālī, Abu Aʿlā Mawdūdī who was a very close friend of al-Khomeinī, Ḥasan al-Turābī, Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī, Fatḥī Yakun, ʿAbbās Madanī (Algerian) and others. This indicates that this jamāʿah was founded upon this policy of being a vehicle for the Shīʿītes to enter into the politics of Sunnī nations, which is why al-Ikhwān is not to be considered as anything but a trojan horse within which are the enemies of the Sunnah and who lie in wait for the right opportunity.

The Bāṭinī, Ṣafawī Shīʿītes and Shīʿīte Membership of al-Ikhwān in Egypt, Syria and Irāq

The Ikhwānī author ʿIzz al-Dīn Ibrāhīm wrote a book in praise of the Iranian revolution, citing the support of many Ikhwānī figureheads for al-Khomeini. In this book he writes, "The Imām, Shahīd, Ḥasan al- Bannā expended great efforts in this path (of taqrīb). What confirms this is what is related by Dr. Ishāq Mūsā al-Ḥusaynī in his book, 'al- Ikhwān al-Muslimīn, Kubrā al-Ḥarakāt al-Islāmiyyah al-Ḥadīthiyyah' where he states that some of the Shīʿite students who studied in Egypt joined the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān. And it was known that the ranks of al- Ikhwān al-Muslimīn in Iraq contained many Imāmī, Twelver Shīʿites. And when Nawāb Ṣafawī visited Syria and met with Dr. Muṣtafā al-

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Ṣibāʿī, the general director of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn, the latter complained to him (Nawāb Ṣafawī) that some of the Shīʿite youth were joining the nationalist and secularist parties. So Nawāb got up on one of the pulpits and said in front of a gathering of both Shīʿite and Sunnī youth, 'Whoever wishes to be a true Jaʿfarī then let him join the ranks of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn'."63 Al-Ikhwān is infiltrated and penetrated by the Shīʿah and is a vehicle for the designs and goals of the Shiʿah. In the various Muslim lands the Ikhwān and the Shīʿah join hands in order to attain power. It is a sad state of affairs that these are the same people who preside over the affairs of Muslims, such as the Palestinians who are in dire circumstances. Khālid Mishael, the leader of Ḥamās said, "Hamas is the spiritual son of the revolution of al-Khomeinī."64

Celebrating the Remembrance of Nawāb Ṣafawī, the Shīʿite

ʿUmar al-Tilmisānī mentions that the students of Ḥasan al-Banna, from the members of al-Ikhwān would celebrate the remembrance of Nawāb Ṣafawī, the Shiʿite revolutionary and head of the Jamʿiyyah Fedayeen (a sister group of al-Ikhwān amongst the Shiʿites) who was executed after a failed assassination and coup attempt in Irān.65 Nawāb Ṣafawī would visit the Ikhwān during the lifetime of Ḥasan al-Bannā, along with other famous Shīʿite figureheads of the time.

The Khāwārij of al-Ikhwān [Ideological Descendants of Dhul- Khuwaysarah] Congratulate the Rawāfiḍ of Irān [Ideological Descendants of the Persian, Magian, Bāṭinī, Rāfiḍī, Ṣafavids]

As a result of the methodology of the jamāʿah and the principles of Ḥasan al-Bannā which set it upon its initial course, when the Bāṭinī,

63 Mawqif ʿUlamāʾ al-Muslimīn Min al-Shīʿah wa l-Thawrah al-Islāmiyyah of ʿIzz al-Dīn Ibrāhīm (pp. 15-16). 64 As related by the Mahr News Agency on 22/2/2006CE, and cited by Nuʿmān al-Witr in his book al-Khuṭūt al-ʿArīḍah. 65 Dhikriyyāt Laa Mudkhakkarāt (p. 131).

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Majūsī kāfir, "Rūḥullah" al-Khomeinī66 took power, following the 1979 Iranian revolution, al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn issued a statement that was published in the Kuwaitī Ikhwāni newspaper called "al-Mujtamaʾ", Issue 434, dated 25th February 1979. In it they state: "Declaration: The national organization of the Muslim Brotherhood invited the leadership of the Islāmic movements in Turkey, Pakistan, India, Indonesia, Afghanistan and Malaysia and the Phillipines in addition to the organizations of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Arabic world, Europe and America to a meeting to disclose the formation of a delegation which subsequently travelled to Iran on a special plane and met with Imām Āyatollāh al-Khomeinī. This was to emphasize the solidarity of all of the Islāmic movements represented by the delegation - and which are al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn, Ḥizb al-Salāmah of Turky, al-Jamāʿah al-Islāmiyyah of Pakistan, al-Jamāʿah al-Islāmiyyah of India, Jamāʿah Hizb Māshūmī of Indonesia, Jamāʿah Shabāb al-Islām of Malaysia and al-Jamāʿah al-Islāmiyyah in the Philippines. It was an assembly from the assemblies of the greatness and power of Islām at a time in which it is binding that nationalistic, doctrinal and ethnic differences disappear. And Imām al-Khomeinī67 emphasized to them that his merchandise is the (same) merchandise (that is available) for the Islāmic revolution in the whole world, and this merchandise is every Muslim, muwaḥḥid who says, "Lā ilāha illallāha"68 and that the revolutions place is not just Irān, but rather every Islāmic state whose ruler powerfully manifests the Islāmic religion and who undertakes to put it in motion, and that it is Allāh who ennobled al-Khomeinī with support against the Shāh, and that He will support every Khomeinī (in other lands) against his own Shāḥ (in those lands). And the delegation

66 Refer to Part 2 of this series on the Bāṭinī movements in early Islāmic history to understand the significance of his name "Ruḥullāh." 67 Keep in mind that this is the same Bāṭinī kāfir who said that when the city of Madīnah is conquered he will dig out the two idols, meaning Abū Bakr and ʿUmar (). 68 This is while the mushrik and kāfir, al-Khomeinī asserts in his writings that the Imāms and leaders of the Shīʿites have knowledge of the unseen and control the atoms of the universe, and he writes in his book Kashf al-Asrār that seeking a need from a stone or mud, let alone a dead person, is not shirk unless a person believes that the thing being sought is the Lord and Creator.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 46 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS emphasized from its own side to Imām al-Khomeinī that the Islāmic movements wil continue upon their covenant to aid the Islāmic revolution in Irān and in every place69 with all of its human capacities, in knowledge and wealth." Then they go on to mention a television interview they did and called for a day of solidarity with the Iranian revolution and invited all Muslim societies and Islamic gatherings (jamāʿāt) to perform the funeral prayer in absence for the martyrs of the revolution after Jumuʿah prayer on 16th March 1979, and they ask everyone involved in any Islāmic activity to remember this day and remind others of it and that they perform the funeral prayer in absence "as a symbol of the unity of the Islāmic ummah and to fulfil the statement of Imām al-Khomeinī that the asset (capital, merchandise) of the Islāmic revolution in Irān is every Muslim who says "Lā ilāha illallāh." End quote.

In Jordan, the Ikhwān also issued a statement following the revolution in which their occurs, "The resolution of the Muslim Brotherhood in supporting the Islāmic revolution in Iran is a resolution that is in perfect harmony with the slogans and core values of the jamāʿah, [in harmony with] its pure Islāmic conceptions and of its activist and organizational focus points. It was from the ambitious priorities of our Imām, the Shahīd70 Ḥasan al-Bannā, may Allāh have mercy upon him, that the Muslims should overlook their doctrinal and jurisprudential differences. And he, may Allāh have mercy upon him, expended great efforts in bringing nearness between the Sunnah and the Shīʿah to pave the way to abolish all manifestations of differing between them. In this path, he had very tight connections with many of the trusted Shīʿite figureheads such as Imām Āyatollāh al-Kāshānī, the martyr, the revolutionary, Nawāb Ṣafawī, and the Imām, Kāshif al-Ghitāʾ of Irāq and others. And the Muslim Brotherhood consider that the establishment

69 In other words, the implement the madhhab of the Khāwāriij in every place and to fight the daʿwah of Tawḥid and Sunnah in every place and turn into one of rousing the people against the rulers and to try and take power either through revolution or through democracy. 70 It is not correct to apply the label of "martyr" to a person without restriction or qualification.

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When a person reflects on the above, and he is aware of what has preceded that there is a direct connection from the current rulers and clergy of Irān back to the Ṣafavids, and then to the Qāzilbash, and then to the Khurramites and eventually back to Mazdak and the Persian Magians, and that Shīʿism is simply a front for the Persian empire in their attempts to destroy "the religion of the ʿArabs" and to revive their Persian, Magian heritage, and then he appreciates that all of these political jamāʿāt in the various lands spring from the fountain of that jamāʿah of Ḥasan al-Bannā, a jamāʿah founded on takfīr of the ummah and khurūj (revolt) and upon destructive principles, he will recognizing the recurring interplay between the Rawāfiḍ and the Khāwārij in waging war against the people of Tawḥid and Sunnah. For this legacy began ever since ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī and Nāfīʿ bin Azraq (leader of the extreme group of the Khārijites, the Azāriqah) participated in the revolution against ʿUthmān bin ʿAfffān (). This is why today you will see the Rawāfīḍ of Irān waging their war against the Sunnī lands, trying to ferment revolutions, and then you have al- Qaidah and ISIS also waging war against the Sunnī lands, considering their rulers to be apostates and their scholars likewise.

Waḥdat al-Adyān (Unity of Religions)

Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm, one of the leaders of al-Ikhwān, writes in "Aḥdāth Ṣanaʿat al-Tārīkh (1/409-410), citing Ḥasan al-Bannā who said to an audience, "The aspect I am going to speak about is a very subtle point about a religious issue because this point is not understood in the Western world. Hence, I want to clarify it briefly, so I affirm that our dispute with the Jews is not on religious grounds! Because the Noble

71 Refer to Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (pp. 44-45) of Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ghaniyy.

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Qurʾān has encouraged us to be in harmony with them and to accommodate them (religiously), and Islām is a humanistic legislation before it is a nationalistic legislation, and it has praised them and made agreement between us and them."

Ḥasan al-Bannā also said, "Our movement is not opposed to any particular creed amongst the creeds and nor any religion amongst the religions or faction amongst the factions."72 And in his Mudhakkarāt (p. 105), al-Bannā mentions how forty days after they came to Alexandria they looked for a place to rent and it so happened that the place they chose had three levels. The second level was rented by a group of Christians who had turned it into a church and the first level by a group of Jews who had turned it into a synagogue. Al-Bannā says that they took the top level and made it into a place for prayer and then wrote, "It is as if this building represents the three religions. And I will not forget Umm Shalom, the curator of the synagogue, she would invite us on the night (prior to) every Sabbath to light the candle for her and help her in lighting the vapor gas (for heating). We would joke with her and say 'Till when will you use these stratagems which do not deceive Allāh?73 And if Allāh has prohibited both light and fire on the Sabbath as you claim, then has he also prohibited you from benefiting (from the light) and looking (at the fire)?' And she would excuse herself and the discussion would end with salutations."

Maḥmūd ʿAssāf mentions in his book "Maʿa al-Imām al-Shahīd Ḥasan al- Bannā" that Christian leaders came to visit Ḥasan al-Bannā, from them Wuhayb Dūs Pāshā, Lewis, and Maryat Buṭrus Ghālī and they requested

72 As related by ʿAbbās al-Sīsī in Fī Qāfilat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (1/211). Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī said, "Freedom (ḥurriyah) has precedence over the application of the Sharīʿah." As published on his website on 6th March 2011 and it is also recorded from him in his interviews. He also said, "I am opposed to a religious state completely, for we are not a state of Shaykhs or Mullahs". in the newspaper al-Nās, 36th edition, dated 25/03/1432H through "al-Khuṭūt al-ʿArīḍah li Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn" by Nuʿmān bin ʿAbd al-Karīm al- Witr (p. 4). 73 He intends the various means used by the Jews to avoid activity on the actual day of the Sabbath by preparing for them strategically.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 49 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS him to set up a branch of the Brotherhood called al-Ikhwān al- Masīḥīyyīn (the Christian Brotherhood) so that they can participate with the Muslim Brotherhood in spreading faith in Allāh and virtues (in the society). Al-Bannā replied to them saying that it is a good idea, but that the daʿwah of al-Ikhwān is worldwide (not just in Egypt), and that there is no harm in (them) setting up a Christian Brotherhood and emphasized to them that there would be perfect cooperation between them both.74 Ḥasan al-Bannā would also involve Christians in the administrative affairs of his organization and also offer them leadership roles in the party. These affairs are recorded by Ikhwānī historians themselves and mentioned in their books. ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ Muḥammad al-ʿUways writes, "So that the Muslim Brotherhood could indicate the absence of partisanship (in their organization) they made two Christians, Wuhayb Daws and Akhnūkh Lewis Akhnūkh to be members in the political committee of the Muslim Brotherhood which was set up in 1948."75

Ḥasan al-Bannā and Romantic Theatrical Drama

From numerous articles such as, "Cinema and Theatre in the Thought of Ḥasan al-Bannā" by ʿIṣām Talīmah (in Arabic), published on an official Ikhwānī website76 and "The Brotherhood and Art" by Ḥusām Tamām and "The Theatre of the Muslim Brotherhood, Romantic Beginnings" by Aḥmad Zayn77 and also an interview with Yūsuf al- Qaraḍāwī regarding art (published on his own website) - from all of these articles, it is revealed that Ḥasan al-Bannā set up a theatrical branch within the Brotherhood and employed both male actors (George Abyaḍ) and female actresses (such as Fāṭimah Rushdī, ʿĀzīza Amīr), which included Christians. One of the first performances was a play titled "Jamīl Buthayna" which is a romantic novel. Ḥasan al-Bannā would pay female Muslim actresses to express romantic speech to

74 Maʿa al-Imām al-Shahīd Ḥasan al-Bannā, (p. 29). 75 Taṣawwur al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn lil-Qaḍiyyah al-Filistīniyyah (p. 23). 76 Refer to ikhwanonline.net. 77 Both of these articles are published in Arabic on the Ikhwānī website Islamonline.net

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Christian male actors and some of the actors employed went on to become famous such as ʿAbbās Fāris, Ḥasan al-Bārūdī, Futūh Nashāṭi and Maḥmūd al-Malījī. The brother of Ḥasan al-Bannā, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī would also write novels which were pro-Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī and they would be turned into theatrical plays. Ḥasan al-Bannā would attend the plays and also participate in their organization and preparation. It is known that modern art, theatre and cinema was introduced and driven by Freemasonic societies and their members in Egypt.

Ḥasan al-Bannā, Ikhwān and Democracy

Al-Ḥasan al-Bannā was in favour of democracy and took part in elections. It is another means, aside from revolution, for attaining power and both require the support of the masses. Thus, al-Ikhwān support democracy as a principle. Their statements in this regard are known and widespread. By way of example, Ḥāmid Abū al-Naṣr who was the fourth supreme guide of al-Ikhwān said, "We desire it as a democracy, perfectly, comprehensively, for all people."78 Aḥmad Yāsīn, the Ikhwānī leader of Ḥamās said, "I too desire a democratic state which has multiple parties wherein the power is for the one who wins the elections." When the interviewer said, "If the Communist party won what would your position be?" He replied, "Even if the Communist party won, then I will respect the desire of the Palestinian society."79

The Salafī Scholars of Egypt on Ḥasan al-Bannā, the Brotherhood, Unity of Religions and Veneration of the Ubaydī Bāṭinī Enemies of Allāh

In the magazine titled al-Hadyī al-Nabawī (6/1365H) a group of Salafī scholars [Shaykh Ḥāmid al-Fiqqī, Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir, Shaykh ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Afīfī, Shaykh ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Wakīl and Shaykh Khalīl Harās ()] wrote an article in refutation of the slogan of Ḥasan al- Bannā and his Brotherhood, "Allāh is our goal, the Messenger is our leader,

78 In the magazine al-ʿĀlam 21/06/1986, through "al-Khuṭūt al-ʿArīḍah li Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn" by Nuʿmān bin ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Witr (p. 5). 79 In the book Aḥmad Yāsīn al-Muʿjizah wa Usṭūrah al-Taḥāddī (pp. 116-118).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 51 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS and the Qurʾān is our constitution." We will present a summary of the salient points here:80

They start by say that they [the Ikhwān] filled this world with this slogan and it appears true outwardly, yet Allāh knows best what is in the hearts of those saying it. Then they say that they will give three examples which oppose these claimed foundations (in the slogan) of the Brotherhood.

As for the first, then they cite Ḥasan al-Bannā from the magazine al- Muṣṣawar which was published on 5th April 1946 and they say that they are citing it in order to show the truthfulness of the statement of Allāh (), "And know that Allah intervenes between a man and his heart and that to Him you will be gathered" (8:24). Then they quote from the statement of Bannā cited which was a written response to a question about why he nominated a Christian (Louis Fanūs) for the Council of Scholars on the consideration that he was a member of the jamāʿah. The written statement of Bannā is as follows, "There are many friends of the Muslim Brotherhood organization amongst the non- Muslims, and the Brotherhood considers them to be friends and members who work with them in all of the affairs of the society which has agreed upon their ability (in this respect) and gives them the arena so as to confer benefit through their opinions and ideas. And the brother and teacher Naṣīf Mikhāʾīl participated in the conference of the Brotherhood in al-Gharbiyyah with an active participation. Rather, I would not be exaggerating if I said that he is the one who set up the conference. And I do not forget the efforts of the respected brother, Louis Fānūs Bek in make so many trips for the conferences of the Brotherhood and also what he does in terms of publicity [propaganda] for the organization in all parts of Egypt.81 And just as the brother Mariat Bek Ghālī aids in the activities of the Brotherhood. Do not forget his donations in purchasing the dār (centre) and his many instances of

80 This is printed in Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (Dār Sabīl al- Muʾminīn, 2010CE) of Muḥammad ʿAwaḍ Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ghaniyy. 81 Take note of that, this is a Christian who is a publicity agent for the Muslim Brotherhood.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 52 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS support in terms of literary criticism by exchanging opinions and ideas about social reforms, let alone the fact that he is a member of our Economic Council and that he cooperates with us in beneficial social projects. I have mentioned these names only as examples, not to be comprehensive. For we do not find anything that acts as a barrier between us and between cooperating with the citizens of the nation whether Christians or Muslims. And this is very apparent in the Rovers [Scouts] of the Brotherhood where there are more than 30 scouts from our Christian brothers. As for elections, then the general principle with us is to aid the Brotherhood candidates firstly, and they do not nominate except the qualified and fit amongst the Egyptians. And the day that the Brotherhood spread their candidate list, everyone will find that we do not see except the general benefit (for everyone), and they will find within these candidate lists the names of our Christian brothers who share with us in the organization."

As for the second, then the Shaykhs point out what was spread by the magazine Ākhir Sāʿah (the Last Hour) on the same day, 5th April 1946 and within it is a suggestion by a Christian Copt to Ḥasan al-Bannā that he should change the title of the Muslim Brotherhood to the Egyptian Brotherhood so that many more Copts can join them. And this suggestion is actually borne out of the first issue (discussed above). Then the Shaykhs go on to refute this and cite verses from the Qurʾān in relation to walāʾ and barāʾ.

As for the third, the Shaykhs mention an announcement that was made in the Brotherhood magazine about a theatre play about "Al-Muʿizz li Dīn Allāh al-Fāṭimī, the Founder of Cairo and Builder of the University of al-Azhar" which was to be based on the writing of ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān al-Sāʿatī, who is the brother of Ḥasan al-Bannā and a staunch, extremist Shīʿīte. This was to be made into an opera show on 1st May 1946. The Shaykhs go on to comment first about the innovated nature of plays and theatres and acting and then more importantly they speak about the subject topic. The person who is the main figure of the play, al- Muʿizz li Dīn Allāh is one of the ʿUbaydī Bāṭinī Ismāʿīlī Rāfiḍah, from the offspring of Maymūn al-Qaddāh, the Persian Magian [said to be of Jewish lineage] whose offspring conquered North Africa and then Shām

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 53 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS and pushed their Bāṭinī doctrines, their kufr and their shirk onto Sunnī populaces.82 The Shaykhs say, "We see in the choice by the Ikhwān of the biograpy of this vile ʿUbaydī, alongside their knowledge of his crime upon the religion and what he innovated of calamities of changing and altering (the religion) through pure desire, and oppressive lust and a destructive intention to put an end to [the religion], implementing the legacy of his grandfather, Ibn Sabaʾ al- Yahūdī who wounded Islām by inciting tribulation between ʿAlī and Muʿāwiyah with a wound whose blood has not ceased to flow till this day. And the actions of al-Mudhill83 li Dīn Allāh and the actions of his successors after him are not a hidden secret. Rather, history has captured them and its scholars, both Europeans and Arabs - have compiled such (matters) from their crimes against the religion by which they desrve through only some of it, the curse of Allāh, the Angels and all of mankind." End quote.

Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir on the Ikhwān as Khārijites

Usāmah Aḥmad Shākir explains84 that his father, Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir was a judge (qāḍī) in the Sharīʿah court of Ismāʾīliyyah in 1928 and he was placed by his father in the elementary school in Ismāʿīliyyah. His Arabic teacher was Ḥasan al-Bannā who knew he was son of Aḥmad Shākir and requested a meeting with his father. A meeting was arranged and Ahmad Shākir took the opportunity to advise him about the daʿwah, how it should be upon the Book and the Sunnah and upon evidence. Aḥmad Shākir kept in touch with Ḥasan al-Bannā after he moved to Cairo in 1932, but when he began to perceive the deviation in the Muslim Brotherhood over the years who had turned to harshness,

82 From the beliefs of al-Muʿizz include a) belief in the ulūhiyyah of certain men, b) belief that some of their leaders have a message which is superior to the message of the Prophet (), c) abolition of all of the outward religious duties, due to their belief that the Qurʾan has an outward (dhāhir) for the commoners and an inward (bāṭin) for the elite. 83 The Shaykhs changed the name here from the one who honours the dīn of Allāh (al-Muʿizz) to the one who debases the dīn of Allāh (al-Mudhill). 84 Refer to Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (Dār Sabīl al-Muʾminīn, 2010CE) of Muḥammad ʿAwaḍ Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Ghaniyy (p. 18 onwards).

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Aḥmad Shākir cut off his ties and advised Ḥasan al-Bannā by banishing this faction from his jamāʿah who in turn never gave this any attention or concern. Many years later, around 1948 or 1949 Aḥmad Shākir wrote an article titled "al-Īmān Qayd al-Fatk" following the assassination of the Prime Minister, Maḥmūd Fahmī al-Naqrāshī, by a member of the Muslim Brotherhood on 28th December 1948. We provide a translation of the article here:

Shaykh Aḥmad Shākir wrote, "The Islāmic world and the Arabic world - and in fact many places - were awestruck by the assassination of the man, the man through the (full) meaning of the word, al-Naqrāsḥī, the martyr,85 may Allāh forgive him and put him alongside the truthful, the martyrs and the righteous.... and I see it as an obligation upon myself to explain this affair from the correct Islāmic perspective so that there is no excuse for the one who makes an excuse, and perhaps Allāh will guide those criminal Khārijites so that they return back to their religion before there does not remain any path to coming back. And we do not know who is next, after al-Naqrāshī in the list of those (people).86 Verily Allāh, the Sublime, has made a most severe threat for

85 It is not correct to apply the label of "martyr" to a person without restriction. Imām al-Bukhāri included a chapter in the ‘Book of Jihād’ in his Sahih entitled, “Chapter: It is not to be said, so and so is a shahīd”, and Shaykh Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn gave a fatwaa in this regard, quoting from Imām al-Bukhārī and also stating, “It is not permissible to testify for a specific individual that he is a shahīd, even if he had been killed while performing jihād against the disbelievers. This is because this implication of this testimony is that Paradise has been testified for him, and testification for Paradise is not permissible except for those whom the Messenger () has given testimony for. However it can be said, "It is hoped that he is amongst the martyrs"…As for when is one resolved and says "He is a martyr", then this is unlawful, ḥarām. It is not lawful to say this because this is from the matters of the unseen…" Alfādh wa Mafāhīm Fī Mīzān al-Islām (p.18). 86 This article from Aḥmad Shākir is very significant because he clearly holds obedience to those in authority, and considers the government, its ministers, institutions and employees to be Muslims. This is despite the fact that the government of Egypt by this time, due to the activities of Muḥammad ʿAbduh and before him, the European colonialists, had secular laws. This is a very

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 55 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS killing a a prohibited soul in more than one verse in His Book, "But whoever kills a believer intentionally - his recompense is Hell, wherein he will abide eternally, and Allah has become angry with him and has cursed him and has prepared for him a great punishment" (4:93) and this is from the most elementary of matters in Islām which the ignoramus knows before the Scholar. This killing (mentioned in the verse) is regarding deliberate killing which occurs between the people in circumstances, thefts and the like. The murderer kills whilst he knows he is committing a huge (burdensome) sin. As for the political killing about which we have read a long argument, its affair is mighty, and it is something else (altogether). The political murderer is at ease in his soul, pleased in his heart. He believes he is doing good. He believes, due to the errors that have been infused into him, if he did not believe he was doing an Islāmic obligation in which others had been neglectful, that (at least) he is doing a lawful, permissible action. Such a one is an apostate, outside of Islām, it is obligatory upon him to be treated with the treatment of an apostate and that the legislative rulings and relevant law should be applied upon such people.87

They are Khārijites like the Khārijites of old who used to kill the Companions of the Messenger of Allāh () and they leave alone those [non-Muslims] who acknowledge disbelief for themselves. And their outward appearance is like the outward appearance of these [contemporary] Khārijites, rather better than it. For the Messenger of Allāh described them - through revelation befor he saw them - saying to his Companions, "One of you will belittle your prayer compared to their's, strong and powerful refutation against the Takfīrīs who use the speech of Aḥmad Shākir in the subject of ruling by other than what Allāh revealed to make unwarranted takfīr of rulers and governments. A separate article would be required to address their use of his speech. 87 This is an indication of the angle from which many Scholars of Ahl al- Sunnah, past and present hold the view that the Khārijites are apostates, disblievers. This is because they declared that which is ḥarām, unlawful, in the Sharīʿah - which is the taking of life which the Sharīʿah has prohibited - to be lawful, ḥalāl. And this is a nullifier of Islām, making istiḥlāl of what is ḥarām. From the contemporaries, Imām Ibn Bāz held the Khārijites to be apostates, disbelievers.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 56 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS his fasting compared to their's. They recite the Qurʾān but it does not pass their collar-bones. They exit from Islām like the arrow leaves the bow."88 And he also said, "There will appear at the end of time a people, youthful of age, foolish of mind, they will speak with the best speech of creation. They will recite the Qurʾān which will not pass their throats. They depart from the religion as the arrow departs from the bow. Wherever you meet them, kill them for there is reward (lying) with Allāh on the Day of Judgement for whoever killed them."89

The ḥadīths in this regard are plentiful and related with large-scale transmission and the elementary principles of Islām are definitive about the one who made lawful blood which is unlawful, he has thrown the yoke of Islām from his neck. For there is the ruling upon the political killing which is more severe than the deliberate killing which takes place between the people and Allāh may pardon the killer through His bounty, or may make retribution (qaṣāṣ) to be an expiation for his sin due to His bounty and mercy. But as for the political killer, he is wilfully determined upon his action right to the last moment of his life, he boasts about it and thinks it is the action of the brave.

Now there is another ḥadīth in relation to political assassination which is not subject to any interpretation. There was between al-Zubayr bin al-ʿAwwām and ʿAlī bin Abī Ṭālib what there was of a political dispute which ended in the occurrence of [the battle of] al-Jamal. A man came to al-Zubayr bin al-ʿAwwām and said, "Shall I kill ʿAlī for you?" And he said, "No. How can you kill him whilst he has armies (of soldiers) with him?" He said, "I will get close to him and then assassinate him." He said, "No. The Mesenger of Allāh () said, "Verily īmān (faith) hinders assassination. A believer is not to be assassinated."90 Meaning, that faith restricts a Believer from tumbling into apostasy, for if he was to do that, he would not be a Believer. As for al-Naqrāshī, then Allāh has honoured him with martyrdom, he has the virtue of the martyrs with

88 The ḥadīth of Abū Saʿīd al-Khudrī reported in Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim. 89 The ḥadīth of ʿAlī bin Abī Ṭālib reported in Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim. 90 Reported in the Musnad of Imām Aḥmad bin Ḥanbal with Aḥmad Shākir's taḥqīq.

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Allāh and their nobility. He died a death which many of the Companions of Allāḥ's Messenger () used to wish for. ʿUmar bin al-Khaṭṭāb wished for it until he attained it and thus he acquired a great status with Allāh and the highest of ranks.

But indeed, sin, humiliation and blame is upon those Khārijite murderers who make lawful the (spilling) of blood and (likewise) against whoever defends them and who desirers to make our country to stumble into what Europe stumbled into of permitting political assassinations and lightening the punishment (for its perpetrators). For they do not know what they are doing, and I do not wish to accuse them of knowing and wanting (to do what they do)." End of article from Aḥmad Shākir. Published in the magazine al-Asās on 2nd January 1949CE.

From the above it is clear that in the view of the genuine Salafī scholars of Egypt, the daʿwah of al-Ikhwān was a criminal daʿwah and that the Ikhwān appeared as Khārijites who were supported in their activities by other (hidden) hands who had higher, broader objectives related to the politics of the country and the region.

Testimony from the two Salafī Brothers, Scholars, Ḥasan bin ʿAbd al- Wahhāb al-Bannā and Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Bannā that the Muslim Brotherhood Was upon Takfīr of the Rulers Decades Before Sayyid Quṭb

Shaykh Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Bannā () said,91 "The first to institute the innovation of revolt against the rulers in the modern era was Ḥasan al-Bannā, through the route of demonstrations and revolutions." The Shaykh goes on to explain how in 1936CE he would come across youth who had been beguiled by Ḥasan al-Bannā and would create bombs and then throw them in public places and in commercial centres. The Shaykh says that Ḥasan al-Bannā knows Tawḥid and Shirk but does not ever speak about them. This is because

91 Refer to the book "al-Tafjīrāt" of Abū ʿAbd al-Aʿlā (pp. 5-6) through Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (Dār Sabīl al-Muʾminīn, 2010CE).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 58 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS one of my friends called Sayyid Saʿd, in Ismāʿīliyyah, when al-Bannā used to sit with the one who sought rescue from calamity from other than Allāh, and with one who would say the Messenger is created from light, and with the one who would wear talismans and charms (for protection), he (Saʿd) would say to him, "Is this not from shirk?! Won't you prohibit them from it?" And al-Bannā would answer him, "Afterwards, this is not the time for it." So he (Saʿd) said to him, "What if you die before you teach them, what will be your position in front of Allāh?" He said, "I know how I will answer."

And Shaykh Ḥasan bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Bannā (not to be confused with Ḥasan al-Bannā) said, "I met with some youth from the movement of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn, and I would see them constant in prayer, having zeal and jealousy for Islām in a general way. I would present the methodology of daʿwah of Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jamāʿah to them, but they would oppose it and argue that their supreme leader of their jamāʿah (Ḥasan al-Bannā) warned them from this particular approach because it splits the Muslims. They would focus their call around establishing the prescribed punishments (ḥudūd), and that the Sharīʿah should be implemented through an Islāmic government which they were striving to accomplish in the short or long term, even if it was through civil disobedience and struggling against the rulers whom they considered disbelievers, or oppressors or sinners due to their interpetation of the noble verse, "And whosoever does not judge by what Allāh has revealed, then they are the disbelievers" (5:44), " And whosoever does not judge by what Allāh has revealed, then they are the oppressors" (5:45), "And whosoever does not judge by what Allāh has revealed, then they are the sinners" (5:47). " The Shaykh went on to explain that he once went with some youth to a gathering to meet Ḥasan al-Bannā in al-Ḥilmiyyah at the quarters of the Ikhwān at the regular weekly lesson. He said that he listened to the speech of Ḥasan al-Bannā amidst the takbīr's and tahmīd's and exclamations that were common to them and he saw that al-Bannā only spoke very generally. He never spoke about the correct Islāmic ʿaqīdah, the issues of Tawḥīd, and it was such

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From the testimony of these two Salafī Shaykhs both of whom lived during the era of Ḥasan al-Bannā and met him, we can see that the daʿwah of al-Bannā was a Takfīrī, revolutionary daʿwah that utilized assassinations and terrorism and that they considered the rulers to be disbelievers, even if they concealed such ideas and did not proclaim them outside of their own circles. These are all remnants of the ways of the Bāṭinīyyah who use secrecy, concealment and deception as part of their daʿwah.

92 From the book al-Ikwān al-Muslimūn (p. 53) of ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī through Lumuḥāt ʿan Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn.

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The Legacy of the Muslim Brotherhood

It is not possible to document eight decades of the evils, disasters and corruption wrought by the Muslim Brotherhood in its crimes against Islām and its adherents. Suffice it to say that it was designed as an umbrella organization to give every astray innovator and opposer to Allāh and His Messenger a platform to aid in the destruction of Islām, its ʿaqīdah and its manhaj whilst working sedition in the lands of the Muslims, keeping them from true and real progress, hindering the daʿwah to Allāḥ, the daʿwah to Tawḥīd and Sunnah, which is the true basis of rectification. If we were to document all their evils and the variety of orientations found amongst them we would reach a few hundred pages very quickly. Amongst them you fill find the Khārijite, the Shīʿite, the Ṣūfī, the Ḥulūlī, the Ashʿarī, the Muʿtazilī, the Jahmī, the Modernist, even the Secularist, the denier of the Sunnah and so on. And many of them are heads in Freemasonry. Indeed the Muslim Brotherhood was not set up except to harm the Muslim nations, and this will become even more evident when we take a look at the writings and ideologies of Sayyid Quṭb, a Bāṭinī Freemason, like his predecessor Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.

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Summary

Ḥasan al-Bannā is the chief of tribulations in the 20th century, the head of takfīr, khurūj and vile ḥizbiyyah and he is the inheritor of Jamāl al- Dīn al-Afghānī, the Bāṭinī, Rāfidī, Bābī Freemason who himself is a continuation of the legacy of the Bāṭinī movements of old. Al-Bannā is an embodiment of the Thālūth (Trinity) mentioned by Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī, the Trinity of Shiʿīsm, Ṣūfism and Siyāsah. His brother [ʿAbd al- Raḥmān al-Sāʿātī] was a staunch, extremist Shīʿite, writing and devising theatrical plays for the enemies of Allāh, the rulers of the Bāṭinī ʿUbaydiyyah. Al-Bannā called for nearness with the Shīʿītes. He himself was a staunch Sūfī, wallowing in taṣāwuff and the doctrines of waḥdat ul-wujūd and also called to waḥdat al-adyān. So there are two prongs of the Trinity. Add to them Bāṭinī secrecy, Freemasonic organization, and corrupt vile Machiavellian Siyāsah and your Trinity is complete. Three are one and one is three. Having said that, there was an abundance of Christians in al-Bannā's organization too, because he was upon the doctrine of waḥdat al-adyān and his call was not a religious call but purely a political one. The religion was just the outer cover to gain legitimacy and a large following needed for the ultimate goal.

Al-Bannā spread tribulation across all the Muslim lands through his jamāʿah and these tribulations eventually entered the ranks of the Salafīs many decades later in the 80s and 90s when misguided individuals such as ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿAbdul-Khāliq, Salmān al-ʿAwdah, Adnān Arʿūr and others propagandized for the teachings of Ḥasan al- Bannā and Sayyid Quṭb. Treacherously, they repackaged the destructive doctrines of Bannā and Quṭb for a Salafī audience and all praise is due to Allāh for the likes of Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī who stood in the face of these jamāʿāt, defending the Prophets, the Messengers, the Companions, the Islāmic Sharīʿah and the methodology of Nubuwwah (Prophethood) from their foreign, destructive, vile ideologies.93

93 Hasan al-Bannā sowed the seeds for the ideology of takfīr of the ummah and planted the idea into the minds of his loyal followers. Assassinations, bombings, destruction of infrastructure and targeting of civilians were taking place whilst he was the supreme leader of al-Ikhwān in the 1940s. These are

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The Prophets and Messengers () spent decades (and some of them centuries) in calling their people to Tawḥīd and never once did they enter into these types of activities. Rather, they patiently called to Allāh and knew that victory comes from Him, and despite the mockery, oppression and harm they suffered, they continued to show patience. This is because their goal was to call people to the worship of Allāh alone, not to seek the thrones of power. They are role-models for the people of the Sunnah, the callers to Allāh, who entrust their affairs to Allāh (), the best of aiders and protectors. Who are the role-models for the terrorists in their assassinations, bombings and terrorism? Abdullāḥ bin Sabaʾ, the Bāṭiniyyah, the Qarāmiṭah, Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī, Ḥasan al-Bannā, Sayyid Quṭb, Usāmah bin Lādin, Ayman al- Zawāhirī and others amongst the Khārijite hounds whose tireless barking remains a nuisance to the ummah.

In reality, the Muslim Brotherhood is a trojan horse organization which continues in the tradition of the Bāṭinī movements of old, following the agendas of Freemasonic societies and pseudo-religions (like the Bahāʿiyyah) of pushing unity of religions, taqrīb (nearness between conflicting theological schools), and amassing people into revolts and rebellions with a view to causing unrest, turmoil and ultimately seizing power in Muslim lands. Their claimed attachment to the Islāmic daʿwah is only overt and superficial, and is used to give legitimacy to a more central agenda. Had their attachment to daʿwah been genuine, they would have turned the societies in which they live from the grave and saint-worship plaguing their lands to the pure Tawḥid of Allāh (), and from bidʿah to Sunnah. So when they threw this form of daʿwah behind their backs, it can only be surmised that they intend corruption

the methods used by the Bāṭinī movements like the Ismāʿīlī Assassins and the Qarāmiṭah, except that they are more severe in modern times due to the nature of the destructive weapons used. There is no distinction between the Muslim Brotherhood after the 1950s (the era of Sayyid Quṭb) and before the 1950s in terms of extremism and the ideology of takfīr. Al-Bannā sowed the seeds for all Khārijite movements in the 20th century and Sayyid Quṭb simply spelled out the takfīrī ideology more clearly and explicitly.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 63 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS from the outset, since what rectification is left after the daʿwah to the Tawḥid of Allāh is thrown behind the back against the wall? Indeed as Ibn Taymiyyah () mentions that the basis of every rectification on the Earth is the Tawḥīd of Allāh () and obedience to His Messenger and the basis of every corruption on the Earth is invoking others besides Allāh () and making other than the Messenger () as one who is followed and obeyed. So when we observe that the likes of Ḥasan al-Bannā would witness plain manifest kufr and shirk in front of his eyes and not say a word, it is apparent and clear that his daʿwah, from the very outset, was a daʿwah of corruption (fasād) and destruction (tadmīr).

The Ikhwān have no connection with rectification through authentic knowledge, they call for complete freedom (ḥurriyyah) and claim it has precedence over the application of the Sharīʿah, they call for unity of religions, they cooperate with the secularists, nationalists and communists, they are Khārijites against ruling authorities and their sole aim is acquisition of power, they have a Bāṭinī type secret organization, the takfīrī ideology and mentality runs through the spirit of the organization and likewise socialist ideologies are found in their daʿwah. They use deception, change colours and make alliances with any party or nation that will aid them in their goals, thus they have known to have connections and cooperation with the governments and intelligence agencies of Shīʿite Irān, the US and the Great Britain, both in the past and now. In fact, everything they throw at the scholars and rulers of the Muslim lands is to be found with them.

May Allāh protect Islām, its lands and its people from these Bāṭinī-type jamāʿāt and their evil designs. Ameen.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 15th Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 10th September 2014CE

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Appendix: Summary of the Statements of Salafī Scholars on al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn

What follows below is a summary compilation of the statements of Salafī scholars on the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān. They are taken from recorded statements or published works.

Shaykh Sāliḥ al-Luḥaydān: I hope that they do not take power in any Islāmic land and that power does not belong to them. They do not strive in their action to aid the ʿaqīdah and to raise its importance. Their action overwhelmingly is seeking rule. And in this (objective) they consider the statement of the murshid (supreme guide) to be like revelation from the sky, they do not permit anyone to leave (obedience) to him.94 Shaykh Sālih Āl al-Shaykh: Their most prominent manifestation in daʿwah is that they use concealment, secrecy, changing of colours, and nearness to whomever they think will benefit them (in their goals), and not manifesting the reality of their affair. Meaning, that they are Bāṭiniyyah in one type amongst its types. They do not respect the Sunnah or love its people. They desire to take leadership. They have love and hate for the sake of the ḥizb or jamāʿah.95 Shaykh Muqbil bin Hādī: As for (its) methodology, then it is an innovated methodology from its very inception and from its very first affair. The founder would circulate the graves, he is Ḥasan al- Bannā, he would call to nearness between the Sunnah and Shīʿah and would celebrate the mawlid. Thus, the methodology from its very beginning is the methodology of an astray innovator.96 Shaykh Ḥammād al-Anṣārī: Al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn are the supporters of al- Khomeinī and the Rawāfiḍ.97 Imām al-Albānī: It is not correct for it to be said that they (al-Ikhwān) are from Ahl al-Sunnah, because they wage war against the Sunnah. Imām al-Albānī: Combining between Salafiyyah and Ikhwāniyyyah is like combining between correctness

9494 From audio recording, local copy saved. 95 Audio Compilation: Fatāwā al-ʿUlamā fī al-Jamāʿāt wa Atharuhā ʿalā Bilād al- Ḥaramayn. Tasjīlāt Minhāj al-Sunnah, Riyāḍ. 96 Tuḥfat ul-Mujīb, Question 77. 97 In his Majmūʾ (2/699).

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98 From audio recording, local copy saved. 99 Al-Ajwibah al-Mukhtaṣirah ʿalā al-Asʾilah al-ʿAsharah (p. 43). 100 In the introduction to his article, "Ḥaqīqat Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn." 101 From an audio recording, published, transcribed and distributed online. 102 From audio recording, local copy saved.

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The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qaidah and ISIS

Part 5: Ashʿarī, Bāṭinī, Rāfiḍī Freemason: Sayyid Quṭb, Grandfather of 20th Century Takfīrī and Terrorist Ideology

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The Legacies of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʿ and Nāfiʿ bin Azraq Upon the Rāfiḍah and the Khawārij

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The Armies of the Khārijites and the Dajjāl (Anti-Christ)

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Al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn Are Bāṭiniyyah in One Aspect From its Numerous Aspects

Shaykh Sālih Āl al-Shaykh said in relation to al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn, "Their most prominent manifestation in daʿwah is that they use concealment, secrecy, changing of colours, and nearness to whomever they think will benefit them (in their goals), and not manifesting the reality of their affair. Meaning, that they are Bāṭiniyyah4 in one type (aspect) amongst its types (aspects). They do not respect the Sunnah or love its people. They desire to take leadership. They have love and hate for the sake of the ḥizb or jamāʿah."5

4 The Bāṭiniyyah sects were remnants of the past civilizations who were dominated or weakened by Islām, they showed the face of Shīʿism outwardly whilst concealing disbelief inwardly. They are precursors and forerunners to the modern form of Freemasony which started in the early 18th century (1700s) in Europe. The Bāṭiniyyah employed secrecy, secret organization and a structured heirarchy in their mode of operation and their aim was to work sedition in the lands of Islām with a view to weakening the Muslims and regaining control over the lands of Islām. They also preceded modern Freemasonic movements in the use of certain ideologies and concepts to arrive at their goals, such as the notions of social justice, freedom, equality, and the unity of religions. Refer to Part 2 in this series which deals specifically with the Bāṭiniyyah sects. 5 Abridged, from the audio compilation: Fatāwā al-ʿUlamā fī al-Jamāʿāt wa Atharuhā ʿalā Bilād al-Ḥaramayn. Tasjīlāt Minhāj al-Sunnah, Riyāḍ. Also related in Sirr al-Jamāʿah of ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī. 6 Ikhwān al-Muslimūn Fī Mīzan al-Ḥaqq, (p.118).

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From the other manifestations of the Bāṭiniyyah are revilement of the Companions (), instigating revolutions and encouraging the killing of Muslims. These affairs are also found with the main ideological figureheads of al-Ikhwān. In what follows, we shall present undeniable proof that the daʿwah of Sayyid Quṭb is an extension of the daʿwah of his predecessor in trials and tribulations, Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī, the Rāfiḍī, Bāṭinī Freemason.

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

Introduction

All praise is due to Allāh, the Lord of the Worlds, the Lord of Noaḥ, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muḥammad. May the peace and blessings be upon them all. To proceed:

The Bāṭinī movements in the early period of Islām went into motion in order to undermine the authority of the Companions () who had become leaders and rulers over vast lands, those which were formerly controlled by the great empires of the day. The tribulations amongst the Companions were stirred by individuals from these nations. The murder of ʿUmar () was carried out by Abū Luʾluʾ al-Majūsī, the assassination of ʿUthmān () was engineered by ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī. The revolution of Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī against Banū Umayyah and likewise that of the Khurramiyyah against Banū al- ʿAbbās were part and parcel of the activites of the Bāṭiniyyah. Anyone who intended tribulation would revile and attack the Companions of Allāh's Messenger () because they were the leaders of Islām and its lands. It became known and established in the early books of ʿaqīdah authored by the Righteous Salaf that anyone who reviled the Companions intended evil for Islām and its adherents, because that was the original intent behind reviling the Companions. Ibn Kathīr mentions from al-Maymūnī who said, "Imām Aḥmad said to me, 'O Abā al-Ḥasan, when you see a man mention any of the Companions with evil, then suspect him in relation to Islām'."7 Meaning that such a person intends evil towards Islām.

Upon the spread of this ʿaqīdah and the knowledge of the obligation to remain silent about the tribulations which took place between the

7 In al-Bidāyah wal-Nihāyah (8/148).

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Companions8 and of the obligation to respect them, anyone who wished to speak ill of the Companions by concealment did so, not by attacking them directly, but by attacking Muʿāwiyah () who was the first of the kings of Islām.9 Under his authority, the Muslims conquered vast

8 These tribulations were caused by outside influences and ensued after the assassination of ʿUthmān (). The difficult circumstances which followed were monopolized upon by the Sabʾiyyah, the group of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ, to cause rifts and divisions between the Companions. 9 Muʿāwiyah bin Abī Sufyān was amongst the Muslims who accepted Islām prior to the conquest of Makkah but concealed his faith from his father, Abū Sufyān. Ibn ʿAsākir relates the saying of Muʿāwiyah, "I accepted Islām on the day of the affair [referring to events surrrounding the treaty of Ḥudaybiyyah in 7AH] but concealed my faith out of the fear of my father" Tārīkh Dimashq, (5/19). He participated in the battle of Ḥunayn with the Messenger (). Ibn Taymiyyah mentions in al-Fatāwā (4/458) that he and others such as Suhayl bin ʿAmr, al-Ḥārith bin Hishām were from those upon whom Allāḥ sent down tranquiilty (sakīnah) during the battle, as occurs in the verse, "He is the one who sent down His tranquility upon His Messenger and upon the Believers..." (9:26). Likewise the verse (Ḥadīd 57:10) which promises goodness for those who spent and fought after the conquest of Makkah includes Muʿāwiyah as also indicated by Ibn Taymiyyah in al-Fatāwā (4/459). Further, the Messenger () made supplication for him, "O Allāh make him a guide (for others), guided (in himself) and guides others through him." Ṣaḥīḥ Sunan al-Tirmidhī of al-Albānī (3/326). Likewise in al-Bukhārī, from the ḥadīth of Umm Ḥarām that she heard the Prophet () say, "[Paradise, forgiveness] will become obligatory for the first army from my ummah to makes a sea expedition.." So Umm Ḥarām said, "O Messenger of Allāh, am I from them?" He said, "You are from them." Muʿāwiyah was the first to make a sea expedition to Cyprus. Muʿāwiyah was also a writer of revelation, Ibn Taymiyyah said, "For it has been established through large-scale transmission that the Prophet () commanded him as he commanded others, and he made jihād alongside him and he was trustworthy to him, writing the revelation for him, the Prophet () did not suspect him at all in the writing of revelation." Al-Fatāwā (4/472). Muʿāwiyah () also related 163 ḥadīths from the Prophet () some of which are found in al-Bukhārī and Muslim. Muʿāwiyah is also "the Uncle of the Believers" because he is the brother of Umm Ḥabībah bint Abū Sufyān, who is the Prophet's wife. As for his rulership, then he was appointed by ʿUmar bin al-Khaṭṭāb to rule over Shām,

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 7 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS regions of the Earth and he was also the first to launch a successful sea expedition. Thus, anyone who desired to attack Islām and its people but desired to conceal their hatred towards its carriers and conveyers (the Companions) would target speech towards Muʿāwiyah () in particular. This was simply another approach in the Bāṭinī ideology which intended harm for Islām and its people. However, the Righteous Salaf, wise to this, on the basis of what they understood from revealed texts, consolidated and protected the fortress of Islām by making it clear that Muʿāwiyah is the veil, the cover for the rest of the Companions, and that whoever attacked Muʿāwiyah has lifted that veil and made the rest of the Companions vulnerable to attack and thus intends evil for Islām and its adherents.

Ibn Kathīr brings the following statement of al-Rabīʿ bin Nāfiʿ al-Ḥalabī, "Muʿāwiyah is the veil (covering) for the Companions of Muḥammad and ʿUmar was most knowledgeable and informed about men and would only appoint them due to his trust in them and his knowledge of their capabilities. He became the first king of Islām as he said, "I am the first of the kings of Islām" as related in the Muṣannaf of Ibn Abī Shaybah (6/207). The Prophet () explained that after the Prophetic Khilāfah there would be a kingship of mercy, and this was another praise of the rule of Muʿāwiyah (). He () said, "The first of this affair (of Islām) is nubuwwah (prophethood) and mercy. Then there will be khilāfah (succession) and mercy. Then there will be mulk (kingship) and mercy." Reported by al-Ṭayālisī and Aḥmad, decelared ṣaḥīḥ by al-Albānī (al-Ṣaḥīḥah no. 3270). Al-Dhahabī said, "Chief of the Believers, the King of Islām, Abu ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Qurashī, al- Amawī, al-Makkī." al-Siyar (5/116). Ibn Abī al-ʿIzz said, "Muʿāwiyah () is the first of the kings of the Muslims and he is the best of the kings of the Muslims." Sharḥ al-Tahāwiyyah (p. 722). Ibn Taymiyayh said, "The scholars are agreed that Muʿāwiyah is the best of the kings of this ummah. For the four that were before him were the caliphs of nubuwwah (prophethood) and he was the first of the kings, his kingship was one of mercy as has come in the ḥadīth... and there was in his kingship such mercy, gentleness and benefit for the Muslims that nothing better was known about the kingship of others besides him." Majmūʿ al-Fatāwā (4/478). Al-Khallāl relates that Muʿāfī bin ʿImrān was asked whether Muʿāwiyah or ʿUmar bin ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was superior and he replied "Muʿāwiyah was six-hundred times the likes of ʿUmar bin ʿAbd al-Azīz." As-Sunnah (2/435).

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(). So when a man removes the covering he will transgress against what lies beyond it (meaning the Companions)."10 And Ibn Kathīr also brings the statement of ʿAbdullāh bin al-Mubārak, "Muʿāwiyah is a test (trial) for us. Whomever we see looking at him suspiciously then we suspect him in relation to those people (the Companions)." What we learn from these statements is that Muʿāwiyah () has been made a fitnah (trial) and miḥnah (test, examination). A person's attitude towards the Companions and his intentions towards them is known from his intentions and attitude towards Muʿāwiyah (). For this reason when the Salaf saw a man belittling Muʿāwiyah () they suspected him of harbouring ill-will and malice towards the Companions as a whole, and hence to Islām itself. Ibn Kathīr relates from al-Faḍl bin Ziyād who said, "I heard Abū ʿAbdullāh (Imām Aḥmad) being asked about a man who reviled Muʿāwiyah and ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ and whether he should be labelled a Rāfiḍī and he said, 'He did not venture into transgressing against them except that he was secretly harbouring evil. No one ever belittled any of the Companions except that he has an evil intent'."11

Once the above is clear, then amongst the first in the modern era to revile Muʿāwiyyah through revilement of the caliphate of ʿUthmān was the Bāṭinī Ismāʿīlī Freemason Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.12 Al-Afghānī claimed that "class distinction" was instituted in the era of ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān - this is an evil Communist, Marxist interpretation of the reign of ʿUthmān (). He was followed in these very same claims by the Bāṭinī Freemason Sayyid Quṭb who spread this poison in his works on "social justice" following the ways of the remnants of the Persian, Magian, Communist Mazdakiyyah and the ways of the Sabʾiyyah.13 This legacy is inherited from them and Quṭb brought it to the world through his writings. For that reason he was honoured by the state of Irān, by the mushrik, kāfir, al-Khomeini, whose revolution in 1979 was aided by

10 In al-Bidāyah wal-Nihāyah (8/139). 11 In al-Bidāyah wal-Nihāyah (8/148). 12 Refer to Part 3 in this series where his statements are documented. 13 Refer to Part 2 of this series for more information on these movements.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 9 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS the books of Quṭb. They honoured Quṭb, the reviler of ʿUthmān and mukaffir of Muʿāwiyah and Banū Umayyah, by issuing a postage stamp dedicated to him.

In the mid-1990s a number of organizations and individuals affected by the teachings of ʿAbd al- Raḥmān ʿAbd al-Khāliq14 embarked upon a well- orchestrated campaign to undermine the foundations (uṣūl) of the Salafī methodology, its scholars and callers, doing this in the very name of Salafiyyah. At the forefront of this wicked call were the organization of JIMAS, headed by Abū Muntaṣir Munawwar ʿAlī, in collaboration with ʿAlī al-Timīmī15 and Idris Palmer.16 The 1990s was a decade of confusion because during this time, the realities of the various movements and organizations such as the Quṭbiyyah, Surūriyyah, Iḥyā al-Turāth and others, had not become clear. It was not until the end of decade and the turn of the century when clear statements and rulings began to appear from the major Salafī scholars such as Imām Ibn Bāz, Imām al-Albānī, Imām Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn against the Quṭbī, Takfīrī Khārijites ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿAbd al-Khāliq, Salmān al-

14 An Egyptian Takfīrī, Ikhwānī who moved to Kuwait in the 1960s and looked at the Kuwaitī society through the ideology and vision of Sayyid Quṭb. He became a caller to the methodologies of Sayyid Quṭb (takfīr, ḥākimiyyah) and Ḥasan al-Bannā (multiplicity of groups), but in a disguised and clever way, reformulating their ideas into new principles which could be used to indoctrinate the largely Salafī populations in places like Kuwait, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. His speech centred around tawḥid al-ḥākimiyyah and taʿaddud al-jamāʿāt (multiplicity of groups) was a concealed way of entering the thought of Quṭb and Bannā into the minds of Salafīs. 15 ʿAlī al-Timimī is currently serving a life sentence in the US on terrorism related charges. It is relayed that al-Timīmī considered the US invasion of Afghanistan as a signal of "the approach of Armageddon" and encouraged some of his follows to travel there to fight. 16 The last we heard about Idris Palmer was speech regarding the "Millenium Bug" conspiracy where a glitch in computing systems would lead to worldwide meltdown and chaos.

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ʿAwdah, Safar al-Ḥawālī that the tide turned and the efforts of Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī over the preceding decade had been vindicated.

The Ashʿarī Ṣūfīs of al-Ikhwān who fled Egypt in the 1960s and sought refuge in the Gulf were graciously accommodated by those countries. But, as they gained influential positions in teaching and government bodies in Saudī, Kuwait and the Emirates they started to build their Ikhwānī infrastructure using the methods of the Bāṭiniyyah and began promulgating their ideology. They managed to cultivate and prepare numerous callers who came out openly after the Gulf War in order to implement the Quṭbī methodology, thinking that the right conditions had arrived for them to make their move.

From their main stooges were Salmān al-ʿAwdah, Safar al-Ḥawālī and numerous others who between them promulgated the ideas of Sayyid Quṭb and Ḥasan al-Bannā. These ideas were cleverly reformulated for Salafī audiences.17 Their goal being to topple Sunnī, Islāmic authorities through the use of secret organization, having first mustered a large gathering that has been nurtured upon the "correct ʿaqīdah", meaning the ʿaqīdah of takfīr (excommunication) and khurūj (revolt) of Sayyid Quṭb.

Pictured: "The Imām of Guidance" of Salmān al-Awdah and Safar al-Ḥawālī! They were the Chiefs of Quṭbiyyah in Saudi Arabia during the 1990s. Quṭb is also the ideological grandfather of al-Qāʿidah and ISIS.

17 Hence, their speech about Tawḥid al-Hākimiyyah, Taʿaddud al-Jamāʿat (multiplicity of groups), and various matters pertaining to al-Jarḥ wal-Taʿdīl for which they invented principles with a view to abolishing if not compromising the firmly-established foundation with Ahl al-Sunnah of refuting the heads of innovation, their writings and their followers.

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Now, as we approach 2015, a full twenty years after these tribulations affected many countries besides those of the Gulf, we see the natural outcome of these ideologies: the barbarity of ISIS. These movements which were put into motion by the Ashʿarī Ṣūfī and Shīʿite Ikhwānīs18 of Egypt made inroads into the Salafī daʿwah through penetration of the Gulf countries. Through their doctrines of jāhiliyyah, ḥākimiyyah and imāmah (leadership) coupled with a strong takfīrī mentality, they derailed the progression of the Prophetic methodology in daʿwah and took it instead towards a direction that has now culminated in the Qarāmiṭī and Azāriqī terrorist activities of ISIS, those which even al- Qaidah consider barbaric.19 The Qarāmiṭah were pseudo-Shīʿites harbouring enmity towards the Muslims and when they established their state in Eastern Arabia in the early 4th century, they would massacre the Muslim pilgrims on their way to Ḥajj and steal their belongings. Terror was spread during that era and people were scared to leave their homes and set out on journeys. Similarly, the Azāriqah were an extreme sect of the Khārijites who would slaughter Muslims in the streets and mosques and hold inquisitions to test people's positions towards the rulers. The natural outcome of the ideological writings of Quṭb is the barbaric activity of ISIS which we are witnessing these days.

In what follows we take a look at the life and ideology of Sayyid Quṭb who is now established - with compelling proof - to have been a Freemason. It is ironic that all those accusations made by the Quṭbiyyah and Surūriyyah against the scholars and rulers of the

18 Ḥasan al-Bannā was a staunch Ṣūfī and his brother, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṣāʿātī was a staunch Shīʿīte. 19 Every single one of most vocal of the extremist Khārijites of the 1990s has now come out to free himself from the barbarity of ISIS, when these people are the very ones whose extremist ideologies and judgements in the 1990s are behind the emergence of ISIS. People like Sulaymān al-ʿUlwān, Abū Baṣīr Muṣtafā Ḥalīmah, Abu Muḥammad al-Maqdisī, Abu Qatādah al-Filistīnī, not to forget those treacherous Quṭbīs like ʿAdnān Arʿūr, Nāsir al-ʿUmar, Salman al- ʿAwdah. Similarly, in the West, individuals like Shakīl Begg, the Takfīrī and Abu Zubayr Salīm Begg al-Azzāmī al-Quṭbi. These people waged a war against the Prophetic methdology of daʿwah, its scholars and callers.

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Muslims, particularly those of the Gulf, are coming true about their own ideological figureheads, those whom they defended with a defence that they never made, not for a single day, for ʿŪthmān () whom Quṭb reviled and nor Muʿāwiyah () whose Islām Quṭb negated.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 23rd Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 18th September 2014CE

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Part 5: The Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Freemason, Sayyid Quṭb

Though Ḥasan al-Bannā sowed the seeds for the Takfīrī mentality and spirit, it was Sayyid Quṭb who spelled it out thoroughly and and conveyed it explicitly, placing the dots on all the letters. Just as Ḥasan al-Bannā utilized terrorism through his secret apparatus and militia wing that partook in political assassinations and bombings in the 1940s, Sayyid Quṭb also atempted to mobilize a similar apparatus in the sixties to unleash terror in Cairo and other cities across Egypt which were inhabited by "apostate" societies who had allegedly thrown the yoke of Islām from their necks and "reverted to a jāhiliyyah more severe than the pre-Islāmic jāhiliyyah." It is from the ideologies of these Ṣūfī, Ashʿarī, Bāṭinī, Takfīrī extremists that the terrorism of al-Qaidah and ISIS derives its ideological basis and justification. There is no Salafism here. These extremist, terrorist ideologies are not found in the books of the Salaf, nor Ibn Taymiyyah20 nor Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb,21 but they are found

20 Shaykh al-Islām Ibn Taymiyyah distinguished between the Mongols whose Islām was dubious because they considered their leader Genghis Khān to be a prophet and they treated the various religions, including Islām, to be similar to the four schools of jurisprudence within Islām and between the rulers of the Muslims who fell short in ruling by what Allāh revealed in beliefs, rulings and worship. With respect to the latter, even though the rulers of his time held beliefs which he considered to comprise disbelief, he did not make takfīr of them (or the scholars and subjects), granting them the excuse of shubhah (misconception) and taʾwīl (faulty interpretation) and jahl (ignorance). He also enjoined obedience to them in accordance with the Prophetic commands. The Khārijites of today are either ignorant of this distinction, or they deliberately lie in order to equate todays rulers over the Muslim lands with Genghis Khān himself. This is to facilitate their revolutionary, bloodthirsty methodology which first requires mass takfīr. 21 The call of Shaykh Muḥammad bin ʿAbd al-Wahhāb was to the Tawḥid of Allāh, and when he engaged in this call, evil scholars roused the rulers of the region against him and led the aggression against him. The Shaykh did not make mass takfīr of the ummah. This is because he granted the general folk the excuse of ignorance, for being led and misguided by evil scholars. The Shaykh sought to repel aggression from himself as did his offspring when forces hostile to their message conspired to attack and eliminate them. As for al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn, the very foundation of their ideology is based upon

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 14 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS in the works of the people of fikr (thought) amongst the Ashʿarī, Ṣūfī tradition that came out of Egypt. This fikr produced not just takfīr and irhāb, but numerous other ideological evils. This gave birth to the "Islāmic Mufakkir" (thinker) of the 20th century which was simply a label used to glorify non-Scholars who delved and spoke in issues they were not fit for because of their ignorance of Islām in general, and its ʿaqīdah and manāhij (methodologies) in particular.

A Glimpse of Sayyid Quṭb's Life22

In what follows we provide a glimpse of Quṭb's life and the various ideological phases he passed through and the poison he began to inject into Islām, its ʿaqīdah and its manhaj.

Sayyid Quṭb, Sūfism and Devotion to Saints

Sayyid Quṭb was born in October 1906 in the town of Mūshā in Asyūṭ district. He was born into a Ṣūfī family. His father would recite al- Fātiḥah, the opening chapter of the Qurʾān, with the evening meal every night, dedicating it to the spirits of his parents.23 This is a well- known innovation amongst the Ṣūfīs.24 Another practice in the household was the khatam, a ceremony involving food and

the doctrine of the absences of the Muslim ummah, in other words, there is no Muslim society in existence and there cannot be one, until they eliminate all contemporary jāhilī societies through revolutions and replace them with a genuine pious, righteous Muslim society. 22 Much of the biographical information here is taken from the biographical study of Sayyid Quṭb written by Ṣalāh al-Khālidī, "Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Mīlād ilā al-Istishhād" (Dār al-Shāmiyyah, 1994) unless stated otherwise. This author has written several books, specializing in Sayyid Quṭb, his life and works and he writes from a pro-Quṭb perspective. 23 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 36) and Mashāhid al-Qiyāmah fī al-Qurʾān of Sayyid Quṭb (p. 5). 24 Usāmah bin Lādin's origins also lie in Ṣūfism, his family came from the Ṣūfī tradition in Yemen before moving to Saudī Arabia. The ideologies of these people did not originate with Ibn Taymiyyah or Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb but in the books of the Ashʿarī Ṣūfīs of Egypt.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 15 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS supplication performed upon completion of a full reading of the Qurʾān.25 This is another typical Ṣūfī innovation. His upringing as a youth was upon the same tradition, having collected a series of twenty- five books which he was infatuated with. From these books were "al- Burdah of al-Buṣayrī", "Sīrah Ibrāhīm al-Dusūqī" (d. 676H, a Ṣufī saint who is believed to be one of four saints who control the universe), "al- Sayyid al-Badawī" (d. 675H, a Bāṭinī ʿAlawī Shīʿite),26 "Dalāʾil al- Khayrāt",27 "Duʿā Niṣf Shaʿbān" and others.28 Sayyid Quṭb also lived in a town called al-Shaykh ʿĀbd al-Fattāḥ, named afer a Ṣūfī saint.29 It is clear from this that there is no "Wahhābist" or "Salafist" nurturing here. It is hardcore Sūfism.

Sayyid Quṭb, Astrology and Magic

In his father's book collection were numerous books of astrology and magic such as, "Abū Maʿshar al-Falakī"30 and "Shamhūrish" which

25 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 35) 26 He was born in Fez in Morocco in 596H and died inṬanṭā in Egypt in 675H. In that time the Bāṭinī ʿUbaydiyyah were plotting how to return rule and authority to themselves after they had been defeated by Ṣalāh al-Dīn al-Ayūbī (). They decided to show the face of Ṣūfism to conceal their Shīʿism as part of this agenda. After a group of them met in Makkah, having come from various regions of the former ʿUbaydī empire, they decided to send Aḥmad al- Badawī to Ṭanṭā as he was the most qualified and fit for the task of their new daʿwah, but this time under the veil of Ṣūfism so as to avoid raising suspicion. Shaykh ʿAbd al-Raḥmān bin Ḥasan Āl al-Shaykh relates in his book Qurrat ʿUyūn al-Muwaḥḥidīn (p. 106), quoting from al-Sakhāwī (in al-Ḍawʾ al-Lāmiʿ) who quotes from Abu Ḥayyān that al-Badawī entered the mosque on the day of Jumuʿah, sat and urinated therein, then sat and eventually walked out without praying after the Jumuʿah prayer had been performed. 27 A well known Ṣūfī book comprising many statements of shirk in the form of supplications, remembrances and and praises made for the Messenger (), many of which ascribe qualities belonging only to Allāh to the Messenger (). 28 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 65) and Quṭb's Ṭifl min al-Qariyah (p. 127). 29 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 25) and Quṭb's Ṭifl min al-Qariyah (p. 86). 30 He was a Persian astrologer and magician.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 16 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS comprise spells of the type that bring about love (al-ʿaṭf) and separation (al-ṣarf) between a couple. Quṭb learned this skill and would practise it in his town. He became the preferred practitioner of this type of magic upon women and girls for two reasons. Firstly, he was young and secondly, he never used to charge to perform the magic. Quṭb wrote about this himself in his book Ṭifl Min al-Qariyah.31

Sayyid Quṭb, Materialist Philosophies and His Phase of Heresy, Atheism

After completed studies in Cairo in 1924 he began working as a teacher and an editor for numerous newpapers. He also attended the gatherings of the Nationalist party and then the Wafd party. Between 1929 and 1933 he completed more studies at the Dār al-ʿUlūm and began to frequent the gatherings of ʿAbbās al-ʿAqqād. This was the same period in which he started engrossing himself in Western materialist and secular philosophies. He fell into doubt, lack of certainty and remoteness from the religion due the influence of these atheistic, materialistic philosophies such as Marxism, Communism, Existentialism and others.32 This phase of his life continued until he reached forty years of age. Sulaymān Fayāḍ, wrote that "he heard Sayyid Quṭb with his own two ears saying that he was an atheist for 11 years."33 And Quṭb's friend, ʿAbbās Khiḍr, writes that one day Sayyid Quṭb said to him, "Religion is needed to lead human herds (slave populations, serfs) but its leaders are not able to make others subservient."34

Ṣalāh al-Khālidī writes, "[ʿAbbās] al-ʿAqqād was an enemy to Communism, waging war against it. He wrote numerous books in its refutation, from them 'Communism and Humanity.' The Communists attacked him maliciously in return and he stood against them with all

31 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 66) and Quṭb's Ṭifl min al-Qariyah (p. 139, 141). 32 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 214). 33 In a 1986 article titled "Sayyid Quṭb Between Literary Criticism and 20th Century Jāhiliyyah." 34 In a 1983 series titled "Hāʾulāʾ ʿAraftuhum" (Those Ones I Knew), p. 56 and mentioned by Sālaḥ al-Khālidī (p. 159).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 17 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS courage and strength. There are some issues spread by some of them, that Sayyid Quṭb was inclined towards Socialism or to Communism and that in the period in which he was astray in his thought, passing through the stage of doubt and confusion about religious realities, and came very close to atheism, he became very close to the Communist atheists! We say that these claims that had it not been for ʿAqqād - the enemy of Communism - who had protected his student, Sayyid would have been a Communist atheist and that al-ʿAqqād had a great favour of him (Quṭb) from this angle."35 Al-Khālidī is partisan to Sayyid Quṭb as is evident through his biographical account and always portrays Quṭb in the best possible light. He goes on to say that these claims are incorrect regarding al-ʿAqqād being Quṭb's saviour. In any case, there is no denying that Quṭb was engrosessed in materialist philosophies for fifteen years of his life as al-Khālidī himself acknowledges elsewhere in his book.

A Call to Nudism

Through the 1930s Quṭb published his own pieces in various political newspapers such as al-Ahrām, al-Balāgh, Kawkab al-Sharq, al-Risālah, al-Muqtaṭaf and others. The Ikhwānī historian, Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm, alleged in his book "Aḥdāth Ṣanaʿat al-Tārīkh" (1/190-192) that Sayyid Quṭb wrote an article in al-Ahrām newspaper published on 17th May 1934 in which he made a call to nudism, inviting the people to go about in complete nudity on the streets, just as they were given birth to by their mothers. This was later challenged by others who came out to defend Sayyid Quṭb and attacked Maḥmud ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm in the process, for having spread a false allegation. However, it turns out that the allegation, broadly speaking, was true and had some basis. The allegation was supported by the fact that four years later on 10th July 1938, Sayyid Quṭb published a piece in al-Ahrām titled al-Shawāṭiʾ al- Maytah (The Dead Beach) in which he defended the practice of nudity on the beaches and criticised those who attacked it. Quṭb wrote, "Those who call for lengthening of swimwear garments and covering bodies with robes are in reality calling to a tribulation that is (currently)

35 Sālaḥ al-Khālidī (p. 159).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 18 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS asleep and awakening desires, whilst they think they are rectifiers." In other, words, Quṭb claimed that it is modest clothing on the beach as opposed to nudity which stirs the desires.

In response, an article against Quṭb was published in the Ikhwānī newspaper, al-Nadhīr, on 18th July 1938 with the title "al-Nufūs al- Salīmah" by Muḥammad Ḥusayn Abū Sālim in which he scathingly and sarcastically writes, "Yes Mr. Quṭb, woe be to those that they should be rectifiers, zealous for chastity (virtue). And what are the likes of you going to be?! And you, O teacher of rectification and protector of the sanctuary of chastity, you have shown jealousy for them both, have lived them both and for their sake you have sent forth a high-pitched scream to let the beaches remain upon a playful nudity, O rectifiers who have jealousy for morals, (such nudity) is better for guaranteeing the tempering of whimsical desires, and better for protecting morals! No welcome to these thoughts made gratituous with vileness, piled up with wickedness (fujūr), filled with imbecility, exiting from the religion..." and a little later he says, "And what is this call to nudity, chaos and invalidation of the rulings of the religion being invited to by writers with every insolence, and spread by the newspapers with delight and the government remains silent about them with brazenness?"36

The Art of Reviling the Messengers of Allāh ()

In 1939 he published a research piece which he titled "al-Taṣwīr al- Fannī fī al-Qurʾān" (The Depiction of Art in the Qurʾān) which was later published as a book in 1945. He explained, as occurs in the introduction to this book that after reading the books of tafsīr and listening to

which is published on (سيد قطب والدعوة إلى العري وإلاباحية) Refer to the article titled 36 http://www.ikhwanwiki.com. And refer also to the book Āfāt ʿalā al-Ṭarīq by Dr. Sayyid Muḥammad Nūḥ (2/244) who also covers the incident and mentions how Maḥmūd ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm brought it to the attention of Ḥasan al-Bannā, with a refutation, but was advised by al-Bannā to leave it with the reason that Sayyid Quṭb is only seeking attention for himself and refuting him may incite him even more, thus it is best to leave the matter!

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 19 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS teachers, he did not experience what he would experience from the Qurʾān as a child.37 Hence, he sought to revive that childhood experience of the Qurʾān and tried to highlight the aspect of art in the Qurʾān. He describes the Qurʾān repeatedly as "magic" (siḥr) in this book. He also reviled many of the Prophets of Allāh (). He spoke ill of Ādam (), describing him as "one who comprises all manifestations of weakness." He accused Ibrāhīm () of being a pagan and of worshipping other than Allāh due to his misinterpretation of the verses when Ibrāhīm saw the star and said, "This is my lord" (6:76). Ibrāhīm, meant this as a retort, as a rhetorical question, meaning to say, "The likes of this is my lord, as you [his people] claim?" As for Mūsā (), he described him as an "an easily-excited, impetuous leader" who is "nationalistic" whose "easily excitable nature would make him forget his past remorse." He portrays the connection between Sulaymān () and the Queen of Sabaʾ, not as it is in the Qurʾān as one of guidance and entrance into Islām, but insinuates everything that one may imagine about a relationship between a man and a woman. Then Quṭb adds that Sulaymān inherited this craving for women from his father Dāwūd (). With similar vile thoughts does he approach the story of Maryam (), insinuating that the creation of ʿĪsā () was due to a violation of her chastity and claiming that the way the Qurʾān presents the story, it pushes the reader to let loose his imagination with respect to "the strange man in the presence of a shy girl."

Literary and Artistic Critic, Not a Reformer

On the back of "al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī Fī al-Qurʾān" which was successful, he published another work, "Mashāhid al-Qiyāmah Fī al-Qurʾān" (Spectacles of the Day of Judgement in the Qurʾān). He portrayed the Day of Judgement in a way similar to how a person who watches a film or listens to music would describe his experience, as if he was reviewing a movie's musical and visual effects depicting the Day of Judgement. These writings were not intended as religious writings but

37 Taṣwīr al-Fannī fī al-Qurʾān (Dār al-Shurūq, 16th edition, 2002, p. 8).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 20 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS were purely a form of artistic and literary evaluation. The Qurʾān was simply the subject of this evaluation and Quṭb looked towards it not for guidance, but simply to apply his literary and artistic critique to the text and its style. Quṭb revealed that he was planning a series of books called "Maktabah al-Qurʾān al-Jadīdah" (The New Qurʾānic Library) and some of the titles in the series were to be "Namādhij al-Insāniyyah Fī al-Qurʾān" (Examples of Humanity in the Qurʾān), "al-Manṭiq al- Wajdānī Fī al-Qurʾān" (Emotional Logic in the Qurʾān) and "Asālīb al- ʿAraḍ al-Fannī Fī al-Qurʾān" (The Methods of Artistic Presentation in the Qurʾān). However, none of these works actually came into fruition. It is important to emphasize that these writings were not studies of the Qurʾān itself, in terms of its teachings, but a literary evaluation of its style from an artistic point of view, just like his first two works in this genre. It is clear that during this part of his career, Quṭb was simply a literary writer and critic with little connection to Islām itself and its sciences.

The Qurʿān as Music

Quṭb refers to the Qurʾān as a "musical" composition not just in his book al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī, published in 1945, but also in al-Dhilāl, written in the 1950s in his "Islamist" period. He says about Sūrah al- Najm, "This sūrah in its generality is like a grand, melodious, musical composition..."38 He says the same about Sūrah al-Ḍuḥā and Sūrah al- Layl, stating that they are "a musical arrangement (composition)." And in his explanation of Sūrah al-Nāziʿāt he says is a "musical rhythm."39 He says Sūrah al-ʿĀdiyāt "resembles the music of an-Nāziʿāt." Years earlier in "al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī" in a chapter spanning over 60 pages titled "al-Tanāsuq al-Fannī" he makes a constantly repeated reference to the musical nature (as he perceives it) of the Qurʾān. He uses the term "musical" (al-mūsīqī) in a variety of different ways, attempting to illustrate different "musical styles" from different sections of the Qurʾān.40

38 Al-Dhilāl (6/3404). 39 Al-Dhilāl (6/3811). 40 Refer to pages 87 to 142 in al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī (Ḍar al-Shurūq, 2002).

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Infatuation with Love, Sensuality41

During his literary writing days, Sayyid Quṭb was infatuated with romance, love and sensuality. Dr. Ibrāhīm Āmīn al-Shawrābī had translated the poetry of Ḥāfidh Shīrāzī, a Persian artist, and Quṭb would select from this poetry what would inflame sensual thoughts in his mind. Lines which made mention of the drinking of wine, intoxication and suggestive thoughts. Quṭb praised the author of such poetry saying that "he is intoxicated with the divine wine and he is therefore able to say whatever wishes, being better with Allāh than the hypocritical admonishers from the sermon-givers."42

Quṭb was criticized by other literary writers such as Muḥammad al- Ghamrāwī who said that this is not a matter of mere literary criticism and art of one taste against another, but a matter of one dīn (religion) against another. Sayyid Quṭb retorted in a counter-attack and requested al-Ghamrāwī to abolish the affairs of religion from matters of art and literature. It was here that many suspected Quṭb of being a secularist, alongside his heresy and doubt with respect to the religion.

Ṣalāh al-Khālidī in his biographical work on Sayyid Quṭb mentions how the poetic composition published in 1947 by Quṭb called "Ashwāk" is a story of a romantic encounter based on real life.43 The story revolves around Sāmī (who is Quṭb) and Samīrah who is his beloved. In the poetry Quṭb mentions how once Sāmī surprised Samīrah by entering her apartment finding her half-naked, and she was enticing him to spend the night with her without her father's knowledge. Then when she informed Sāmī of a previous love called Ḍiyāʾ whom she had loved

41 Refer to Aḥmad Yahyā's article "Mā Lā Yaʿrif al-Ikhwān ʿan Kāhinim al- Akbar, Sayyid Quṭb." 42 Another recurring aspect in Quṭbs writings during his "Islamist" days is his praise of heretics and sinners and his disdain of scholars and "men of religion." This no doubt is a deliberate attempt to malign the Scholars of Tawḥid and Sunnah and to raise the poets and heretics. 43 Ṣalāh al-Khālidī (p. 249) within the section that speaks of Quṭb's encounters with women.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 22 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS intensely, he was unable to overcome this. Sāmī's infatuation with Samīrah continues and he is unable to let go of her, deliberately refraining from marriage for many years in the hope that he can be with her.

Visiting the Bars for Cognac

Helmy Namnam writes, "One of the old journalists who used to work with Sayyid Quṭb in the magazine, 'al-ʿĀlam al-ʿArabī' said to me that until 1948 he [Sayyid Quṭb] used to visit, every now and then, the bar called 'al-Liwāʾ' and would sip a little cognac."44

A Man of Different Labels and Titles

ʿAḍil Ḥamūdah, a journalist, writes on page 15 of his book Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qariyah ilā al-Mashanqah (Sayyid Quṭb From the Village to the Gallows), "The followers of Sayyid Quṭb have forgotten the days he used to write about women, passion, and music and when he would call for Egypt to be inhabited by nudists. They wish for those days of his to be forgotten from the memory of history such that they had not occurred and so that a new story of his life can begin (afresh) the moment of guidance and creed, and the beginning of the path to martyrdom." These are truthful words, how much propaganda they make for Sayyid Quṭb but conceal his history. Early on page 7, Ḥamūdah said, "Sayyid Quṭb had more than one face, more than one color and more than one title. For he is a teacher and poet, and then a thinker and exegete, and then an athiest and a Muslim, and then an extremist, and then a reformer and an artist (achiever), and then a mujāhid, mujtahid and martyr. Thus his transformations are impetuous, his changes are baffling and his form (appearance) was never able to restrain itself with a stable frame."

Sayyid Quṭb, the Freemason

44 In Sayyid Quṭb wa Thawrah Yūlyu (Cairo, 1999, p.40).

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After the assassination of Ḥasan al-Bannā in February 1949, the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān was left without a leader for a couple of years. Al-Bannā's brother and staunch fanatical Shīʿite, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sāʿātī desired to become the overall leader and was prepared to change his surname to "al-Bannā" to keep the jamāʿah's leadership associated with this name.45 However, that was not to be and instead Ḥasan al-Ḥudaybī was made the leader in 1951. Ḥudaybī was a well-known Freemason and years earlier in 1943, he had given the pledge of allegiance to al-Bannā but both agreed to keep his affiliation with the jamāʿah a secret. It was not until 1953 that Sayyid Quṭb also joined the jamāʿah, and in the same year, Muḥammad al-Ghazālī authored a book within which he protested the Freemasonic takeover of al-Ikhwān,46 the citation of which is to follow shortly.

Helmy Namnam on Quṭb's Freemasonry

Helmy Namnam is a journalist who authored the book "Sayyid Quṭb wa Thawrah Yulyu" (Sayyid Quṭb and the July [1952] Revolution), published in 1999. After the 2011 revolution and the events which unfolded thereafter when al-Ikhwan took power and were subsequetly ousted from power by the military coup, Namman took a renewed interest in the person of Sayyid Quṭb. Namnam explains that his interest was piqued because since the mid-2000s, the Quṭbī-inclined wing of Ikhwān had taken over the organisation and the book "Maʿālim fī al-Ṭarīq" (Milestones),47 despite not being published for a very long time began to surface again in Egypt after the revolution. Muḥammad Mursī can be found on many videos published on Youtube stating his affectations with the books and ideas of Sayyid Quṭb and how they embody Islām. He says for example that he did not find Islām to be explained clearly

45 See ʿAlī al-Waṣīfī's al-Tandhīm al-Sirrī al-Siyāsī al-ʿAskarī ʿInd al-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn bi Aqlāmihim, (p. 75). 46 In reality, al-Ikhwān was already a Freemasonic organization, but many of those who entered it, perhaps did not know its true realities. 47 Most of this book is actually taken from his Qurʾān commentary, Fī Dhilāl al- Qurʾān, and in al-Dhilāl there are more severe expressions that can be found in Milestones.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 24 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS and plainly except in the writings of Sayyid Quṭb and that the book al- Dhilāl of Quṭb is studied because it propounds the methodology of how to bring about a true Islāmic society. Muḥammad Badīʿ, the current supreme guide of al-Ikhwān who was amongst those tried in the Egyptian courts in 1965, is also a hardcore Quṭbī. He was arrested in 2013 after the army had taken over Mursī's government. These new Ikhwānīs who had leadership in their sight through the route of democracy were reviving the ideas of Sayyid Quṭb and when they took power over Egypt, they began to make propaganda for Sayyid Quṭb presenting him with a brand new, polished image.

So Namnam abandoned the book project he had already embarked upon regarding the grandson of the Prophet (), Ḥasan bin ʿAlī () and instead, researched further into the life of Sayyid Quṭb prior to the July 1952 revolution. In early 2014 he published a series of ten articles on Quṭb's early life, his newspaper writings and books. The series is titled, "Sayyid Quṭb, Amīr al-Takfīr" (Sayyid Quṭb, the Chief of Takfīr). Here we will present the more important of his findings.48

Namnam writes, "However in the year 1942 we see the pen of Sayyid Quṭb emerging in the magazine, al-Tāj al-Miṣrī (The Egyptian Crown) which was the mouthpiece for the Grand Masonic Lodge. Written on its very first page is "Edited by Senior Freemasons" and Quṭb would write the opening editorial piece for it. And this meant - at that time - he was from the most senior of the senior Freemasons. And the one who

48 In the first part of his series, Namnam illustrates that Sayyid Quṭb in many of his writings, far from presenting original ideas, would copy from other sources, often lifting pages and pages of material, and in some cases, not even from the original source, but through a secondary source, which in many cases were translations. The books in question include "Ṣawt al-Ḥaqq", "Hadhā al- Dīn", "Nahw al-Mujtamaʿ al-Islāmī", "al-Mustaqbal li Hādhā al-Dīn", "Dirāsāt Islāmiyyah", "Khaṣāʾis al-Taṣawwur al-Islāmī." Namnam's intent is to illustrate that Sayyid Quṭb was not as the original thinker and writer he is made out to be. Certainly, he had a good command of the language and had an excellent literary style. But his works were often syntheses of ideas and writings of others. Namnam also reveals that in the 1930s, Quṭb was a failed poet, his earlier poetic compositions such has "Ashwāk" had not met much success.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 25 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS knows the recorded history of Freemasonic groups and organizations will gather that it is organized like pyramid (in levels), having ranks, degrees. This also means that when Sayyid Quṭb appeared in 1942 in the pages of al-Tāj al-Miṣrī had a long history behind him in the Lodge."49 Namnam continues, "The story of Sayyid Quṭb's Freemasonry is hidden and he himself did not speak about these encounters of his at all. But from another perspective the activity of Freemasonry is secretive anyway, thus you will not find much about it, especially considering that the Egyptian Lodges closed down and concealed themselves after 1964 when they were [ordered] to close."50

Sayyid Quṭb's Suspicious Trip to America for Two Years

Namnam continues, "But then the surprises in the life and journey of Sayyid Quṭb do not stop there. In 1948 he travelled to the United States of America, for an educational program. But this [alleged] program has not ceased to be a source of many enquiries to this day. Quṭb's aged at the time of 42 years would not have allowed him to be sent on such a program. And the program itself was not actually related to education, it was only on the official paperwork of the Ministry of Education that it was an important project whose goal was to study teaching methodologies and principles of cultivation in the United States. And the length of the visit was not specified. Usually, these types of vists last for three months and can sometimes extend to six months. But Sayyid's visit lasted two years... many considered it to be a project of US intelligence."51

49 Sayyid Quṭb Amīr al-Takfīr, 3rd part. 50 All secret socieites who were not prepared to disclose their members were closed down by edict in 1964. 51 Here Helmy Namnam refutes the excuse provided by Quṭb's brother, Muḥammad Quṭb in that the government simply wanted him out of the way for a period because he used to write about the king. However, the facts point otherwise, as there was not to be found any such speech against the King and his aides in the writings of Sayyid Quṭb during this time. This excuse has been waved by partisans of Quṭb such as Ṣalāh al-Khālidī to quash concerns and inquiries about this visit.

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Namnam then says, "Aḥmad ʿAbbās Ṣāliḥ stated definitively in an article of his in the magazine al-Kātib, after Quṭb had been arrested in 1965 that the visit (to the US) was organized by US intelligence and that he was trained to take the direction he took for the remaining part of his life. And Dr. Ṭāhir Makkī also made a similar conclusion when he said that the visit was organized by the US but without Sayyid Quṭb's knowledge (of its intent and purpose)." He goes on to explain that Quṭb had not already studied the field of teaching methodologies and was not made responsible by the Minitry of Education for them either. Further, on a personal level, Quṭb was a literary writer and critic. Namnam considers the plausibility of the Freemasonic lobby having a role to play in having Sayyid Quṭb sent through official channels to avoid raising any suspicions.

It is interesting to note here the statement of the Salafī scholar who wrote extensively against Sayyid Quṭb in the 1990s, Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī, who said, "I consider, by Allāh, his ideology... is a plot against Islām, his history is dark, a Communist history, bewildered, a secularist with the Wafd party, with Tāhā Ḥusayn, with al-ʿAqqād, and he would read Western philosophy to the end of it. He went to the West, to America and remained there for two years and learned Freemasonry,52 [with] Jews, Christians and Communists, all of the religions, and [witnessing] all types of fisq (sinfulness) and fujūr (wickedness)."53

Bāṭinī Movements, Social Justice, Revolution and European Freemasonic Activities Through the 19th Century

Before we continue with Namnam's account it is important at this stage that we understand the ideologies utilized by Freemasonic secret societies in the French revolution at the turn of the 19th century and

52 Quṭb was already a Freemason as is clear from the evidenced presented further below and he is likely to have joined them from the 1930s or even earlier when he was in his early 20s. 53 http://rabee.net and http://sahab.net/forums/index.php?showtopic=40022 and refer also to in Shaykh Rabīʿ's 2 volume Fatāwā collection (1/525-526) which is cited later in this treatise.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 27 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS the various European revolutions taking place during the rest of the century until we reach the Bolshevik, Communist revolution in Russia and the activities against the Ottoman state by the Young Turks. The intent behind these revolutions are made clear in the writings and ideas of Adam Weishaupt (the abolition of governments, monarchies, religion, private property, inheritance and the family institution) who was working for International bankers, and these ideas appeared again in a more refined form in the writings of Marx and Engels, also working for the same interests. Essentially, a false materialist paradigm is presented about the causes of injustice upon which a particular interpretation of history can be justified. The broad idea is that capital (wealth, assets) when it accumulates in the hands of a few is the basis of all corruption and injustice, because it leads to separation of classes and then exploitation of the working (labouring) classes. Thus, those in power must be removed (by violent revolutions) and all capital and material wealth must be equally distributed in a utopian Socialist (Communist) state to avoid any recurrence of this oppression ever again. This was really a pseudo-philosophy and its aim was to rouse and incite the masses against the monarchies. The instigators of the revolutions were intending to take control of lands, resources and wealth from the monarchs, so it would be capitalism for them only, and once the revolution was complete, they would impose oppressive tyrannical communism for every one else, and that's after culling the population by many scores of millions, to make the task easier. Capitalism and Communism (Socialism) are not two competing philosophies in reality, but are intended as two systems working in parallel. Capitalism for the bankers and corporations and Communism (Socialism) for the peasants. However, to help engineer revolutions or facilitate the right conditions within nations to allow political and economic control, they are presented as competing ideologies. This also gave birth to the fake "left-right" paradigm of politics of the 20th century upon which illusionary democracy is built.

Now when a person reflects upon all the Bāṭinī revolutions in history, starting with that of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī, and before him the statement of Dhul Khuwayṣarah al-Tamīmī to Allāḥ's Messenger (), "Be just", you will find that all of these revolutions were

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 28 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS instigated and mobilized around the concepts of social justice and equal, fair, distribution of material wealth. It is not surprising therefore that Freemasonic societies in Europe over the past few centuries have utilized the same formula and invented clever materialist philosophies to poison the minds of millions and led them to revolutions which are in reality for their own personal gain, not for the millions.

It is from 1948, the year that Sayyid Quṭb left for the United States that we see a sudden change in the nature of his writings. Prior to that his writings were purely to do with literary art and style, even his writings on the Qurʾān were from the angle of literary art and style, not a concern with religious foundations or teachings. In fact, he only spoke "religiously" when he defended the Allied Forces (the English, Americans) and raised the banner of democracy, calling those who fought for it as "mujāhidīn." Then all of a sudden he starts writing about Islām, Socialism, Capitalism and years later we see revolutionary ideologies, the spouting of hatred against Muslim societies, accusing

54 Maḥajjat al-Bayḍāʾ (pp.7-8).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 29 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS them of reverting to pre-Islāmic jāhiliyyah, declaring them apostate and announcing a violent jihād against them because they had allegedly usurped the ḥākimiyyah of Allāh () which had to be returned to Allāḥ, as he claimed.

A Note on Quṭb's Writings on Capitalism and Socialism

The book al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimāʾiyyah Fī al-Islām (Social Justice in Islām) was published in 1948 and the youth of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn gave it a lot of concern. When he returned from American two years later, they made contact with him and saw him as a friend of their movement. Some other works of Quṭb to appear were Maʿrakah al-Islām wal- Raʾsamāliyyah (The Battle Between Islām and Capitalism). The ideas in these books and later, in al-Dhilāl and Milestones, are to contemporary Muslim societies what the ideology of ʿAbdullāḥ bin Sabaʾ was to the caliphate of ʿUthmān ().

Sayyid Qutb: Why I Became a Freemason

Helmy Namnam quotes from Quṭb's article in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī titled, "Limādhā Ṣirtu Māsūniyan?" (Why Did I Become a Freemason?) wherein Quṭb writes, "I became a Freemason - because I was [already] a Freemason - yet I was in need of polishing and refinement. Hence, I chose this straight path so I could leave the importance of polishing and refinement to the hand of Freemasonry. What an excellent hand and how excellent are the Freemasons."55

55 In Part 6 of Sayyid Quṭb Amīr al-Takfīr. Freemasonry entered Egypt with Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798. Over the next 100 years Freemasonic lodges increased until both British and French Freemasonry had an established presence and were active in the politics and economy of the country. Well known Freemasons include Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, ʿAbd al- Qādir al-Jazāʾirī, Adīb Isḥāq (Christian, al-Afghānī's student), Yaʿqūb Ṣanūʾ (Jewish, al-Afghānī's student) and many generals who participated in the ʿUrābī revolt in 1879. Many politicians, artists, scholars (Muḥammad ʿAbduh), both Muslims and Christians and Jews were Freemasons in Egyptian society.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 30 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS

In 1964, an edict was issued in Egypt addressing all Freemasonic societies to reveal the names of every member and participant in their activities. Naturally, the Freemasonic lodges refused to be transparent as this would violate their golden principle of total and absolute secrecy. Thereafter Ḥikmat Abū Zayd, Minister of Social Affairs ordered the dissolution of Freemasonic lodges in Egypt. Following this, many of the well-known writers began to fill the newspapers with accusations against the Freemasonic lodges that they were working for Zionist interests, serving the interests of state of Israel.56 Egyptian Freemasons met this with complete silence and thus it was accepted that the claims were true and this became the standard perception towards these societies.57 Indeed, many decades earlier, after the Balfour Declaration of 1917, when the Zionist project to make Palestine a homeland for Jews was put into motion, the Egyptian populace naturally supported their brethren in Palestine. However, on the occasion of the celebration of a Jewish saint's birthday, the Egyptian Grand Freemasonic Lodge issued a statement titled "Nidāʾ ilā Ahl Falastīn" signed by Idrīs Rāghib, the highests ranking Freemason in the lodge, and other members. In this statement, there occurs "O people of Palestine... remember that the Jews are your brothers and the sons of your uncles. They rode on the back of the wilderness yet succeeded and were delivered. Today they are hoping to return to you for the benefit and greatness of the shared homeland through the wealth they have saved and the experience and knowledge they have acquired."

Namnam explains how it later came to light that this statement from the Freemasonic lodge was issued due to great pressure from Chaim Weizmann, the head of World Zionism. The Lodge swayed under the

56 Israel is the title of Prophet Yaʿqūb () and it means "Slave (isr) of God (el)." Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī wrote a paper explaining it is not correct to refer to this state as "Israel" as this is the title of a noble Prophets amongst the Prophets and the Jews abandoned his way and the way of the Prophets after him. 57 Many of those who were Freemasons and desired to conceal their past began writing against Freemasonry or they would make notes and remarks about it in their works to give the impression they have always been innocent and remote from it.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 31 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS pressure and sent the declaration to the people of Palestine. When the affair reached the Egyptian newspapers, fury and chaos ensued and questions were raised about the claim of the Freemasonic lodges that they do not get involved in political affairs. The clear contradiction was made apparent and the hypocrisy in this claim became manifest. Thus, the perception remained that Freemasonry in Egypt was working for Zionist interests. As for when Quṭb joined Freemasonry, this is unknown. It was definitely before he joined al-Ikhwān in 1953 and it was also before 1942 when his writings began to appear in al-Tāj al- Miṣrī. This takes us back to the 1930s.

Muḥammad al-Ghazālī on al-Ikhwān Being Penetrated and Controlled by Freemasons

In his book Min Maʿālim al-Ḥaqq Fī Kafāhinā al-Ḥadīth, Muḥammad al- Ghazālī58 wrote, protesting against Ḥasan al-Ḥudaybī's position as the new supreme guide of al-Ikhwān,"Sayyid Quṭb has deviated away from the path of Ḥasan al-Bannā59... and I am almost certain that behind this summoning (of al-Ḥudaybī as leader) are the fingers of secret world societies who desire to subjugate the newborn Islāmic activity. Thus it sneaked in through small, open crevices into the body of the jamāʿah and did what it did. And we have heard much about a number of Freemasons who affiliate with the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān, amongst them is Ḥasan al-Hudaybī, but I do not know exactly how (secret) societies

58 He was one of the senior and most respected scholars of al-Ikhwān but he was an ʿaqlānī (rationalist, modernist), denied aspects of the Sunnah and was also upon the doctrine of taqrīb (nearness between the Sunnīs and Shīʿites). All the prominent scholars and figureheads of al-Ikhwān have major, serious deviations with them. 59 This is incorrect because Ḥasan al-Bannā sowed the seeds of takfīr of the Egyptian society though he was careful in the way he spread his ideas into the minds of his followers, using deception and cunning. At the same time, al- Bannā had his secret apparatus that was involved in assassinations and bombings and all branches of the Ikhwān were under his command. It is not correct to make a distinction between al-Bannā and Quṭb from this perspective. Quṭb was simply vocal and open with his ideology in the late 50s and early 60s.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 32 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS that disbelieve in Islām were able to suppress such a large jamāʿah in the way that it has, and perhaps the future will reveal the secrets of this evil."60

Al-Ghazālī maintained this view ten years later in the second edition of this book which was published in 1963. In this statement of al-Ghazālī he was hinting at Sayyid Quṭb who joined al-Ikhwān in 1953.

Tharwat al-Khirbāwī on the Freemasonry of Sayyid Quṭb and Ḥasan al- Hudaybī

Tharwat al-Khirbāwī was a leading member of al-Ikhwān for fifteen years before left them and he authored a work, " Sirr al-Maʿbad, al-Asrār al-Khafiyyah li Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn" in which he reveals much about the inner workings of al-Ikhwān. Al-Khirbāwī writes, "Upon my study of the Masonic organization my attention was turned to the similarity, in terms of its organizational structure, with the group of al- Ikhwān, until even the degrees of affiliation of the group, I found them to be exactly the same in both organizations."61 Then he goes on to explain that a long time ago he read the speech of Muḥammad al- Ghazālī in his book stating explicitly that Ḥasan al-Hudaybī was a Freemason. This confused him for a very long time because al-Ghazālī was a respected figure yet al-Ḥudaybī was also the supreme guide of al- Ikhwān, how could he be a Freemason? So he left this matter and years passed with questions arising in his mind, how can Islām come together with a Zionist faction which wages war against Islām. Many events transpired afterwards which then led al-Khirbāwī to make a thorough investigation about the origins of the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān itself.

Through this, some papers came into his hands which were the writings of Sayyid Quṭb in the newsletter called "al-Tāj al-Miṣrī." He later learned that this was the mouthpiece of the Freemasonic Grand Lodge. This then made him return to the book of al-Ghazālī where he

60 Min Maʿālim al-Ḥaqq Fī Kafāhinā al-Ḥadīth (p. 226). 61 Sirr al-Maʿbad (p. 26).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 33 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS revisited the insinuation about Sayyid Quṭb and explicit mention of Ḥasan al-Ḥudaybī as a Freemason. Al-Khirbāwi goes on to explain his bewilderment at this prospect of al-Ikhwān being run by al-Ḥudaybī, a Freemason, Quṭb, also a Freemason and likewise, Muṣtafā Ṣibāʿi, a student of Ḥasan al-Bannā, and leader of the Islamic Socialist Front, the Syrian branch of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn, for sixteen years from 1946 onwards.

The Research of Wāʾil Dusūqī on Freemasonry in Egypt

Whilst reading the writings of Helmy Namnam on Sayyid Quṭb I came across a reference to a Master's thesis on Freemasonry in Egypt62 by Wāʾīl Dusūqī who had researched Freemasonry from the time of Napoleon's entry into Egypt in 1798 when it was outlawed in 1964. Namnam mentioned that Dusūqī listed Sayyid Quṭb in a list of popular Egyptian names who were actual or suspected Freemasons. After contacting Wāʾil Dusūqī and raising the question about Quṭb's Freemasonry, he wrote me a short article on the subject and it is summarized below.

Dusūqī writes that doubts regarding the early members of the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān and their connection to Freemasonry have increased over time, especially when a central figure such as Sayyid Quṭb used to write in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī, the mouthpiece for the Egyptian Freemasonic Grand Lodge. This was the first material fact that turned his attention to the members of al-Ikhwān participating in Freemasonry. Quṭb had experience in affiliation with various political parties, from them Ḥizb al-Wafd and Ḥizb al-Saʿdiyain, but he was not really impressed by them. He also passed through numerous phases in his life. Dusūqī mentions the 1934 article in al-Ahrām in which Quṭb called for Nudism to be adopted on the streets of Cairo and also his period of doubt about the religion due to engagement in materialist philosophy. Dusūqī then mentions the statement of Muḥammad al-Ghazālī, a senior figure

62 The research is now published as book called "Al-Māsūniyyah wal-Māsūn Fī Miṣr 1798-1964)" (Freemasonry and Freemasons in Egypt Between 1798 and 1964).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 34 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS amongst the Ikhwān, that Quṭb departed from the way of al-Bannā and that al-Bannā's assassination, the Freemasons placed leaders within al- Ikhwān. He then mentions a number of writers such as Tamām al- Barāzī and ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm al-Khawrī who mentioned that Muṣtafā al- Ṣibāʿī was in a Freemasonic lodge in Syria with Husnī al-Zaʾīm.63 Dusūqī says that the clear involvement of the leaders of the national branches of al-Ikhwān in Freemasonry raises a question mark to which there is no logical explanation. He says whilst it is understandable for men of politics, and other professional figures to be involved in Freemasonry, how can al-Ikhwān or any other religious jamāʿah join Freemasonry.

Dusūqī then outlines a line of evidence which leaves no room except to conclude the certainty of Quṭb's involvement in Freemasonry. The paper records of the Freemasonic lodge indicate that the grandmaster Freemason, Idrīs Rāghib issued a very stern statement on 29th August 1922 in which he criticised the action of Freemasons in writing freely in the various newspapers and magazines about matters which should only be published and discussed in Freemason-owned media outlets, meaning their newspapers, which were many and included only by way of example, "al-Akhbār al-Māsūniyyah", "al-Jarīdah al-Māsūniyyah", "Ḥayrām", "al-Kashkūl", "al-Mīthāq al-Māsūniyyah", "al-Nuṣūḥ", "al- Nidhām", "al-Tāj al-Miṣrī." This statement was issued because one of the Freemasons published an article titled "Regarding Freemasonry" in the newspaper "Wādī al-Nīl" on 27th August 1922, only a couple of days earlier, and this was not a Freemason owned newspaper. This subject should not have been spoken about in such a paper. Thereafter an announcement was made within the Freemasonic magazine that any "brother" wishing to publish an article, literary, artistic or on masonry- related matters should send it directly to this magazine. Further, that

63 Taqī al-Dīn al-Nabahānī, founder of Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr was sent to Ḥusnī al- Zaʾīm, along with ʿAbdullāh al-Rimāwī by ʿAbdullāh al-Tall (Arab nationalist and Baʿthist) in order to plan a military coup in Jordan, following a successful coup earlier in March 1949 in Syria. The coup failed and al-Zaʾīm was executed. This also indicates that Taqī al-Dīn al-Nabahānī was involved in murky dealings prior to setting up his Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, another secretive, cult-type organization which used the Communist cell-based structure for its operations in trying to effect revolution.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 35 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS no one except a Freemason will write in the newspapers they own, and similarly, no one was to divulge their affairs in the common newspapers again. Dusūqī says that this is a general policy in all Freemasonic societies across the world, only their members write in their publications, newspapers or magazines, no one else is permitted unless they have a specific reason for allowing someone to do so. He then finishes his article by citing the statement of Muḥammad al- Ghazālī that was cited earlier regarding al-Ikhwān and Freemasonry.

Sayyid Quṭb and His Fascination with Freemasonry

Returning to Helmy Namnam's account, he states in Part 6 of his series on Sayyid Quṭb that in contrast to Ḥasan al-Hudaybī whose ties to both Freemasonry and al-Ikhwān were kept secret after he gave the pledge of allegiance to Ḥasan al-Bannā in 1943, it was not so with Sayyid Quṭb because he was a writer and a person's writings no doubt reveal matters about him. Quṭb was writing in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī, something that was not disclosed neither by Quṭb nor by any of those who wrote about him afterwards. The newspaper itself was published bi-monthly between 1938 to 1943 and Sayyid Quṭb would write the opening editorial piece, indicating that he was no ordinary Freemason, but a high-ranking one. In Part 7 of his series, Namnam provides excerpts of some of Quṭbs articles written in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī.64 In the 23rd April 1943 edition Quṭb's opening editorial piece was titled "Why Did I Become a Freemason?" and answering his own question, he writes, "The question is simple, easy and the answer is from the heart to the heart. I knew then that I had become a Freemason because I felt that within Freemasonry there was balm for (healing) the wounds of humanity. I approached the doors of Freemasonry to nourish the thirsty soul with additional philosophy and wisdom and so that I can take a ray from the rays of light which would illuminate the dark path of life for me. Also

64 Note that papers such as al-Tāj al-Miṣrī would be distributed amongst the Freemasons and be available within the lodges so the authors were writing articles for other Freemasons and not necessarily the general public. For those types of writings, they would have a range of other newspaper and magazine publications.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 36 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS so that I could extend in power through which I can smash the obstacles and thorns (in my way) and so that I can become a mujāhid alongside the mujāhidīn and a worker alongside the workers." Quṭb also says, "I became a Freemason - because I was (already) a Freemason - yet I was in need of polishing and refinement. Hence, I chose this straight path so I could leave the importance of polishing and refinement to the hand of Freemasonry. And what an excellent hand and how excellent are the Freemasons" Quṭb also says, "The Freemason is not merely the one who undergoes rituals and earns this quality through this path (alone). Rather, the Freemason is the one who works, but through silence, not through commotion or announcement."

Then Quṭb tries to offer a special definition for Freemasonry, stating, "Freemasonry is the (institution) that brings together various religions,65 and does not know of any meaning for destruction. And it will not find any place for the word 'difficult' in its dictionary. It is a magical spell (al-taʿwīdhah al-siḥriyyah) which combines all of the hearts in all furthest regions of the East and all nearmost parts of the West. It is the only place in which all, the young and old, are able to greet each other with the greeting of brothers, sit side by side without looking at social difference, or artistic inclination, and without being deceived (about oneself) in that, because is foundations and pillars are constructed upon freedom (ḥurriyah), fraternity (ikhāʾ) equality (musāwāh). How great are its pillars and how strong are its foundations and how noble and lofty are its principles." Quṭb goes further and also says, "I have come to know that Freemasonry is not merely a principle or doctrine that one acquires, but is (the essence of) manhood and humanity which pushes a person towards goodness without any impediment except that of his emotion and feeling (of the heart). It is a lofty, noble spirit which elevates a person from the lowly things and

65 Note his call to unity of religions and a universal brotherhood (see his quotes in other sections further below). This is a standard Freemasonic doctrine and Quṭb began weaving this into his later writings on Islām in book such as Naḥw Mujtamaʾ al-Islāmī (Towards an Islāmic Society). This lends evidence to the belief that Quṭb was pushing his Bātīnī Freemasonic poison through his later writings on Islām.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 37 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS exonerates him from foolish talk. It is the loftiest example for everyone who aims for perfection or desires elevation and glory. It is the virtue which comprises the loftiest of meanings, the noblest of objectives, it is the very beginning and end of perfection"

Quṭb speaks in such glowing terms about Freemasonry indicating his amazement and fascination. Namnam points out that other Freemasons such as Aḥmad Zakī Abū Shādī, a staunch believer in Freemasonry and member of the Būr Saʿīd Lodge who wrote two books about Freemasonry, did not write in such terms as can be found in the writings of Quṭb in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī.

Sayyid Quṭb, the Allied Forces in World War II and Democracy66

In the 16th July 1943 edition of al-Tāj al-Miṣrī, Sayyid Quṭb wrote an article titled "al-Naṣr li al-Dīmuqrātiyyah" (Victory for Democracy) in which he praises the Allied Forces (Great Britain, United States, Australia) and invokes support and victory for democracy. Quṭb wrote, "Here are the echoes responding to the sons (participating in the) resumed struggle and here are the newspapers informing us, morning and evening, about what is taking place and happening and with that is what gives tranquility to the souls, placing strong hope in them, a sweet hope that the efforts of democracy and those workers who champion it will be met with a banquet, nay banquets, of clear aid and victory." At the same time, Quṭb pours his scorn upon the enemies of democracy, rejecting their position. He says, "I do not know how I should name that faction which opposes freedom, trying to stand as a stumbling block in the path of democracy. Rather, this gang goes even further than that and claims, without shyness or shame, that its purpose and lofty goal and hope is to liberate the world from the shackles of enslavement, aiding the weak and giving each his rights."

Quṭb continues his attack and mockery, "What a mighty word that emanates from their mouths.67 They are trying to misguide the minds

66 Refer to Part 7 of Helmy Namnam's Sayyid Quṭb Amīr al-Takfīr. 67 Note how Quṭb is using Qurʾānic language in his praise of democracy.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 38 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS of the innocent and poor and think that the venom which they infuse every now and then has entered the arteries of the limbs (of a person) such that he has believed their message and accepted their propaganda However, the reality has been unveiled and it has become open, bright and visible. The truth has become clear to everyone with eyes, we know that this vile, weak propaganda is baseless and is only the figment of the imagination of the liar and the invention of a mind that is wicked and hypocritical."

In the face of all of this wicked propaganda against democracy that comes from wicked, evil souls, Quṭb believes that victory and glory will be for democracy. He says, "There is no doubt that Allāh will write victory for democracy, mighty victory, and plain sorrow for the enemies of freedom, and Allāh causes not the reward of the workers to be lost." Then Quṭb says, "The world, since its beginning, has never been devoid of wars and raids, and not for any period amongst the periods of history did the factors of oppression and tyranny subside. Yet, events and (the passing) of days have taught us that the state [which his founded upon] oppression lasts for an hour and the state [founded upon] truth lasts till the establishment of the Hour." Quṭb, within the context of his article, is speaking about democracy.

In a previous article published on 14th May 1943, "Musānadah al- Ḥulafāʾ wal-Tahakkum ʿalā Khuṣumihim" (Supporting the Allies and Taunting Their Opponents) Quṭb expressed similar meanings, but with even clearer words. In this article Quṭb wrote, "Germany has transgressed and gone beyond bounds until they violated the sanctity of the desert and tampered with its sacredness. But then the secure desert which (always) fulfils its covenant dealt them harsh and bitter lessons with a pungent taste, all under its glowing sun and smooth sand. Our noble allies drove away the lair (of the Germans) and thus, clear victory, through the power of truth and certainty, was theirs." Here, Quṭb is referring to the Battle of ʿAlamayn which took place during the second half of 1942 and in particular the British forces under the command of Viscount Bernard Montgomery who defeated Rommel's forces. During this time no one in Egypt was using the words "Our allies" and even those who were in support of freedom and

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 39 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS democracy did not use such a phrase, indicating Quṭb's extremely tight allegiance towards Freemasonry and its objectives.

Afterwards, Quṭb writes, "So congratulations to the mujāhidīn from our English and American brothers. This is plain victory, so traverse upon the blessing of Allāh, for the affair has become light and the tidings of victory and Allāh are with you." Not sufficing with describing the English and Americans as "mujāhidīn", Quṭb went on to raise them even greater to the level of messengership, saying "Indeed truth has come, and falsehood has vanished.68 Rather, the truth has been aided and the treacherous have perished. The signs of victory are flapping with glow and pride. The desert has emptied save from its righteous, loyal men. For the men of truth and the messengers of democracy were able to repel the plot of the plotters and throw it back upon them..."

Namnam observes that the language of Sayyid Quṭb comprises words of literary heritage as well as words of the Qurʾān in the course of his speech about democracy, the Allies, truth, freedom and the likes. This is not surprising because during the same period in his life, he was writing materials on the depiction of art in the Qurʾān, the book by this title, "al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī Fī al-Qurʾān" being published in 1945.

However, whilst those writings were purely literary and artistic writings, aimed at highlighting literary and artistic beauty in the Qurʾān, they were not religious and ideological, unlike his writings about democracy. These writings in the Freemasonic newspaper, al-Tāj al-Miṣrī carried a strong religious spirit within them as is clear from the language used. Quṭb considered the English and Americans as "mujāḥidīn" (wagers of jihād), "rusul al-dīmuqrāṭiyah" (messengers of democracy), "rijāl al-ḥaqq" (men of truth), "ḥulafāʾunā" (our allies),

68 This is a verse in the Qurʾān. Throughout these articles, Sayyid Quṭb uses sentences from the Qurʾān to praise the Allied Forces, democracy and freedom. And the angle from which Namnam says that Quṭb raised them to the level of messengership is that he used the verse, "Say: Truth has come and falsehood has perished" to refer to the message of democracy that was being championed. Thus, it is as if when democracy was victorious, the truth had come and falsehood had perished.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 40 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS

"ikhwānunā" (our brothers), and he made supplication for them "Allāhu maʿakum" (Allāh is with you).

Quṭb's Islamist Era Writings and His Visit to the United States

The Freemasonic lodges in Egypt were completely and wholeheartedly with the Allied Forces in the war and the Egyptian Grand National Lodge took a very biting stance towards the Germans due to their position towards the Jews. These writings of Quṭb in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī show a strong Freemasonic spirit and sentiment and his enthusiasm within these writings help in unravelling the mysteries of his mission in the United States in 1948 which also coincide with his first religiously motivated book, "al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimāʿiyyah Fī al-Islām" (Social Justice in Islām) in which he interprets early Islāmic history with a Marxist, Socialist outlook and spouts his Bāṭinī, Rāfiḍī poison towards the third caliph, ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān (). In the same book he praised the revolution of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ, claiming it represented the true spirit of Islām. This book on Social Justice was founded upon revilement of the Companions from a Socialist, Marxist perspective and reminds us of those Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī revolutions of old which were aimed at harming Islām, the Muslims and their lands, all under the claims of freedom, justice and equality.

Quṭb went to the United States and remained there for two years. During that period he travelled extensively, meeting with figures of different backgrounds. He mentioned how he was a member of various religious clubs and associations, participating in their events. On his return to Egypt he wrote of his stay in Greeley in Colorado69 as an

69 Quṭb wrote about this in an article titled "Laylah Ḥamrāʾ" (A Red Night) which he wrote in al-Risālah newsletter in 1951 after his return. In this article he speaks of his attendance of an event in a church in Greely, Colorado. He states "I was a member of its association just as I was a member of the associations of numerous religious bodies in the various places in which I lived." Qutb recounts this also in his book al-Islām wa Mushkilāt al-Ḥaḍārah (p. 86). However, this was not a one off event. Quṭb mentions that he travelled all across the United States and took up membership with different associations and clubs. How did Sayyid Quṭb end up visiting these religious

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 41 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS example of what he experienced. When he came back, Quṭb took a new direction. In 1951, he wrote the book Maʿrakat al-Islām wal- Raʾsamāliyyah (The Battle Between Islām and Capitalism) and a little later in the same year, al-Salām al-ʿĀlamī wal-Islām (World Peace and Islām). In this latter book, he speaks of the Muslims needing a Communist type military that would scare the tyrants. He also began writing articles in numerous newsletters such as al-Daʿwah which belonged to al-Ikhwān and also al-Liwāʾ al-Jadīd. It was the same year in which he started writing his commentary of the Qurʾān, al-Dhilāl. In all of these writings it was clear that he was pushing a new orientation under the flag of Islām. All of this activity began as soon as he arrived from the United States.

Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī said, "I consider his ideology to be a plot against Islām, his history is a dark one, a Communist history, bewildered, a secularist, with the Wafd party, then with Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, with al-ʿAqqād. He would read Western philosophy to the end of it all. Then he went to the West, to America and remained there for two years as a member of numerous religious associations, which he participated in from the East of America to its West as he himself stated. What is to be found in these religious associations? Its members are Freemasons, Jews, Christians, Communists, and all religions. And there are all types of sin (fisq) and evil (fujūr) therein. He remained there for two years and then came back to the Islāmic East with afresh, and participated in a revolution70 that shook Islām. Then they raised him as a leader for the ummah. He reviled Mūsā but that does not harm him, he reviled many of the Companions, he declared some of them disbelievers, but that does not harm him! He reviled the ummah and made takfīr of it, that does not harm him! And through his person al-Irjāʾ emerged, they the Quṭbiyyah

institutions and participate in their committees and functions? Many writers are of the view that he travelled extensively in the US, visited many political and intelligence institutions and met with important figures to receive training of sorts which was to come in use when he returned back to Egypt to take hiss new direction. 70 The Socialist revolution of Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 42 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS accuse others of al-Irjāʾ, yet the Extremist Murjiʾah would feel shy of the Irjāʾ which they (followers of Quṭb) fall into."71

Sayyid Quṭb and the 1952 Nasserite Socialist Coup72

It is said that Sayyid Quṭb played a role in the July 1952 military coup, however the scope and nature of this role is not clear. Numerous reports exist of meetings between the Free Officers in Quṭb's house prior to the coup and Quṭb offering advice and direction to them. Helmy Namnam questions the accuracy and validity of these assertions. Other writers state that the US and British intelligence agencies either engineered or allowed the coup to take place upon the consideration that it would help curb Communism and Russian influence in the region and they saw Nasser as competent man who could be engaged with to further their regional interests relating to Israel and Russia.73

Whatever the case, Quṭb had at least an advisory role prior to the coup. He defended the coup and made a point of insisting it was a revolution, not a coup, and spoke in praise of the Free Officers, though he was unhappy that the Free Officers had not done enough to wipe out all

71 Refer to the 2 volume Fatāwā of Shaykh Rabīʿ (1/525-526). 72 This coup took place on 23rd July 1952 and was staged by a group called the Free Officers who had organized themselves over the past three years. They include Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāsir, Muḥammad Najīb, Anwar Sādat and others. This was a Socialist revolution against King Fārūq who willingly abdicated and went into exile. Alī al-Waṣīfī in his book Sirr al-Jamāʿah (pp. 81-83) explains that the Free Officers were originally part of the secret apparatus of Ḥasan al- Bannā within the army, and led by Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir, they broke off and created their own group. This indicates that al-Ikhwān were plotting some sort of coup before Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāsir took his own direction. Al-Waṣīfī says, "Ḥasan al-Bannā was the first founder of [modern] revolutions in the Islāmic world. For he founded the organization of the Free Officers within the Egyptian army in the1940s under the leadership of Major Maḥmūd al-Labīb and Lieutenant ʿAzīz al-Miṣrī." 73 Refer to Arthur Goldschmidt, Jr. in A Brief History of Egypt (p. 145), Divided City by Kai Bird, and Russian and the Arabs by Yevgeny Primakov (pp. 18-22).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 43 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS traces of the past ruling authority. In an article published on 8th August 1952, he warned the Free Officers against "retreating to the barracks and leaving the field open for the politicians... because your duty has not ended, rather, your obligation has only just begun." In particular, Quṭb wanted the current regime to remove all remnants and traces of the past ruling authority. In another statement published in the paper Rawz al-Yūsūf in October 1952, Quṭb says, "The revolution of 1952 is nothing but a natural extension of the revolution of 9th September 1881, both were revolutions undertaken by the army in the name of the people and both of them were aimed at destroying aristocracy and announcing the rights of the people."74 Quṭb is referring to the 1878-1881 ʿUrābī revolt in which Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī played a role to facilitate increased British intervention in the affairs of Egypt. Quṭb conveniently forgot to mention the 1919 revolt, a countrywide, people's revolution which led to the recognition of Egyptian independence in 1922.

However, Quṭb's position towards the Free Officers changed after a period of a year. It seems they did not take the direction he wished. In 1953 Quṭb joined al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn and was given a prominent position by its Freemason leader, Ḥasan al-Ḥudaybī. This was unusual since a member would have to work through the ranks to be hold such a privileged position.

It is difficult to make sense of all of these events but it appears that though the coup by Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāsir was initially welcomed by foreign intelligence agencies, Nāsir took a direction that was deemed threatening to their regional interests. He promoted Arab nationalism, united Egypt, Syria and Yemen into a United Arab Republic and nationalized the Suez Canal, a strategic location. He also made many socialist reforms and was strongly anti-imperialist. He was seen as a hero for the Arabs. It was in this decade, within Nāsserite Egypt, that

74 Note the Marxist, Communist undertones here, destruction of the aristocracy and demanding the rights of the people. This is how Quṭb saw the Socialist Tāghūṭī revolution of Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir, which he praised and supported and compared it with the revolution of 1881.

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Quṭb's extremist doctrines began to take shape. In 1943, he spoke of the English and Americans as mujāhidīn, champions of democracy and truth. Five years later he was writing about Islām, Socialism and Capitalism. He spent two whole years in the United States, and three years after that in 1953 he joined al-Ikhwān. In this period, his hatred of Islāmic societies, takfīr of them and waging jihād against them began to take shape in his writings.75

The Poison of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ Against ʿUthmān (), Bāṭinī Movements of Old and Revolutionary Movements Based on the Writings of Adam Weishaupt, Marx and Lenin76

In a 2003 article, Daniel Brogan wrote "Qutb's work is to militant Islām what Das Kapital was to Communism."77 It's not bad for a non-Muslim to make such an informed and accurate conclusion. However, it is still lacking in terms of specificity. It should read "Quṭb's work is to the contemporary Bāṭiniyyah Qarāmiṭah78 type movements [al-Ikhwān, the

75 It should be noted that the heads of Ikhwān behaved with hypocrisy towards the rulers, gaining closeness to them or displaying allegiance to them, but secretly plotting against them. This was the way of Ḥasan al-Bannā towards the King Fārūq and likewise of Ḥasan al-Huḍaybī towards Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāsir. 76 In Marxist ideology, the general populace is roused to revolt against the Capitalists (those hoarding the wealth) and Leninism is an adaptation of Marxism where an elite vanguard undertakes the revolution through a military coup. These revolutionary ideologies originated with secular atheist Jews in the 19th and 20th centuries and laid the foundations for revolutions in Europe. As documented by Ṣalāḥ al-Khālidī (pp. 213-216), Qutb was "gulping" down the European and Western materialist philosophies for around 15 years of his life between 1925 and 1940, an influence that never left him and found its way into his works such as "Maʿarakt al-Islām wal-Raʿsamāliyyah" (The Battle Between Islām and Capitalism). And the practical methodologies of which entered into his writings such as "al-Dhilāl" and "Maʿālim Fī al-Ṭarīq" (Milestones). 77 Al Qaeda's Greeley Roots, June 2003. 78 By using these labels we refer to the element of secrecy and secret organization inherent to these groups which are in reality, a coalition between Ṣūfīs and Shīʿites, to attack the lands of Sunnī Islām founded upon the Tawḥid

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Rāfiḍah] what Das Kapital was to Communism." In his book "Social Justice in Islām" Quṭb wrote, "And then tumult was stirred up against ʿUthmān, and in which truth became mixed with falsehood, and good with evil. However, it is vital for the one who looks at the affairs through the eye of Islām, and perceives the affairs through the spirit of Islām that he affirms that that revolution, in its generality, was an outburst of the spirit of Islām."79 And he also wrote, "The reality is that accusing the Islāmic system of not fulfilling its guarantees is ignoring the possibilities taking place in every system, just as it is ignoring the realities of Islāmic history which has witnessed the great revolution against ʿUthmān, and witnessed the revolution of al-Ḥijāz against Yazīd, just as it witnessed the revolution of the Qarāmiṭah, and (revolutions) besides them, against exploitation and oppressive leadership and class differences.80 And the Islamic spirit has not ceased to wrestle against all of these expressions (of injustice), despite all the crushing blows that have been directed towards it in 1300 years."81 of the Messengers. Thus, their greatest hatred is reserved for the Gulf countries in general and Saudī Arabia in particular. 79 After Quṭb had been criticized for his speech against the Companions he published another edition of al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimāʿiyyah after his release from prison in the mid-1960s and made a few changes in wording here and there. After this particular quotation, Quṭb added the following sentence "...and this is without ignoring the plot of Ibn Sabaʿ - upon him be the curse of Allāh - that was behind it." In other words Quṭb maintained his ideological conviction, continued praising the revolution and added a token statement to placate his critics. This is a sign that the man was upon tamarrud, ʿīnād and kibr (persistent arrogance) in his viewpoint, and he displayed the same attitude in 1952 when he was refuted by Maḥmūd Shākir for his takfīr of Muʿāwiyah and Banū Umayyah. 80 That's straight from Adam Weishaupt, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Class differences and the exploitation of the lower classes is central to the Marxist Communist discourse and this poison was repeated by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and Sayyid Quṭb. 81 Al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimāʾiyyah Fīl-Islām (p. 223). Shaykh ʿAlī bin Yaḥyā al- Ḥaddādī commented, "From that which the Qarāmiṭah did in their revolution which Sayyid Qutb praises is the killing of the pilgrims in the Sacred House of Allāh on the day of Tarwiyah in the year 317H under the leadership of their heretical Bāṭin īleader, Abu Ṭāhir, may Allāh curse him. Then (they) removed

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Reflect on these statements and grasp the fully developed ideology [in the mind of Quṭb] which is behind it. What we are seeing here are echoes of the writings of Adam Weishaupt prior to the French revolution and the writings of Marx and Engels prior to the great revolutions of Europe and the writings of Vladimir Lenin prior to the revolution in Russia. In fact, we are seeing here the writings of the Bāṭiniyyah of old and of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ who also made these expressions in mustering the dregs of Egypt, Kūfah and Baṣrah against ʿUthmān (). We are seeing the ideology of Abū Muslim al- Khurasānī who revolted against Banū ʿUmayyah and of every Bāṭinī in history who revolted against Sunnī Muslim rulers. These are the slogans of all revolutionaries who wish to overturn whole nations and societies for agendas and interests known only to them or to those funding them behind the curtains. Worthy of repetition, Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī said, "And we have observed lessons from reality and from history, and there is no one reflecting and no one taking admonition except those upon whom Allāh has shown mercy and from them [these lessons] are: That every person of fitnah (tribulation), and every caller to misguidance, raises, with all strength, the slogan of "fairness, justice and equity". The revolution (led by ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ) against the righteous Caliph [ʿUthmān ()], rather against Islām, was in the name of justice. The revolution of al-Mukhtār bin Abī ʿUbayd, the heretic, was in the name of justice and equity. The revolution of Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī was under the slogan of justice and stopping oppression (injustice). And the Freemasonic movements, they carried the slogan of "justice, equality and freedom". The Communist revolution was also [carried out] beneath these slogans. And all of them are deception, and deceitful (lying) slogans, may Allāh expose those calling

the Black Stone from the House, and kidnapped the pilgrims, taking their wealth, whilst saying, "Where are the birds of abābīl? Where are the pebbles made of sijjīl (clay)." And the Black Stone remained with the Qarāmiṭah until they returned it 22 years later. Refer to Taarīkh Ibn Kathīr, the occurrences of the year 317H, and from Allaah is aid sought." In Ṣafahāt Muhimmah Min Ḥayāt Sayyid Quṭb."

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 47 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS with them, and uncover their veils, and humiliate them in this life before the hereafter."82

And then it should come as no surprise that the first to start articulating this poison in the modern era was none other than Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, another Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī. Muṣtafā Ghazāl says in his biographical work on al-Afghānī, "Upon this, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī is the first one who tried to overturn the texts and historical realities so as to make the religion of Islām a Socialist religion. Then after him came a people who proceeded upon his path, and exaggerated therein, playing with definitive texts so that they can make the religion of Islām as a means to arrive at Socialism. And al-Afghānī was the first to revile ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān () and made him responsible for (establishing) a feudal system and its evils, a heirarchical organization and its (associated) dangers, enriching some and impoverishing others. Jamāl al-Dīn says, 'In a short time during the caliphate of ʿUthmān the spiritual condition of the ummah changed in a perceptible way. The most severe manifestation of this is what occurred during his era and the era of the workers of the state and the leaders and the near relatives of the khalīfah (ʿUthmān) and the capitalists (those with wealth) in a form in which one can perceive the presence of a heirarchy claimed by the rulers and a heirarchy of nobles and another of the affluent and pompous. But separated from these ranks were the ranks of the labourers and the children of the mujāhidīn and whoever was like them.'83 Then he (al-Afghānī) considers this class separation to be a result of affluence despite the knowledge that most of those who ruled over the lands during his (ʿUthmān's) time where themselves employed by ʿUmar bin al-Khaṭṭāb and that those who fell into violations of duty during the rule of ʿUthmān were punished and removed. Not a single one of the historians mentioned that the rulers

82 Maḥajjat al-Bayḍāʾ (pp.9-10), which is his refutation of Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd who erred severely in attempting to undermine, upon lack of insight and knowledge, Shaykh Rabīʾs refutations against the "bāṭinī, rāfiḍī, khabīth" Sayyid Quṭb. 83 Refer to al-Aʿmāl al-Kāmilah li Jamāl al-Dīn (p. 111) and al-Radd ʿalā al- Dahriyyīn (pp. 200-201).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 48 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS during the time of ʿUthmān acquired wealth in an unlawful manner, or through theft, deception or bribery. Most of those who received a share of wealth, and they are ʿUthmān's relatives, were given from ʿUthmān's own wealth in order to bring their hearts closer and to push them to serve Islām. Then after he (al-Afghānī) threw the accusation against ʿUthmān, he tried to say that the revolutionaries who surrounded ʿUthmān were from the downtrodden Muslims and indicates that Abū Dharr was the first of those downtrodden ones who became aware of this danger. Al-Afghānī says, 'As a result of the sum of those manifestations brought about by the presence of those class distinctions between (the affluent) and the workers and downtrodden amongst the Muslims another faction formed which began to perceive oppression (was taking place) and they began to prepare to demand their earned right of support and which had been present during the reigns of the first and second caliphs, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar. The first of those who became aware of this danger which threatened the state and Islamic unity was the noble Companion Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī.'84 Thus, Abū Dharr al-Ghifārī in his view is the founder of the Socialist school in Islām and upon this approach we find the Socialists after him." End quote from Ghazāl.85

What you have just read is the essence of the idea of Marx and Engels in their Communist Manifesto who speak about class separation through disparity in wealth and the need for a revolution to create a classless society. Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī was writing this same idea at a time when revolutions were taking place in Europe, and being planned against Egypt and the Ottoman state by the Young Turk movement with whom al-Afghānī was also affiliated. The continuity of this idea 70 years later in the writings of Sayyid Quṭb and his books on Social

84 Refer to al-Aʿmāl al-Kāmilah li Jamāl al-Dīn (pp. 111-112) and al-Radd ʿalā al- Dahriyyīn (pp. 200-201). 85 Refer to his book, Daʿwah Jamāl al-Dīn Fī Mīzān al-Islām (pp. 264-265). The Orientalist bootlicker and shoeshiner Muḥammad Ammārah, in commenting upon these views of al-Afghānī and attempting to defend him, cast doubt upon the existence of ʿAbdullah bin Sabaʾ and this was picked upon by the Shiʾites who then began to claim Abdullāh bin Sabaʾ is a historical fabrication, despite affirmation of his existence in their very early biographical works.

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Justice is not surprising. Both Bāṭinī Freemasons and both spewing hatred of ʿUthmān () and Banū Umayyah.

Sayyid Quṭb Continued the Work of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghāni

It is vital to point out that what Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī wrote regarding ʿUthmān instigating class separation in the society, creating a heirarchy, and conferring wealth on the nobles, this being a form of tyrannical capitalism which must be removed - this was the sole purpose behind the book of Sayyid Quṭb, al-ʿĀdālah al-Ijtimāʿiyyah Fīl- Islām (Social Justice in Islām), the very first book he wrote intended as religious doctrine, unlike previous works which were only related to evaluation of literary style. In this book, Quṭb presents ʿUthmān () as an oppressor, a tyrant almost who was conferring vast amounts of wealth on his delegated rulers, the nobles and relatives. That through this he departed from spirit of Islām, and that this same spirit was passed on to the Banū ʿUmayyah for whom it became a foundation in their rule. And that the foundations of the religion were smashed during the reign of ʿUthmān (), whom he considered an old man, incapable of rule who had become a plaything for Banū ʿUmayyah - we seek refuge in Allāh from such filthy Bāṭinī poison. Quṭb claimed that Abu Dharr () was the one who stood in opposition to all of this and he even tries to attribute the revolution against ʿUthmān to Abu Dharr. This is identical to what Jamāl al-Dīn al- Afghānī claimed 70 years earlier, that Abu Dharr was the first socialist, and he stood against the tyranny and abuse of capital. Look at how these Bāṭinī devils try to present this noble Companion within the same frame as ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ, Karl Marx, Leon Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin! All of these ideas are found in al-ʿAdālah al- Ijtimāʿiyyah, Maʿrakat al-Islām wal-Raʾsamāliyyah, and scattered through al-Dhilāl. This is bearing in mind that he is a Freemason, was engrossed in Marxist, Communist philosophy for 15 years of his life, travelled to the United States in 1948 and remained there for two years and in this very period he brought out and revived the ideology of Mazdak, the Persian communist), Abdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī, the Khurramiyyah (the remnant followers of Mazdak who wore the face of

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Shīʿīsm), Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī, and the Qarāmiṭah. Then he added to this Bāṭinī poison, the manhaj of the Azāriqah, the most extreme of the Khārijites, whose leader is Nāfiʿ bin Azraq who also participated in the revolutionary activities against ʿUthmān!86

Islām is a Perfect Blend of Communism and Christianity According to Sayyid Quṭb

Quṭb writes in his book "Maʿrakah al-Islām wal-Raʾsamāliyyah" (The Battle Between Islām and Capitalism), " And it is necessary for Islām to judge, since it is a unique, constructive and positivist ʿaqīdah which has been moulded and shaped from Christianity and Communism together, [with a] blending in the most perfect of ways and which comprises all of their objectives and adds in addition to them harmony, balance and justice." 87

Shaykh Ḥammād al-Anṣārī, the Mūhaddith of Madīnah, when asked about the statement of Sayyid Quṭb, "And it is necessary for Islām to judge, since it is a unique, constructive and positivist aqidah which has been moulded and shaped from Christianity and Communism together, [with a] blending in the most perfect of ways and which comprises all of their (Christianity and Communism's) objectives and adds in

86 In a lesson dated 14/11/2009, speak about the Ḥūthī Rāfiḍah Shīʿah in Yemen, Shayhk Ṣālih al-Suhaymī said, "So beware, take caution and be fair and perceptive with regard to what is being stirred against Islām and the Muslims. Be intelligent, and do not be sentimentalists who are taken by feelings, (inadvertently) supporting scum behind whom is the Zionist Mossad and behind whom is world Freemasonry, and behind which is world disbelief, drum-beating (against Islām) from near and from far. Do not be deceived by claims of (what is in reality) artificial enmity between the Zionists and those groups (the Rāfiḍah and Khawārij), for they are friends, ever since the tribulation of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ until this day of ours. Thus, the Muslim ought to be shrewd, intelligent, he should not be deceived by this idle chatter, and nor by these fibs and deviations, 'But the evil plot encompasses only him who makes it' (35:43)." 87 Maʿrakah al-Islām wal-Raʾsamāliyyah (Dar al-Shurūq, 1993, p. 61).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 51 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS addition to them harmony, balance and justice"88 to which he replied, "If the one who said these words was alive, then his repentance should be sought, so if he repents (then so) otherwise he is to be killed as an apostate. And if he has died then it is obligatory to explain that these words are falsehood. However we do not perform takfīr of him since we have not established the proof against him."89 When Shaykh Ṣāliḥ al- Fawzān reviewed this speech of Shaykh Ḥammād, commented, "The ḥujjah (proof) is established upon the one whom the Qurʾān and the Sunnah reach. And the disbelief of the Christians is clear in the Qurʾān, and more clear than that is the disbelief of the Communists, so how can he mix between kufr and īmān."90

Sayyid Quṭb, Marxist Socialism and the Confiscation of Wealth

In his book on Social Justice, "al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimāʿiyyah Fī al-Islām" Quṭb propounds Communist ideas such as the confiscation of wealth and private property by the state for redistribution. He writes, "Rather, it is in the power of the state to confiscate all (private) possessions and fortunes (personal wealth) and to redistribute them upon a new basis, even if these possessions had been attained (by their owners) through foundations that Islām acknowledges and had grown (in value, quantity) by means that it (Islām) justifies. Because the repulsion of harm from all of the society or protection of this society from expected harms is more befitting for consideration than the rights of sole individuals (amongst them)."91 In "Maʿrakah al-Islām wal- Raʾsamāliyyah" Quṭb writes, "And Islām is the enemy of inactivity due to the accumulation of riches. There is no reward except for striving and there is no reward except for action. As for those who sit and do

88 In his book, Maʿrakah al-Islām wal-Raʾsamāliyyah (p. 61). 89 From the book of Shaykh Rabīʿ "al-ʿAwāṣim Mimmā Fī Kutub Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qawāsim" (p. 24) and who read it out to Shaykh Ḥammād himself on the night of 3/1/1415H in order to corroborate it. 90 Refer to the excellent book, "Barāʾah ʿUlamā al-Ummah Min Tazkiyah Ahl al- Bidʿah wal-Mudhammah" (p. 60), which was reviewed and checked by both Shaykh Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn and Shaykh al-Fawzān and whose comments were incorporated into the book. 91 Refer to the 1995 edition, (p. 44).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 52 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS not work, then their riches are ḥarām (unlawful) and their wealth is ḥarām (unlawful), and it is upon the state to benefit from those riches for the advantage of the society, and not to leave it for those inactive lazy (ones). "92

This is an evil judgement against the Sharīʿah of Islām, in fact an outright lie against Islām. Imām Muslim relates in his Ṣaḥīḥ, the statement of the Messenger (), "Indeed my Lord ordered me to teach you that which you did not know, from that which He taught me this day, (instructing me): The wealth which I confer upon a and I created all My ,(كل مال نحلته عبدا حالل) servant is all lawful for him servants having a natural inclination to the very true way, but the devils came to them and turned them away from their (true) religion, and they forbade them that which I made lawful for them, and they ordered them to associate in worship with Me that for which I sent down no authority."93 In this Ḥadīth Qudsī, Allāh () has invalidated the Communist, Socialist principles of Mazdak, Marx, Engels, al- Afghānī, Sayyid Quṭb and every other misguiding fabricator in history.

Takfīr of Muʿāwiyah, ʿAmr bin al-Āṣ and Takfīr of Abū Ṣufyān and the Banī Umayyah

We have already noted the revolution of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ against ʿUthmān and that of Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī (Bāṭinī, Rāfiḍī) against the Banī Umayyah (ʿUmayyads) who are the rulers from the lineage of Muʿāwiyah () and likewise the revolution of the Qarāmiṭah against the Banū ʿAbbās (ʿAbbasids). All of these Bāṭinī movements operated under secrecy and secret organization. It is not surprising that Sayyid Quṭb should speak in praise of their revolutions94 and revive their thinking in the 20th century leading to hatred, resentment and violence against Muslim societies at large, and that is after negating Islām from Muʿāwiyah and Banu Umayyah.

92 Refer to the 1993 edition (p. 52). 93 Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim in Kitāb al-Jannah wa Ṣifat Naʿīmihā wa Ahlihā. 94 Quṭb praised the revolution of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ against ʿUthmān and that of the Qarāmiṭah against the ʿAbbāsids as documented in this treatise.

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Sayyid Quṭb on Muʿāwiyah and Banū Umayyah: These are some of the statements of Sayyid Quṭb which are documented in his books and for which he was refuted openly in the Egyptian newspapers in 1952: a) That the change of the khilāfah to kingship was from the waḥy (inspiration) of jāhiliyyah (pre-Islāmic ignorance), b) Islām never entered the heart of the Banu ʿUmayyah, this being a general quality for them, and they only used Islām as a cloak to put on and off according to prevailing interests, c) Islām is free and innocent of Muāʿwiyah and Banū Umayyah, d) the spirit of Islām was strangled by the hands of Muʿāwiyah and Banū Umayyah e) Muʿāwiyah was driven by the incentive of family and tribal partisanship, f) Abū Sufyān's Islām is the Islām of the lip and tongue, not of the heart and emotion, and he used to harbour malice against Islām and the Muslims, seizing every opportunity to spread tribulations, g) neither manners nor religion held Muʿāwiyah and ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ back from their pursuits and ambition, h) The souls of Muʿāwiyah and Banū Umayyah had not been occupied by Islām, they only believed on a cliff-edge and they diverted Islām for tribal and personal interests, i) Muāʿwiyah and ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ used deception, hypocrisy95 and treachery in their dealings which is why they overwhelmed ʿAlī who was not prepared to resort to such tactics. Sayyid Quṭb did not recant or repent from these statements, right until his death.

Maḥmūd Shākir () who is the brother of the ʿAllāmah and Muḥaddith Aḥmad Shākir () wrote a series of articles in defence of Muʿāwiyah, his parents Abū Sūfyān and Hind and also ʿAmr bin al-Āṣ, all of whom had been spoken against by Sayyid Quṭb in some of his books with repugnant speech. Quṭb went as far as negating the Islām of the Muʿāwiyah, his parents and that of Banū ʿUmayyah in general. In 1952 a debate ensued through newspaper columns when Maḥmūd Shākir published a series of articles, from them one that was titled "Lā Tasubbū Aṣḥābī" (Do Not Revile My Companions) in the newspaper "al-

95 Ibn Taymiyyah said, "And Muʿāwiyah, ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ and ther likes from the Believers were not suspected of hypocrisy by anyone from the Salaf." Majmūʿ Fatāwā (35/62).

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Muslimūn."96 The article comprised the following: a) an introduction containing verses and ḥadīths regarding the excellence of the Companions, b) citation of the expression of Sayyid Quṭb in revilement of the the four companions mentioned and of Banū ʿUmayyah, c) mention of ḥadīths regarding the virtues and excellence the four companions mentioned, d) statements from the Scholars regarding the ruling upon revilement of the Companions and e) genuine advice to Sayyid Quṭb to recant and repent. This was just the one of a series of articles published by Maḥmūd Shākir on this topic. 97

Ḥukmum bilā" (حكم بال بينة) :There were five articles in total and they are 96 Bayyinah" (Judgement without proof), published in the 1st edition of "al- ,(Tārīkh bilā Īmān" (History Without Faith" (تاريخ بال إيمان) .Muslimoon", 1952 Lā" (ال تسبوا أصحابي) .published in the 2nd edition of "al-Muslimūn", 1952 Tasubbū Aṣḥaabī" (Do not Revile My Companions), published in the 3rd Alsinat al-Muftarīn" (Tongues of" (ألسنة املفترين) .edition of "al-Muslimūn", 1952 (ذو العقل يشقى) .the Liars), published in the 4th edition of "al-Muslimūn", 1952 "Dhul-ʿAql Yashqā" (Possessor of Intellect Becomes Miserable), published in "ar-Risālah" in 1952. 97 What ensued thereafter was that a person called Muḥammad Rajab al- Bayyūmī wrote a refutation of Maḥmūd Shākir in defence of Sayyid Quṭb. Then Maḥmūd Shākir wrote a refutation against him to which al-Bayyūmī wrote another reply. Then Maḥmūd Shākir wrote another refutation of al-Bayyūmī. At this point Sayyid Quṭb published a response, not to Maḥmūd Shākir, but addressing al-Bayyūmī and defending his position and telling al-Bayyūmī to ignore Maḥmūd Shākir. Quṭb accused Shākir with many evil things in this particular article such as evil intention, evil manners, hypocrisy, foolishness and so on. After this, ʿAlī al-Ṭanṭāwī wrote in defence of Sayyid Quṭb, only to be rebutted by Maḥmūd Shākir as a result of which al-Ṭanṭāwī apologised and took back some of this speech. Then another individual, ʿAbd al-Jawād Ramaḍān depended on the speech of al-Ṭanṭāwī to defend Quṭb but al-Ṭanṭāwī wrote against him for that. Then finally ʿIzz al-Dīn Ismāʿīl wrote a refutation against Sayyid Quṭb, criticising his book al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimiāʿiyyah. In turn al- Bayyūmī wrote a refutation against ʿIzz al-Dīn Ismāʿīl. Refer to the book "Lā Tasubbū Aṣḥābī" by Muḥammad bin ʿAwaḍ bin ʿAbd al-Ghaniyy al-Miṣrī in which he compiles together all the various statements and articles published in 1952 on this subject.

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It is interesting to note how Maḥmūd Shākir addressed Sayyid Quṭb in his article. After the introduction, Shākir writes, "And I am not going to give an example from the Orientalists and those of the same sort as them, for they are what we already know (of them). Nor (will I give an example) of the people of deviation, misguidance and malice against the people of Islām, such as the author of the book "al-Fitnah al-Kubrā" and his likes amongst the authors. Rather, I will bring you the example from the speech of one of the sentimentalists towards the religion of their Lord, who proclaims defence of it and [proclaims] jihād in its path, [and show] that the quality of the idolatrous western civilization manifests itself - in the heart of the one who does not beware and take caution - explosively, with all of the malices of the twentieth century and with the most evil of resentments of this civilization that transgress the limits of Allāh, [Those] which He prescribed upon His servants - Muslims and non-Muslims - that they should not transgress. [This transgression being against] four from the Companions of Allāh's Messenger (), they are Abū Sufyān bin Ḥarb, Muʿāwiyah bin Abī Sufyān, ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ and Hind bint ʿUtbah bin Rabīʿah, the mother of Muʿāwiyah () - [and] how one of the people [Qutb] has spoken about them?!"

This could not have been a more appropriate and profound statement from Maḥmūd Shākir (), that in the heart of this man (Quṭb) you find all the malices, hatreds and resentments of 20th century, meaning here the materalist philosophies and ideologies, which are directed towards Islām and ultimately to its original carriers, the Companions (). By speaking against Muʿāwiyah who is the veil and cover for the rest of the Companions, Quṭb has manifested the ways of the Bāṭiniyyah of old and spewed their Rāfiḍī poison which was simply a veil for the harm they intended towards Islām and its people. These statement were made forty years before Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hadī wrote a series of books refuting the calamitous heresies of Sayyid Quṭb.

Ḥarb bin Ismāʿīl al-Kirmānī, in the issues he narrates from his Shaykh, Imām Aḥmad, said, This is the madhhab of the people of knowledge, the people of the narrations, Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jamāʿah, those who

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 56 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS stick fast to it and who seek to guide themselves by (through the narrations) from amongst those in the presence of the Messenger of Allaah () up until this day of ours. And I met whomever I met from among the Scholars of the people of Ḥijāz and Shām and others besides them. Whoever differs with and opposes a single matter from the doctrines [of these people of knowledge] or contests and defames them or criticizes the one who speaks [by what they speak with], then he is a mukhālif (opposer), a mubtadiʿ (an innovator) and one who has left the jamāʿah, who has ceased to be upon the manhaj of the Sunnah and the Path of Truth. And this is the madhhab of [Imām] Aḥmad, Isḥāq bin Ibrāhīm, ʿAbdullāh bin Zubayr al-Ḥumaydī, Saʿīd bin Manṣūr and others besides them amongst those with whom we have sat and taken knowledge from... [From their way is]... the mentioning of the good qualities and deeds of the Companions of the Messenger of Allāh () and refraining from mentioning their shortcomings and mistakes, those which occurred between them. Whoever reviles the Companions of the Messenger of Allāh (), or a single one amongst them, or reduces [their worth and status] or insults them or exposes their faults or criticises a single one amongst them then he is a mubtadiʿ (an innovator), a Rāfiḍī (an extreme Shīʿite), a khabīth (vile) and a mukhālif (an opposer) and Allāh will not accept from him any of his efforts nor his fair dealings. Rather loving them is a sunnah, supplicating for them is nearness (Allāh), taking them as a model for guidance is a means (of nearness to Allāh) and accepting and taking from their narrations is an excellence...It is not permissible for anyone to mention anything of their shortcomings, and nor to revile anyone of them on account of a fault or deficiency. Whoever does that, then it is obligatory upon the ruler to discipline him and punish him. It is not for him (the ruler) to pardon him, rather he should punish him and seek his repentance. So if he repents, it is accepted from him and if he does not repent, the punishment is repeated upon him, and he is kept in prison until he dies or recants." End quote.98

Sayyid Quṭb and the Rāfiḍah

98 Masāʾil Ḥarb bin Ismāʾīl al-Kirmānī ʿAn il-Imām Aḥmad and it is also cited by Ibn al-Qayyim at the end of Ḥādī al-Arwāḥ.

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Nawāb Ṣafawī was a Shīʿite revolutionary who tried to ferment a revolution against the Shāh of Irān, was a leading member of the Fedāyīne Islāmi (a Shīʿite sister group to al-Ikhwān) and was involved in assassination attempts on politicians. Like Sayyid Quṭb, he was imprisoned numerous times for his activities and eventually excecuted. Nawāb Ṣafawī was also an associate and ally of "Ayatollāh" Khomeini who later led the Iranian revolutoin in 1979. It is also interesting to note that the concept of jāhiliyyah is common in the ideologies of Mawdūdī, Quṭb and Ṣafawī. Upon this and the concept of ḥākimiyyah, did they encourage revolutions against the state. In the picture Sayyid Quṭb is seen with Nawāb Ṣafawī in 1953.

In 1955 Nawāb Ṣafawī was involved in an assassination attempt upon Husayn ʿAlā, the Chief of Ministers, and he was subsequently given the judgement of execution along with three others. The Ikhwān in Egypt were part of a group that tried to convince the government of the Shāh to pardon him from execution, but this was not granted and Nawāb Ṣafawī was executed in 1956.The Ikhwānī author ʿIzz al-Dīn Ibrāhīm wrote a book in praise of the Iranian revolution, citing the support of many Ikhwānī figureheads for al- Khomeini. In this book he writes, "The Imām, Shahīd, Ḥasan al-Bannā expended great efforts in this path (of taqrīb). What confirms this is what is related by Dr. Ishāq Mūsā al- Ḥusaynī in his book, 'al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn, Kubrā al-Ḥarakāt al- Islāmiyyah al-Ḥadīthiyyah' where he states that some of the Shīʿite students who studied in Egypt joined the jamāʿah of al-Ikhwān. And it was known that the ranks of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn in Iraq contained many Imāmī, Twelver Shīʿites. And when Nawāb Ṣafawī visited Syria and met with Dr. Muṣtafā al-Ṣibāʿī, the general director of al-Ikhwān al- Muslimīn, the latter complained to him (Nawāb Ṣafawī) that some of

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 58 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS the Shīʿite youth were joining the nationalist and secularist parties. So Nawāb got up on one of the pulpits and said in front of a gathering of both Shīʿite and Sunnī youth, 'Whoever wishes to be a true Jaʿfarī then let him join the ranks of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn'."99

ʿUmar al-Tilmisānī, the third supreme guide of the Ikhwān writes in Dhikriyyāt, Lā Mudhakkarāt, "And the connection between the Ikhwān and the leaders of the Shīʿah did not slacken. They connected with Ayatollāh Kāshānī, and they invited Nawab Ṣafawī to Egypt (hosting him as a guest). All of this was done by Ikhwān not in order to make the Shīʿah leave their madhhab but they did this with a noble objective which their Islām called them to, which is to try and bring closeness between the Islāmic madhhabs to the closest level possible." ʿUmar al- Tilmisānī also mentions that the students of Ḥasan al-Banna, from the members of al-Ikhwān would celebrate the remembrance of Nawāb Ṣafawī after his execution.100

The organization of al-Ikhwān al-Muslimūn is in fact a coalition between Sūfism and Shīʿism against the daʿwah of Tawḥid and its adherents, and they use Siyāsah, and these three comprise a Trinity.101

Barbarism from Alexis Carrel and al-Mawdūdī

Sayyid Quṭb quoted extensively from Alexis Carrel and took the idea of barbarism (jāhiliyyah) from him, transposing it on to Muslim societies. Carrel was a French philosopher who wrote on the impact of modern

99 Mawqif ʿUlamāʾ al-Muslimīn Min al-Shīʿah wa l-Thawrah al-Islāmiyyah of ʿIzz al-Dīn Ibrāhīm (pp. 15-16). 100 Dhikriyyāt Laa Mudkhakkarāt (p. 131). 101 Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Ḥādī said, "From the severest (aspect) of this murky plot... is that which is brimming of the Rāfiḍī, Ṣūfī and Siyāsī plot, this vile Trinity and whatever follows from it which stands as a preventive barrier between the ummah and its true return to the Book of its Lord and the Sunnah of its Prophet and the methodology of the Righteous Salaf in ʿaqīdah (creed), ʿibādah (worship), siyāsah (politics) and akhlāq (morals, manners)." In the introduction to his article, "Ḥaqīqat Daʿwah al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn."

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In his PhD Thesis, "Man, Society, And Knowledge In The Islamist Discourse Of Sayyid Qutb" by Aḥmed Bouzīd (Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, April 1998), Bouzīd states the following (p.70-71), "A sustained target of his criticism in this "modern jaahiliyyah", and, in Quṭb's eyes, one of its most articulate and intelligent spokesperson, is the French scientist and philosopher, Alexis Carrel (1873-1944)." He also says (p.219), "To make the same point, Quṭb often quotes, and at great length, the French scientist Alexis Carrel." And also (p.240), "For example, the author Quṭb quotes most extensively is the French Alexis Carrel, with whose ideas and observations Quṭb seems to have been greatly impressed."102

L. Carl Brown, writes, referencing Youssef M. Choueiri, "[Youssef] Choueiri also explicates one of those seemingly minor points that actually is very revealing (pp. 142-49). This is the extent to which Sayyid Quṭb was influenced by Alexis Carrel (1873-1944). Carrel, a medical doctor, received the Nobel Prize in 1912, but his importance here was his later book, Man, the Unknown (a best-seller in the 1930s and 1940s) and his easily fitting as an official in the government of Vichy France. Carrel put himself forward as a social philosopher (if not, indeed, a prophet) deploring the presumed dehumanizing impact of modern Western materialism (especially capitalism). A social Darwinist elitist, he went all the way into advocating eugenics and euthanasia to breed the best and weed out the unfit. Quṭb, Choueri argues, adapted Carrel's ideas (not, in fairness, eugenics and euthanasia) to come up with 'a Third World version of fascism.' Choueiri shrewdly suggests

102 In his article series "Sayyid Quṭb Amīr al-Takfīr" Helmy Namnam also points out Quṭb's heavy reliance on Alexis Carrel's "Man, the Unknown" which was translated into Arabic by Shafīq Asad Farīd. Quṭb cites lengthy pages at a time, not just paragraphs. In his book "Islām and the Problem of Civilization" Sayyid Quṭb borrows the title of Carrel's book for his first chapter and in this chapter, pages 9-12, 13-18, 19-24, are all lifted from Carrel's book. in his other book "The Future is for Islām" Quṭb quotes nine whole pages from Carrel.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 60 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS that what Carrel called modern Western 'barbarism'103 could be transposed into Quṭb's jahiliyya. An excellent insight, which also demonstrates that even Islamists most intent on rejecting the 'other' in favor of a postulated cultural authenticity often rely on theories and ideologies advanced by outsiders."104

The term jāhiliyyah is also found in the writings of Abū Aʿlā al- Mawdūdī who in the 1940s described Muslim societies with the "new contemporary jāhiliyyah" on the basis that the first foundation of Islām is ḥākimiyyah and where ḥākimiyyah is not established in a society, that society is a jāhilī society. As we shall see further below, Quṭb made takfīr of all Muslim societies and accused them with the pre-Islāmic Jāhliyyah and these ideas were synthesized in his mind due the influence of Carrel and al-Mawdūdī.

103 Alexis Carrel writes in "Man, the Unknown," (p. 27 and 28), "We are unhappy. We degenerate morally and mentally. The groups and the nations in which industrial civilisation has attained its highest development are precisely those which are becoming weaker, and whose return to barbarism is the most rapid." And in "Reflections On Life," (p.103), "It is to these vices that the great nations partly owe their decline. In the years before the war they were the greatest consumers of alcoholic drink in the world. Alcoholism, nicotine poisoning, sexual excesses, the drug habit, mental dissipation and low morals all constitute extremely dangerous breaches of the law of self-preservation. These vices weaken the individual and mark him with a special stamp. The young Frenchman of the defeat: rude, slovenly, unshaven, slouching about with his hands in his pockets and a cigarette in the corner of his mouth, was all too representative of the anemic barbarism on which the France of those years prided herself." And in "Reflections On Life," (p.195), "Civilization is first and foremost a discipline; a discipline which is physiological, moral and scientific. barbarism, on the contrary, is essentially undisciplined. But whereas primitive barbarism was subject to the harsh authority of nature, our anemic modern barbarism is completely unrestrained." Sayyid Quṭb took Carrel's characterization of France's degenerate society and imposed the labels (jāhiliyyah) uponn the Muslim ummah, accusing it of reverting to a pre- Islāmic jāhiliyyah, if not more intense than that. 104 In "Islam and Politics Past and Present: A Bibliographical Essay."

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In their paper, "The Influence of Al-Mawdudi and The Jamāʿat Al Islamī Movement On Sayyid Quṭb's Writings"105 Asyraf Rahman and Nooraihan Ali, observe, "Analysing Qutb’s concept of jāhiliyyah and its usage, it seems that the term departed a little from that of al-Mawdudi’s concept of jāhiliyyah. Perhaps different environments of these two figures were the main reason for their different understanding and application of the concept. Mawdudi’s definition of jahiliyyah mainly referred to the way of life and thought of the ruling classes, those leaders of Muslim India and not the person in the street. Furthermore, in al-Mawdudi’s view, there were two categories of jāhiliyyah namely pure jāhiliyyah and mixed jahiliyyah. Pure jāhiliyyah rejected God completely, whereas mixed jahiliyyah referred to those who associated religion with infidelity and did not rule by God’s order. Qutb, on the other hand, claimed that the whole world was living in a jāhilī society, which was pure jāhiliyyah."

It is interesting to note that al-Mawḍūdī who initiated the ideas of ḥākimiyyah, jāhiliyyah and imāmah also spoke about ʿUthmān and Muʿāwiyyah along the same ideological lines as Sayyid Quṭb and the Rāfiḍah. Further, Mawdūdī became a very close friend of al-Khomeinī of Irān, describing his revolution as a true Islāmic revolution. Al- Khomeinī also outlined the doctrine of al-Hākimiyyah in his works, being influenced by al-Mawdudī in that regard. Alī al-Khamenei, a major figure in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 translated the books of Sayyid Quṭb into Persian during the 1960s, being impressed with them. They were used as an ideological foundation for the Iranian Revolution. Both Quṭb and al-Mawūdī were honoured by the state of Irān. All of their hearts, no doubt, resemble each other.

Ḥākimiyyah from Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī

Asyraf Rahman and Nooraihan Ali also observe in their paper, "Many of Quṭb’s works written in the 1950s quoted al-Mawdūdī's Islāmic ideas and terms such as jāhiliyyah, ḥākimiyyah, manhaj and jihād. Quṭb's

105 Published in World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization, 2 (4): 232- 236, 2012.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 62 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS discussion of the ḥākimiyyah (sovereignty) of God in Al-Mustaqbal li Hādha al-Dīn (Islam: The Religion of the Future), for instance, referred to al-Mawdudī's work, The Four Terminologies in the Qurʾān. For Quṭb, divine sovereignty was so comprehensive that it precludes all human sovereignty and authority... Quṭb's other work which quoted al- Mawdūdī's ideas at length was Fi Zilāl al-Qurʾān. In this Qurʾānic commentary, the concepts of jāhiliyyah and ḥākimiyyah were widely used by Quṭb in his analysis of contemporary society. "

The combination of Quṭb's engrossment in materialist secular philosophies (Marxism, Communism) for fifteen years of his life during the 1930s and 1940s led him to revive the ideology and poison of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ al-Yahūdī against the Companions of Allāh's Messenger () until he transgressed against ʿUthmān (), reviling him and negating the Islām of Muʿāwiyah, his parents and Banū Umayyah. Then his doctrines of jāhiliyyah and hākimiyyah along with a twisted understanding of jihād led him to pour out the same hatred he had towards Banū Umayyah towards contemporary Muslim societies. His writings created the perfect ideological environment for the emergence and revival of Khārijite and Bāṭinī movements who would eventually do to the Muslim Ummah what the Qarāmiṭah terrorists did to the Muslims in the early 4th century.106

Takfīr of All Muslim Societies

In his book Milestones, Sayyid Quṭb propounds his takfīrī ideology explicitly, negating the Islām of all contemporary Islāmic societies and at the head of them, the Egyptian society. He even dismisses their worship, making it count for nothing, saying "...even if they pray, fast and make pilgrimage to the House." He requests his jamāʿah, the true believers, the elite vanguard, to destroy this jāhilī society so that they can replace in its ashes, a new Islāmic society. Sayyid Quṭb was very open, unlike Ḥasan al-Bannā who was more of a Bāṭinī in his mannerisms, using subtleties, deceptions and concealing the reality of his takfīrī ideology, but still managing to sow its seeds in the minds of

106 Such as what is done today by the organizations such as al-Qaidah and ISIS.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 63 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS his followers and behaving with hypocrisy and two-facedness towards the rulers. The writings of Sayyid Quṭb in Milestones and al-Dhilāl unleashed hatred against Muslim societies, attributed apostasy to them and incited jihād against them.

Sayyid Quṭb said, "The whole of mankind, including those who repeat from the minarets, in the eastern and western parts of the world, the words 'Lā ilāha illallāha', without any [consideration of] meaning or reality, then they are the most sinful of people and will be the most severely punished on the day of Judgement because they have apostatised by turning to the worship of the servants (of Allāh)."107 Quṭb also wrote, "Today we are in Jāhiliyyah, like that which was prevalent at the dawn of Islām, in fact more oppressive (i.e. severe). Everything around us is Jāhiliyyah…"108 And also "This society in which we live is not a Muslim society." 109

He also said, "The Ummah (of Islām) has ceased to be in existence (ghābat al-ummah) and has not been perceivable for a very long time."110 And also "Entering into the realm of the Society of Ignorance (al-mujtamaʿ al-jāhiliyy) are all those societies which claim that they are Muslim societies. These societies enter into this realm not because they have the belief of Uloohiyyah for other than Allaah and nor because they offer their sacrifices and rituals of worship to other than Allaah either. But rather, they enter into this realm (of Jahiliyyah of Kufr) because (although) they worship by giving Uloohiyyah to Allaah alone in the affairs of life – and (although) they do not hold the belief of Uloohiyyah for anyone except Allaah, they have (nevertheless) given the most special and unique of the characteristics of Ulūhiyyah to other than Allāh, hence they worship by granting ḥākimiyyah to other than Allāh…"111 And also "Indeed the position of Islām towards these societies of Ignorance (muj’tamāt al-jāhiliyyah) can be defined in a

107 In al-Dhilāl (2/1057). 108 Maʿālim Fī al-Ṭarīq, 17th edition, 1991 (p.21). 109 In al-Dhilāl (4/2009). 110 Ibid. (p. 8). 111 Ibid. (p. 108).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 64 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS single expression: It (Islām) refuses to acknowledge the Islām or the legal validity (sharʿiyyatihā) of every single one of these societies…"112

It is upon these oppressive, vile judgments which exceed the extremism of the Khārijites of old that Sayyid Quṭb laid the foundations for a new innovated understanding of jihād. Namely, to tear down and destroy these "apostate" societies so as to build on top of their ashes a new society in which the usurped ḥākimiyyah is "returned back" to its rightful owner, Allāh ().

This oppressive ideology was carried by Quṭb's brother, Muḥammad Quṭb who wrote, "Certainly, the matter requires that the people be called afresh to Islaam. Not so because they – in this time – refuse to say with their mouths, 'Lā ilāha ilallāha Muḥammad Rasūlullāh,' as the people use to refuse to say it in the very first strangeness [i.e. the call of the Prophet Muhammad]. But [more so] because – in this time – they reject the principle requirement of 'Lā ilāha ilallāha' and that is judging to the Shariʿah of Allāh"113 Muḥammad Quṭb fled Egypt and moved to Saudi Arabia whereby he and hordes of other Ikhwānīs began to work their Bāṭinī sedition once more, having failed in Egypt when Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāsir outlawed their organization. A series of stooges then appeared in Saudi Arabia spreading this Takfīrī Khārijī poison. From them Salmān al-ʿAwdah, Safar al-Ḥawālī, Nāṣir al-ʿUmar, ʿĀʾiḍ al-Qarnī. In Kuwait, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿAbd al-Khāliq, also originally from Egypt, began to sperad the same poison, until he gathered a following, and the organization of Iḥyā al-Turāth al-Islāmī became the front for his Takfīrī ideology. Likewise, ʿAdnān ʿArʿūr was another caller to this way and not to forget Muḥammad Surūr after whom the Surūriyyah are named. On the back of the activity of this group who became vocal after the 1991 Gulf War, more extreme elements began to appear. From them Abū Muḥammad al-Maqdisī (ʿIsām al-Barqāwī), Abū Qatādah al-Filistīnī, Sulaymān al-ʿUlwān and then the likes of Usāmah bin Lādīn, Ayman al- Zawāhīrī and through them al-Qaidah until we reach the likes of ISIS and the Takfīrī Khārijite movements in Irāq and Syria.

112 Ibid. (p. 103). 113 Wāqiʿunā al-Muʿāṣar (p. 29).

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The ideological chain of narration of these people originates with Dhul- Khuwayṣarah al-Tamīmī, the father of all Khārijites who raised the banner of social justice in the face of the Prophet (), then ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ who made khurūj against ʿUthmān () and alongside him, the Khārijite Nāfiʿ bin Azraq, founder of the extreme, terrorist, Azāriqah sect.

Ghuluww (Extremism) in Takfīr and the Issue of Obedience in Sin

Shaykh Ṣāliḥ Āl al-Shaykh explains the exaggeration of Sayyid Quṭb in the issue of obedience (ṭāʿah), that is obeying and imitating others in major sins. He said, " And amongst [those matters] is that in the issue of obedience to the pagans, he did not understand the detail provided by the people of knowledge concerning it. So that which is understood from his words is in agreement with some of the extremists on the issue of obedience, that is (the subject of) obedience to the pagans or obedience to the priests and rabbis (meaning, the scholars). From the examples of this is what he mentioned in Sūrah ul-Anʿām concerning the verse, "And if you were to obey them, you would become pagans (like them)", so he says many things about this verse. And amongst them is the issue of the clothing of the female models of fashion, which are designed by the fashion agencies in Paris - using his (Quṭb's) expression. So he says that those who legislate for the women their clothing, such that in the morning they should wear such and such type of clothing, and in the evening this type of clothing and in the night this type of clothing, and at work this type of clothing and so on... Sayyid Quṭb says, that this group of people, meaning the fashion designers, that they are gods (ālihah, plural of ilāh) because they have made the ḥarām to be ḥalāl and so they are obeyed in that, and they made the ḥalāl to be ḥarām, and so they are obeyed in that. So he (Quṭb) says, that the Muslim woman who obeys them in this has taken them as objects of worship (ālihah), because she has obeyed them in making lawful what is unlawful and making unlawful what is lawful. And there is no doubt that these words are futile. Because when a woman wears forbidden clothes which have come from the direction of those designers, this does not at the same time mean she has believed

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 66 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS that they are lawful (ḥalāl) for her to wear. For the issue of takfir is in relation to the belief that this thing that Allāh () has made unlawful is actually ḥalāl. So for example, a woman who wears clothing that reveals her bosoms somewhat and her legs, in front of the foreign men, following the fashion designers in this, then if she believes that this act is ḥarām, yet she is overcome and her faith is weak, then this is not disbelief and she has not worshipped them. So he (Quṭb) has made mere obedience to be disbelief, and some of the jamāʿāt have adopted this saying from him, those who have exaggerated in the issue of ruling by other than what Allāh has revealed, (they have taken from him) in the issue of obedience, that is obedience to the fashion designers and the promoters."114

It is upon this foundation that Quṭb declared subjects of all Muslim societies to be disbelievers. The issue of obedience in sin coupled with his other doctrines of jāhiliyyah and ḥakimiyyah led him to make mass takfīr of the ummah.

Destructive Revolutions Against Muslim Societies

Sayyid Quṭb wrote, "And this important duty, the duty of instigating a Islāmic revolution is general, it is not restricted to one region exclusive to another. Rather, it is what Islām desires, and places it in front of its vision, that it should instigate a comprehensive revolution in all inhabited places. This is its greatest objective and its loftiest goal to which it turns its vision, except that it is absolutely mandatory for the Muslims or members of any Islāmic party to immediately embark upon their duty by instigating the urgent revolution, and striving to alter the structure of rule in their lands in which they live."115

Once takfīr had been made of all societies on the basis of jāhiliyyah and ḥākimiyyah, the only thing left is the practical methodology of

114 Cassette, Sharḥ Kitāb Masāʾil al-Jāhiliyyah, 2nd cassette, 2nd side, and it is also in Barāʾah ʿUlamāʾ al-Ummah of ʿIsām bin Sinānī, which is a compilation of the sayings of the scholars on the deviations of Sayyid Quṭb. 115 Fī Dhilāl al-Qurʾān (9th edition, 1980, 3/1451).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 67 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS launching the proposed revolutions. And it is here that Quṭb plagiarizes the essential idea of "What is To Be Done?," a tract written by Vladimir Lenin between 1901 and 1902. It constituted a skeleton plan for the revolution and was later refined and republished in 1907. Quṭb's book "Māʿālim Fī al-Ṭarīq" (Milestones) formed the basis of a new, innovated understanding of jihād in the 20th century.

Between the Rāfiḍī Bāṭinī Sayyid Quṭb and the Jew Vladimir Lenin

We have established that Quṭb inherited his poison towards ʿUthmān and Muʿāwiyah through ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ and the likes of Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī and the Khurramites. He inherited the poison of the Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Freemason, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī who spoke of ʿUthmān creating class differences and exploitation of the poor and weak. He took the ideas of Alexis Carrel on jāhiliyyah (barbarism) and those of Mawdūdī regarding jāhiliyyah and ḥākimiyyah. Coupling all of this with his Communist, Marxist past, it was only inevitable that he should ice the cake with the revolutionary protocol of Vladimir Lenin.

Omer Caha writes, "Radical and revolutionary Islām, which emerged as reactions to colonialism, were inspired more by socialist values than by liberal democratic values, and they formulated their principles in line with this outlook. It was common in the Islamic world until the 1980s to consider Islam as a source of ideology as well as a Revolutionary Ideology. It was particularly the Iranian Revolution, which became and inspirational reference for Islāmic movements at that time. In this period, Islām was taken by Muslim thinkers of Iranian origin as well as by those of North African origin, almost as a kind of state religion, a Revolutionary Ideology, and a theocratic political structure. Such interpretations of Islam can be traced back, in the case of some North African countries, to the period between the second half of the nineteenth century and up to the first half of the twentieth century. At that point in time, Muslim countries began to suffer a long period of painful setback in the face of the incredible economic growth and development western countries were experiencing. Moreover, the colonial ambitions of western countries directly over Islāmic territories evoked strong reactions from Muslim thinkers of North Africa who

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 68 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS began to think in terms of Leninism. This explains a great deal about the distance, which Muslims began to feel toward liberalism, democracy, capitalism,and other similar systems and ideas. The two key concepts these thinkers borrowed from Leninism were the "state" and "revolution". It was in their view, the state that symolized Social Justice, social unity, and the struggle against the West. Such a state could only be established through revolution, this being under the leadership of a pioneering group. The works of Sayyid Quṭb, an Egyptian Islamic intellectual who was hanged by the Nasser regime in 1966, for instance, emphasize the role of a revolutionary group. Largely on account of his Leninist background, Quṭb envisaged the establishment of an Islamic state by means of a revolution led by a specially trained group versed in Islamic values. The project towards the creation of such a group, indeed, can be seen as an attempt to replace Lenin's proletariat vanguards with their Muslim counterparts. For Quṭb, the salvation of Muslims, as well as the entirety of humanity depended on an Islamic state that would represent a third way, i.e., an alternative to Socialism and capitalism. Although critical of Socialism, many Islamic intellectuals, as in the case of Sayyid Quṭb, operated on values that might be combined with a Leninist style of state Socialism in some form through its emphasis on collective brotherhood, revolution, equality, salvation, a centralized state, anticapitalism, and antidemocracy amongst others. Hence, both authoritarian regimes and Muslim intellectuals with a first-hand experience of colonial domination completely refused the West, and sought to set up alternative institutions, which were authoritarian in character. When realizing the traditional interpretations of Islam fell short of enabling the deployment of adequate means by which to resolve existing problems, they began to borrow concepts and perspectives from Russian socialism, which was anticapitalist and antiliberalist in character."116

Phil Paine writes, "The first thing one notices about Quṭb's ideological thought is how little it has to do with traditions of Islām, or the needs

116 In the compilation, "Islam and the West, Critical Perspectives on Modernity" compiled by Michael Thompson, (pp. 44-45).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 69 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS of people in Islāmic countries. It is profoundly European in inspiration, and it's chief models are Hitler, Marx and Lenin ... Lenin is by far the strongest influence. Whole passages look like they were simply copied out from his works and then a pseudo-Islāmic terminology inserted, "revolutionary vanguard" becoming "Islamic vanguard", and so on... As Marxist mumbo-jumbo justified the telling of any lie, the betrayal of any value, the commitment of any atrocity, in the name of an implacable destiny, so too, does Milestones."

Ladan and Roya Boroumand wrote, "Like Mawdudi and various Western totalitarians, he [Quṭb] identified his own society (in his case, contemporary Muslim polities) as among the enemies that a virtuous, ideologically self-conscious, vanguard minority would have to fight by any means necessary, including violent revolution, so that a new and perfectly just society might arise. His ideal society was a classless one where the "selfish individual" of liberal democracies would be banished and the "exploitation of man by man" would be abolished. God alone would govern it through the implementation of Islamic law (shariʿa). This was Leninism in Islāmist dress."117

Paul Berman wrote in an article published in the New York Times, 23rd March 2003, "The few had to gather themselves together into what Quṭb in 'Milestones' called a vanguard - a term that he must have borrowed from Lenin."

In "Sayyid Quṭb: The Father of Al-Qaida", published in the Independent in August 2006, Daniel Martin quotes from Lawrence Wright who observed about the book 'Milestones', "Its ringing apocalyptic tone may be compared with Rousseau's 'Social Contract' and Lenin's 'What Is to Be Done?' - with similar bloody consequences."

Rod Dreher wrote in the Dallas Morning News (27th August 2006), "What is to be done? Lenin famously asked about Czarist Russia. Quṭb's

117 In an article titled "Terror, Islam and Democracy", Journal of Democracy 13.2 (2002) 5-20.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 70 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS answer to the same question about the West was, in part, 'Milestones,' a Leninist-style tract advocating worldwide Islāmic revolution."

From what has preceded we see a natural progression starting in 1948 with his book on Social Justice in Islam to an extremism, hatred and resentment of Islāmic societies that has not known any equal in the whole of Islāmic history. He negated the Islām of the entire ummah, and called for destructive revolutions against them all. The poison of Ḥasan al-Bannā and Sayyid Quṭb (and Mawdūdī and al-Nabahānī) affected millions upon millions of minds over the next few decades, taking Muslims away from the true means of rectification and embroiling them with the ways of the Socialists, Communists and Marxists, and party-politics founded upon the ways of secret societies. All of this was clothed in the garb of "Islāmic work" and "Islāmic revival," leading millions to think that if you were not part of a "movement" you are not working for Islām, that you are an indifferent slacker not concerned Muslims and their affairs.

Affirmation from Ikhwānīs that Quṭb is the Reviver of the Doctrine of the Khārijites in the 20th Century

What follows are numerous quotes from Ikhwānī figureheads, some of them very prominent, which establish that Sayyid Quṭb is indeed the fountain of takfīr for the 20th century.

Farīd ʿĀbd al-Khāliq writes, "We have pointed out in what has preceded that the spread of the ideology of takfīr occurred amongst the youth of the Ikhwān who were imprisoned in the late fifties and early sixties, and that they were influenced by the ideology of the shahīd118 Sayyid Quṭb and his writings. They derived from these writings that the society had fallen into jāhiliyyah (of kufr), and that he had performed

118 Note that granting the title of shahīd unrestrictedly and without qualification to a person opposes the ʿaqīdah of Ahl al-Sunnah wal-Jamāʿah, but this is found frequently with the Ikhwān who laud and praise the likes of Sayyid Quṭb and Ḥasan al-Bannā for what was in reality a destructive type of activism.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 71 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS takfir of the rulers who had rejected the ḥākimiyyah of Allāh by not ruling by what Alāh has revealed, and also takfir of those ruled over (civilians), when they became satisfied with this."119

Farīd ʿĀbd al-Khāliq also writes, "The adherents of this ideology, even if their jamāʿāt (groups) are numerous, believe in the kufr of all the present Islamic societies and that their jāhiliyyah is like the jāhiliyyah of the disbelievers before they entered into Islām during the era of the Messenger. Then they built Sharīʿah rulings in relation to them (these societies) upon this foundation and defined their relationships with individuals from these societies in implementation of that. They judged the society with disbelief because it did not apply the legislation of Allāh, and nor adhere to His commands and prohibitions. Amongst them are those who did not overtly declare their opponents to be disbelievers. They adhered to the idea of 'Perceived Separation' whereby they permitted prayer behind the imām who would lead the Muslim worshippers in the prisons and mimicked his movements but without the intention (niyyah) [of actually following him in prayer]. They also held that their wives were not disbelievers, and delayed the judgement of disbelief upon them on the basis of another idea called 'Gradation of Rulings' - believing that they were in the period of weakness - meaning the Makkan period - alongside its rulings during that period whereby the polytheist women had not been made unlawful (for marriage) and nor the slaughtered-animals (of the polytheists) and the Jumuʿah (Friday) prayer was not obligatory and Jihād was not permitted!120 They declared as disbelievers those who did not affirm the disbelief (of their opponents)! Then they adopted some of the methods of the Bāṭiniyyah of taqiyyah (dissimulation, deception), such that they would not reveal their true beliefs to others, but only reveal them within their closed elitist (circles) and to the

119 Ikhwān al-Muslimūn Fī Mīzan al-Ḥaqq, (p.115). 120 This is why many of the Takfīrīs of this type enter into unlawful actions and do not appear outwardly religious. They believe there is no Islām except with a khilāfah upon their particular understanding, and as it stands the whole world is replete with kufr. It is only when that khilāfah is established that actual jihād can be performed and the rulings take effect.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 72 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS followers of their ideology. And all of this was considered a necessity for their movement (ḥarakah).121 Another group made physical open separation (from the society) and declared their opponents and whoever was with them, including the group of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimīn, to be disbelievers (explicitly), [and likewise, they declared as disbelievers] the supreme guide (of al-Ikhwān), their own fathers, mothers and wives! And they are Jamāʿat al-Takfīr wal-Hijrah who refer to themselves as 'Jamāʿat al-Muʾminīn'."122

Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī123 wrote, " And it was in this period that the books of the shahīd, Sayyid Quṭb appeared, the books that represented his final thoughts (in ideology, before his death). Those which justified the takfīr of (whole) societies... the breaking of all sentimental attachments to society, breaking off ties with others, and the announcement of a destructive jihād against the whole of mankind. And showing contempt against the duʾāt who call for lenience and softness, accusing them of idiocy, and being defeatist [Saying all of this], in front of the western civilisation. He made this manifest, in the most clear manner in the tafsir, 'Fī Dhilāl āl-Qurʾān', in the 2nd edition and in 'Maʿālim Fī al-

121 ʿAlī ʿAshmāwī indicates that Sayyid Quṭb "... believed that the Islāmic ḥarakah (movement) had principles and rules of jurisprudence that varied a lot and in many different situations from that which is established in the (well-known), regular Islāmic jurisprudence! And we heard him for the first time use the expression 'fiqh ul-ḥarakah' (jurisprudence of the movement) and he used to say that rulings are based on 'the jurisprudence of the movement' in opposition - to a certain degree - to the regular rulings. And in his book which he did not distribute, the second part of Milestones, he devoted a complete chapter (to this) titled 'Fiqh al-Ḥarakah' but when he solicited my opinion in distributing the book I hoped he would not distribute it because it would lead to many splits and differences and it will incite the world against us, and that they will say 'Sayyid Quṭb has innovated an innovation into Islām!' So he agreed with me and did not distribute the book, and I do not know what happened thereafter (with this second part). " Al- Tārīkh al-Sirrī Li Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn (pp. 94-95). 122 Ikhwān al-Muslimūn Fī Mīzan al-Ḥaqq, (p.118). 123 Yūsuf al-Qaraḍāwī is from the heads of innovation of this time. He is a spiritual leader for al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn and has numerous deviations and calamities. He has been refuted by many of the Salafī scholars.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 73 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS

Ṭarīq' (Milestones), and the bulk of it is taken from 'al-Dhilāl' and 'Al- Islām wa Mushkilat al-Ḥāḍārah' and others."124

In an article published in May 2004, al-Qaraḍāwī wrote, " This (Qutb) is the man who makes it clear - rather [one who] screams - with what leaves no room for any doubt or any other plausible consideration [in meaning] [except] that the lands used to be considered in the days gone by 'an abode for Islām' and that the descendants of those Muslims, those whose ancestors used to Muslims in the days gone by, that they have not continued to remain Muslims, even if they think, in their belief, that they are practicising Islām, because they have not testified that "None has the right to be worshipped except Allāh, alone" upon its true, real meaning, as he (Quṭb) has defined. And he considered it troublesome about the Islāmic movements of the time, that this new understanding had not become clear to them ... that those who think themselves to be Muslims today are disbelievers in reality. And he (Quṭb) desired from these movements and their callers to openly proclaim a word of clarity (in this regard) and [that] they should not care about the 'slanderous accusation' of making Takfeer of the Muslims, for the reality (to Quṭb) is that they are not Muslims!!"125

Al-Qaraḍāwī also writes in the same article, "The text is clear, and completely apparent: The writer (Quṭb) does not consider [anyone] to be a Muslim except whoever believes in this ideology of his, and this is the group that he calls the 'Muslim Vanguard',126 and this [group] is the one for which it is obligatory to realize that it alone is the 'Muslim Ummah', and that whatever is around it and whoever is around it, from those who have not entered into what [this group] has entered into, is [itself] jāhiliyyah and [those people are] the people of jāhiliyyah, meaning they are pagans and disbelievers, they do not have any share

124 Priorities of the Islamic Movement (p.110). 125 Refer to http://www.takfiris.com/takfir/?xbnsa 126 The title 'Muslim Vanguard' is actually taken from Lenin's elite vanguard from his book "What is to be done?" Quṭb took the practical ideology of revolution from Lenin and just changed all the terms to make them appear Islāmic.

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 74 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS of Islām, even if they pray, fast, give zakāh, and make the pilgrimage. It is as if all the Muslims are equivalent to the pagans of Makkah at the time of the sending of Muhammad (as a Messenger), and it is as if his (Quṭb's) daʿwah is equivalent to the da'wah of Muhammad (), whoever believed in that daʿwah entered into Islām and whoever did not believe in it, then he is a jāhiliyy, kāfir, whose blood is permissible to shed!! "

This quote from al-Qaraḍāwī is important from two angles. Firstly, it reveals the foundation of the ideology that ISIS are operating upon today in their slaughter of Muslims in Syria and Irāq. And secondly, in the 1960s, whilst Quṭb was in prison, he was devising a new revolutionary wave in collaboration with around twenty or so others who were in prison with him. Since the Leninist route had failed, (an elite group who organize a coup and take over power)127, Quṭb began propounding a broader methodology which takes his essential ʿaqīdah (of takfīr and jāhiliyyah) to the masses. These masses are to be cultivated and educated upon ʿaqīdah (Quṭb's particular ʿaqīdah)128 until they have completely grasped it and its implications. And when this broad daʿwah reaches a criticial mass and they have sufficient support, they will unleash the revolution and use terrorism as the means.

It is strange that the Ikhwān should turn against Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir considering that he had finally freed Egypt from British control when he came out victorious in the Suez Canal Crisis in 1956. This has led to

127 This is because Nāṣir had rounded them up and imprisoned them and also disbanded and outlawed al-Ikhwān as an organization. 128 In the very same article, al-Qaraḍāwī says, under the title "The Muslims of Today are Like the Mushriks of Jāhiliyyah, "And for this reason, Sayyid Quṭb emphasized many times over the concern with calling the people who 'call themselves Muslims' to embrace the ʿaqīdah [afresh] before everything else, before calling them to the Islamic legislation, or the Islamic order (nidhām). Rather, the most fundamental obligation (to Quṭb) is that we call them so that they become Muslims firstly, so that they testify that 'None has the right to be worshipped except Allāh, alone', with its new Quṭbī understanding, and they will leave [as a result] the Jahiliyyah in which they have degenerated, and thereby enter Islām (correctly), through this (ʿaqīdah)."

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 75 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS many writers to believe that the Ikhwān were supported by foreign intelligence agencies to eliminate or remove Nāṣir, because of his threat to regional interests. Given the compelling evidence for Quṭb's Freemasonry and his writings in the early 1940s in al-Tāj al-Miṣrī, the activities of Ikhwān can be seen in a completely different light. It is no longer the narrow field vision of the Ikhwān wanting to establish Islām and Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir is the great, evil dictator, and that is not to defend him in any way. Rather, there is a much wider picture to be observed, and it is simply this: The organization of al-Ikhwān al- Muslimūn has dubious roots. At first glance, it is blatantly Freemasonic in its appearance and structure. It is a tool of destabilization, to keep Muslim lands from progressing economically and politically through a nationalistic or Islāmic identity. It has been infiltrated, if not actually erected in the first place by Freemasonry. It is established that Ḥasan al-Ḥuḍaybī who pledged allegiance to Ḥasan al-Bannā in 1943 but remained in the shadows, was a Freemason. Muṣtafā Sibāʿī, supreme leader of al-Ikhwān in Syria was also a Freemason. Sayyid Quṭb was a senior, high-ranking Freemason as has preceded.

This then leads us to the inevitable conclusion that what we see in these 20th century political jamāʿāt, at the head of them al-Ikhwān, are simply manifestations of the Bāṭinī movements of old founded upon secrecy and intrigue. There subversive activities have been veiled under beautified titles such as "Islāmic politics" (as is done by Ḥizb al- Tahrīr) and "Islāmic revival" (as is done by Ikhwān). In reality, they are all in pursuit of power, have adopted the practical methodologies of ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ, the various Bāṭinī movements in history, Adam Weishaupt, Marx and Lenin and Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī. Deception, intrigue, subterfuge, commotion, incitement and slogans of social justice resounding everywhere. This is not what Islām came with and is not what the daʿwah of the Messengers was centered around.

Sayyid Quṭb Never Used to Pray Jumuʿah and Treated Muslims like the People of the Book

ʿAlī ʿAshmāwī, an Ikhwānī and associate of Sayyid Quṭb who was imprisoned by the Egyptian authorities, says on page 112 of his book

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"at-Tārīkh al-Sirrī li-Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn" (The Secret History of the Muslim Brotherhood), "And the time for the Jumuʿah prayer arrived so I said to him, 'Let us leave and pray' and it was a surprise that I came to know - and for the first time - that he did not used to pray Jumuʿah." And this was because he did not hold the obligation of Jumuʿah prayer in the absence of the khilāfah which is another indication of the takfīrī spirit and mentality flowing through Sayyid Quṭb's heart and mind. In the same book on page 80 ʿAshmāwī writes, "One of the brothers came to me and said that he will soon reject eating the slaughtered meat of the Muslims present now, so I went to Sayyid Quṭb and asked him about this. He said 'Let them eat it considering it is the slaughtered meat of the People of the Book, at minimum, the Muslims now are People of the Book'."129

Sayyid Quṭb and the Dīn of the Jahmiyyah, Ashʿariyyah

It is important to point out here that Sayyid Quṭb's ideas did not originate from the Salafī or so-called "Wahhābī" tradition. In his commentary on the Qurʾān, al-Dhilāl,130 Quṭb espouses the Ashʿarite kalām school of doctrine. The Ashʿarite school is a branch of the Jahmite approach to Islāmic theology. This school inherited from the Hellenized Jews, Christians and Ṣabeans who had spoken in theological matters on the basis of Aristotelian conceptual baggage and terminology, that of ajsām (bodies) aʿrāḍ (accidents). The Jahmites and the Muʿtazilah who followed them, tried to develop a theological polemic centred around this conceptual baggage. In order to maintain consistency and logical validity they were forced them to speak about Allāh's names and attributes in terms of this philosophical baggage. This then led them to take a certain approach to the revealed texts of the Qurʾān and the Sunnah. This school of though was inherited by the Ashʿarīs even though Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī left this way and tended to the doctrinal school of Imām Aḥmad at the end of his life.

129 At-Tārīkh al-Sirrī li-Jamāʿat al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn, (p. 80). 130 This Qurʾānic commentary was not a traditional commentary, but followed in the same vain as his books on literary art and style in the Qurʾān such as al- Taṣwīr al-Fannī Fī al-Qurʾān.

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Sayyid Quṭb comes from an Ashʿarī, Ṣūfī background, not a Salafī one. And he never became a Salafī, ever. His ideology was not drawn from a Salafī creed or from Salafī theological works. Rather, the direction of his ideology had already been set in the late 1940s with his two books al-ʿAdālah al-Ijtimāʿiyyah Fī al-Islām and Maʿrakah al-Islām wal- Raʾsamāliyyah. These ideas has their basis in his Communist past and took their natural progression and full form in al-Dhilāl, where he espoused the doctrine of mass takfīr, upon his notions of jāhiliyyah and ḥākimiyyah which he took from the writings of al-Mawdūdī who again is a Mātūrīdī Ḥanafī or another concealed Rāfiḍī.131

Quṭb negated Allāh's ʿuluww (aboveness), and istiwāʾ and also makes negation of ḥawādith (events) frequently and repetitively, indicating that he called to the Ashʿarite doctrine through his books for whom these are standard expressions in their theology based upon the language of ajsām and aʿrāḍ. In Fī Dhīlāl al-Qurʾān, Qutb explicitly speaks with the createdness of the Arabic Qurʾān,132 a major standard Ashʿarite doctrine. He also makes taʾwīl of istiwāʾ to mean superiority in rank and status.133 He denies the Throne is a true and real entity, claiming it is a metaphor for power (haymanah) over the creation134 He repeatedly denies Allāh's ṣifāt fiʿliyyah (wilfully chosen actions) upon the standard Ashʿarite foundation of negating what they consider ḥawādith.135 He repeats again his taʾwīls of istiwāʾ to power, dominion (haymanah) and negation of ḥawādith again in Surah al-Furqān136 and

131 Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī wrote about ʿUthmān and Muʿawiyah and Banū Umayyah with the same poisoned pen as Jamāl a-Dīn al-Afghāni and Sayyid Quṭb. 132 Refer to his comments on Surah Ṭāhā (20:5) in Fī Dhilāl al-Qurʾān. 133 Refer to his comments on Surah Ṭāhā (20:5), Surah Sajdah (32:4). 134 Refer to his comments on Sūrah Mu'minūn (23:86) in al-Dhilāl (4/2478), Sūrah al-Burūj (85:15) in al-Dhilāl (6/3872), Sūrah al-Ḥāqqah (69:17) in al-Dhilāl (6/3680) and Sūrah al-Sajdah (32:4) in al-Dhilāl (5/2807). 135 Refer to his comments on Surah Sajdah (32:4). 136 Refer to his comments on Surah Furqān (25:59).

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Surah Ḥadīd137. He repeats the standard Jahmī, Muʿtazilī, Ashʿarī negation of Allāh's ṣifāt fiʿliyyah in clear terms again.138

Following Muḥammad ʿAbduh and the Ahl al-Kalām in general, Quṭb also rejects the khabar al-āḥād (solitary narrations) in matters of ʿaqīdah.139 Likewise, he denies the ʿuluww of Allāh, the Exalted, in the way and style of the Jahmiyyah Ashʿariyyah in his comments on the ascent of the Angels.140 He repeats the taʾwīl of istiwāʾ to power (sayṭarah)141 just as he repeats once more the Jahmī, Muʿtazilī, Ashʿarī doctrine of negating ḥawādith, by which they mean Allāh's chosen actions. 142 This is the core of the dīn of the Jahmiyyah which was taken up by the Muʿtazilah and then the Ashʿariyyah thereafter, Sayyid Quṭb invited and called to this doctrine repeatedly in his commentary. Then Sayyid Quṭb also utilizes the speech of the Ahl al-Kalām from the Jahmiyyah, Muʿtazilah and Ashʿariyyah in negating location and spatial occupation from Allāh,143 this type of language being a fundamental necessity due to their choice of using the conceptual baggage of Aristotle.

Quṭb also expressed the view of the Ashʿarites in making faith (īmān) to be a single entity, built upon the expulsion of the actions from the reality of faith.144 He again negates the ʿuluww of Allāh upon the standard Jahmite considerations of location and spatial occupation. 145 Regarding Allāh's Speech, Quṭb denies that Moses () heard it directly, casting doubt about this matter, and claiming ignorance of it.146 He states that the Qurʾān is a created entity, like the soul, which is

137 Refer to his comments on Surah Ḥadīd (57:4). 138 Refer to his comments on Surah Ḥadīd (57:4). 139 Refer to Fī Dhilāl al-Qurʾān (6/4008). 140 Refer to his comments on Surah Maʿārij (70:4). 141 Refer to his comments on Surah Yūnus (10:3). 142 Refer to his comments on Surah Yūnus (10:3). 143 Refer to Fī Dhīlāl al-Qurʾān (1/128). 144 Refer to Fī Dhīlāl al-Qurʾān (2/798). 145 Refer to his comments on Surah Shūrā (42:51). 146 Refer to Fī Dhīlāl al-Qurʾān (2/804) and also (4/2313).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 79 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS originated.147 This is the doctrine of the created Qurʾān which is a major feature of the doctrines of the Jahmiyyah, Muʿtazilah and Ashʿariyyah, save that the Ashʿarites try to veil and conceal the reality of their saying.

All of the above and more establishes that Sayyid Quṭb, like the other revolutionary, takfīrī agitators of the 20th century who gave rise to destructive Bāṭinī type movements [Ḥasan al-Bannā, Abū Aʿlā Mawdūdī, Taqī al-Dīn al-Nabahānī] are from the Ashʿarī, Ṣūfī school of doctrine. They infected the Gulf countries with their poison, working sedition in those lands, using the cover of charity and daʿwah organizations. Many of the Salafī scholars - in the absence of complete knowledge - held good opinions about some of these writers, thinking they were trying to aid Islām, but their true realities came to light due primarly to the efforts of Scholars like Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī, after the tawfīq (granting of success) of Allāh ().

Sayyid Quṭb and the Freemasonic Principles of Freedom of Belief, Universal Brotherhood and Unity of Religions

Just as we saw with Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, Ḥasan al-Bannā and before them the followers of Bahāʿīsm, (a Freemasonic pseudo-religion erected to push a one-world religion), Sayyid Quṭb's writings also contain ideas of the unity of religions and universal brotherhood. The citation from Quṭb regarding Islām being a "perfect blend" between Communism and Christianity has already preceded. Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī said, referring to Quṭb's commentary on other religions, "His speech here is strange in that he is calling to the Freemasonic ideology, the ideology of the brotherhood of humanity" and the Shaykh goes on to quote Quṭb's speech about Hinduism and Judaism. Quṭb says that Hinduism, like Judaism is a closed religion which does not really allow outsiders to enter its fold due to the class structure it is built upon and that "it does not permit the ideology of global humanity which allows the

147 Refer to Fī Dhīlāl al-Qurʾān (4/2249).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 80 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS preparation of a global society that is open to all (people)."148 When speaking about Christianity Quṭb highlights that its leaders are focused only on connecting the hearts to Allāh yet neglect addressing other aspects of life. He says that Christianity is devoid of the regulatory aspect which governs daily life, "Over the passing of time, Christianity became restricted to inside the church only and outside life was furthest removed from its pure, magnanimous spirit." It is in this same manner that he praises the people of waḥdat ul-wujūd, the Ṣūfīs, he praises them for their devotion to the concept of unity and oneness, but finds fault with them for neglecting political aspects of life.149

Sayyid Quṭb also said, "For Islām does not desire the freedom of worship for its followers only, rather it affirms this right for all the different religions and it tasks the Muslims to fight and defend this right for all people and it [even] allows them to fight under this flag, the flag which guarantees the freedom of worship for the adherents of all other religions and by this it confirms that it (Islām) is a worldly organisation (providing) freedom - everyone is able to live in its shade, in safety, enjoying their religious freedom - having equality with the Muslims and having the protection of the Muslims ...so that it is realised that it is a free world order." 150 In the same book, he says, "And Islām does not feel uneasy about the differences of mankind in creed (ʿaqīdah) and methodology (manhaj) rather it considers this as something necessitated by natural disposition and a goal from a higher will in life amongst the people."151

He also said in his Qurʾān commentary, "Verily, the freedom of belief is the very first of the rights of a human, by which his being described as a human is established [meaning, he is a human because has the right of the freedom of belief]. Hence, the one who takes away the right of the freedom of belief from a person, then he takes away his humanity

148 In his book Naḥw Mujtamaʿ Islāmī (p. 132). Refer to ʿAwāsim Mimmā Fī Kutub Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qawāsim (p. 26). 149 Refer to ʿAwāsim Mimmā Fī Kutub Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qawāsim (p. 29-31). 150 Naḥw Mujtamaʾ al-Islāmī (p.105). 151 Naḥw Mujtamaʾ al-Islāmī (p.103).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 81 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS away from him from the very outset. Alongside this freedom of belief, there is also the freedom of calling to one's belief (ḥurriyat ud-daʿwah lil -ʿaqīdah), and the right to be safe from harm and tribulation. Otherwise, it is merely freedom only in name, it has no meaning or expression in outward life."152

Sayyid Quṭb also said in, "The message of Islām was actually a revolution against the ṭāghūt (false god) of religious bigotry ever since it announced the (right of) the freedom of belief (ḥurriyat ul-iʿtiqād) , in its greatest form, "There is no compulsion in religion. Verily, the right path has become distinct from the wrong path. Whoever disbelieves in ṭāghūt and believes in Allāh, then he has grasped the most trustworthy handhold that will never break." (2:256), "And had your Lord willed, those on earth would have believed, all of them together. So, will you then compel mankind, until they become believers." (10:99). So it shattered the ṭāghūt (false god) of religious partisanship, so that it may replace it with absolute freedom (as- samāḥah al-muṭlaqah), nay, that protection (ḥimāyah) of the freedom of belief, and the freedom of worship, should become obligatory upon the Muslim for the people of other religions in the Islamic land." 153

He also said, in "For Islam does not desire the freedom of worship for its followers only, rather it affirms this right for all the different religions and it tasks the Muslims to fight and defend this right for all people and it [even] allows them to fight under this flag, the flag which guarantees the freedom of worship for the adherents of all other religions and by this it confirms that it (Islām) is a worldly organisation (providing) freedom - everyone is able to live in its shade, in safety, enjoying their religious freedom - having equality with the Muslims and having the protection of the Muslims."154

Shaykh Rabīʿ, after quoting extensively from Quṭb's writings on this subject from his numerous books makes comments such as the

152 In adh-Dhilāl (1/292) in explanation of 2:256. 153 Dirāsāt Islāmiyyah" (p.13-14). 154 Naḥw Mujtamaʾ al-Islāmī (p.106),

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 82 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS following, "This (Quṭb's call) is the call of World Freemasonry, the call outwardly to global humanity but which inwardly is to achieve the objectives of Zionism" and he also said, outlining the reality of what Quṭb is calling to, "... that when there is a democratic state which spreads the Freemasonic call of human equality and freedom of worship for all, and implements this Freemasonic method, giving freedoms to all religions which live under its shade, then the requirement of what Sayyid is saying is that we do not call them to Islām because the very objective which Islām desires has been attained..." and also "... This (form of) human regulation (governance) that you are calling to is not Islām. Rather it is the order of the Freemasonic foundations which have played with the minds of many of those ascribing to Islām, corrupting their intellects and leading them to soften Islām."155

What Quṭb espoused in these books with titles such as "Naḥw Mujtamaʿ al-Islāmī" (Towards an Islāmic Society) shows that he infused Freemasonic principles into the dīn of Islām through his writings and began calling to them openly. His activities should in reality be seen in the same light as those of Bahāʾullāh and Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.

The Doctrine of Waḥdat al-Wujūd

As we established in previous parts in this series, the doctrines of waḥdat ul-wujūd (unity of existence) and waḥdat ul-adyān (unity of being) are connected. We see al-Afghānī propounding both these ideas, they are also found with al-Ikhwān of Ḥasan al-Bannā and we see them both in the writings of Sayyid Quṭb. He made expresssions in his commentary upon Surah al-Ikhlāṣ and Surah Ḥadīd which amount to the doctrine of waḥdat al-wujūd and they cannot be understood any other way. For that reason, he was refuted by Imām al-Albānī in the late 1980s, and likewise by Shaykh ʿAbdullah al-Dawaish who compiled all the mistakes in al-Dhilāl and published them. This was confirmed by the likes of Shaykh Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn and many other scholars. Shaykh Muḥammad Amān al-Jāmī () said, "The book 'al-Dhilāl' of Sayyid

155 Majmūʿ Kutub wa Rasāʾil wa Fatāwā (7/216 onwards).

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Quṭb is a commentary that is not an explanation based upon narrations, nor an explanation from the linguistic angle. Rather it is a composition containing a confused mixture of the ideas of the Ashʿarīs, the ideas of waḥdat al-wujūd and the ideas of the Ṣūfīs - and he was an Ashʿarī - about which there is no dispute."156

The idea of waḥdat ul-wujūd is found throughout numerous phases of the literary career of Sayyid Quṭb. From the 1930s through the 1950s, in his poetic compilations, in the book Kutub wa Shakhṣiyāt and in his commentary, al-Dhilāl.

As for his poetic compilations, then expressions of the unity of existence are found in al-Shāṭiʾ al-Majhūl, printed in 1935. In this poetry he merges time and place together, saying they are merged in one's perception, indistinguishable, that there is only one grand unity and there is no such thing as "other" or "I."157 In another compilation called ʿIbādah Jadīdah, Quṭb speaks of his worship of the deity who is a manifestation taking on different observable forms in the creation.158 Then in 1946-1947 in a piece titled "Sindābād ʿAṣrī" Quṭb defended the Hindū doctrine of Nirvāna against criticism of it by Dr. Ḥusayn Fawzī and another English writer. This doctrine is similar to the main idea behind waḥdat ul-wujūd. Quṭb wrote, "And he [Dr. Ḥusayn Fawzī] mocks the doctrine (ʿaqīdah) of Nirvāna, just like the mockery of his English friend..." and also, "And when he [Dr. Ḥusayn Fawzī] hears his English friend saying about Nirvānā, which is to perish (dissolve) into the greatest spirit, the greatest objective which every Hindū aspires to, from behind his deprivation and harms, 'Leave us alone from this, for I have no acceptance for this nuisance and swindle O uncle Husayn.' He [Dr. Ḥusayn Fawzī] did not find any sentimen in his soul for refuting this speech. And thus it is from that in which he perhaps exaggerates in leading him to the level of severe derision and anger against the

156 In the lecture titled, "Answers to questions about the Manhaj of Ahl us- Sunnah wal-Jamaa'ah in calling to Allah." (Cassette No. 1. Jeddah 4/1413H) as cited in Barāʾah ʿUlamā al-Ummah of ʿIṣām al-Sinānī. 157 Refer to Dīwān Sayyid Quṭb (p. 123) 158 ʿIbādah Jadīdah (p. 91).

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Eastern spirit in general."159 Here Quṭb is criticizing Dr. Husayn Fawzī for failing to refute the Englishman who was belittling the Hindu doctrine of Nirvana! Earlier in the paper Quṭb described Nirvāna with the words mutasāmaḥah (lenience, tolerance) and zuhd (abstinence), and worship of the greatest spirit (al-rūh al-aʿdham), which is a reference to Allāh (). Note that in his Qurʾān commentary Quṭb also refers to Allāh as "ʿal-ʿaql al-mudabbir" (controlling intellect)160 which is Aristotle's creed, that behind the universe is an intellect from which everything else emanates and which is governed by it. He also refers to Allāh as "al-muhandas al-akbar" (the greatest architect) which is the specific and unique Freemasonic reference for the Creator.

Then in 1951, in his commentary on Sūrah al-Baqarah, Quṭb appeared to negate this doctrine, only to return back to it at the end of that decade in his commentary on Sūrah's al-Ḥadīd and al-Ikhlāṣ.161 In his commentary on Sūrah al-Ikhlāṣ, Quṭb says, "Verily it is a singular existence (aḥadiyyat al-wujūd), there is no reality except His reality, and there is no true existence except His existence. The existence of every other thing extends from that true existence, its existence extends from that essential existence. And thereby it is also a singular activity (aḥadiyyat al-fāʿiliyyah), there is no real doer of anything besides Him, or doer in anything in this existence at all. This is a creed in the heart and it is also an explanation of existence as well."162

In this passage, Quṭb has combined two great innovations of the extreme Ṣufiyyah and whose roots also lie in the innovations of al- Jahm bin Ṣafwān. That all of existence is Allāh, it is a singular existence and that the doer of all action in the universe is Allāh, no one else acts

159 Refer to Shaykh Rabīʿ's excellent paper on this subject which is published in his 2 volume Majmūʿ (1/527 onwards). 160 In al-Dhilāl (6/3804). 161 The supporters of Sayyid Quṭb tried to defend him by citing from his 1951 speech in commentary upon al-Baqarah, claiming that he had left this belief. But as Ṣalāh al-Khālidī mentions in his biography of Quṭb (p. 546), Quṭb completed his commentary at the end of the 1950s. 162 Al-Dhilāl (6/4002).

ikhwanis.com  takfiris.com  shariah.ws | page 85 The Bāṭinī Movements, Secret Orders, al-Ikhwān, al-Qāʿidah and ISIS at all. This is the ʿaqīdah of jabr, those who claim man is compelled in his actions and has no choice and that he is not the real doer, it is Allāh who is the doer of all actions.163 And upon these doctrines lies the ideological foundation for the unity of religions as has preceded in our discussion of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī and the Bahāʾī pseudo-religion earlier in this series. This is because if all existence is a single existence and is merely the reality of Allāh, and the only doer is Allāh, then whatever is worshipped by any person, group or nation, is Allāh, and every action of worship or obedience, or sin or disobedience, the doer of all of that is Allāh Himself and thus there is no grounds for refuting any religion, since it is all the one and same, and all we are seeing are different manifestations of a singular reality.

In his commentary on the statement of Allāh () "And He is with you wherever you may be" (57:4), Quṭb says, "This is a word taken upon its reality, not as an indirect allusion or metaphor. Allāh, the Exalted is with every thing, and with everyone at every time and in every place."164 Note his denial of this being a metaphor, and keep in mind that when he speaks about the istiwāʾ of Allāh and some of the other attributes he claims they are metaphors and figurative and mere symbolisms, whereas here he says this speech is taken upon its reality. This confirms that he intends the ʿaqīdah of waḥdat al-wujūd and that Allāh is in all places and His reality is the only reality, and this is the ʿaqīdah of al-Jahm and the extremist Ṣūfīs. All of this should be read in connection to what Sayyid Quṭb was writing in his works about ḥurriyat al-iʿtiqād (freedom of belief), because these two concepts are closely related, waḥdat ul-wujūd and waḥdat ul-adyān.

Quṭb's Followers Pursue Similar Ideologies and Methodologies

163 Ahl al-Sunnah say that Allāh is the creator of man's actions because he created his essence, gave him intelligence, choice and power. Thus his actions are a creation of Allāh, yet at the same time he is the doer of his own action and is responsible for it, since he has been given choice, intellect and was sent Books and Messengers to show him the path of guidance from misguidance. 164 Al-Dhilāl (6/3481).

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What has preceded is not the sum whole of the misguidance of Sayyid Quṭb but a fraction of it and it is sufficient for our purposes here. Those who are fanatical to Sayyid Quṭb - and how many they are - display hallmarks of Quṭb's teachings in their daʿwah such as calls to revolutions, unity of religions, Freemasonic slogans and more.

In his refutation of ʿAdnān ʿArʿūr's support for the idea of waḥdat al- adyān (unity of religions), Shaykh Rabīʿ quotes ʿArʿūr (who is a blazing Quṭbi from Kuwait), "We proceed with this reformation project and this revolutionary pledge for liberation from this tyrannical governance and to rectify what it has corrupted, and in order to actualise freedom (ḥurriyah), justice (ʿadālah), growth (tanmiyah) and nobility (karāmah)." Shaykh Rabīʿ goes on to comment, "ʿAdnān presents a revolutionary pledge and not an Islāmic one. Where is that firm covenant which Allāh took from the Prophets as occurs in the verse on account of which this covenant was issued. Does this verse mean actualizing the goals of democracy and liberalism which have gained control over his intellect? And by "freedom" and "justice" ʿAdnān ʿArʿūr" desires what Freemasonry calls to and what the Secularists and Liberalists call to."165

When one looks at the main figureheads who followed the doctrines of Sayyid Quṭb such as ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿAbd al-Khāliq, Salmān al-ʿAwdah, Safar al-Ḥawālī, ʿAdnān ʿArʿūr and many others166 what we see in reality in their call is that it is an extension of that Bāṭinī, Khārijī, Freemasonic spirit [taken from the likes of Ḥasan al-Bannā and Sayyid Quṭb] which is aimed at disturbing the lands of the Muslims, creating instability and turmoil, instigating revolutions, bringing nearness between groups and sects so they can be mobilized for that very purpose and so on. It is in this historical perspective that their doctrines, foundations and principles should be considered and evaluated. For example, their slogan of tawḥid al-ḥākimiyyah as in independent fourth category was simply a device to bring Quṭb's doctrines to a Salafī audience. Their

165 In the Shaykh's article, "ʿAdnān ʿArʿūr Yadʿū ilā Waḥdat al-Adyān." 166 Such as Abū Muḥammad al-Maqdisī, Abū Qatādah, Abu Baṣīr MustafaḤalīmah and others.

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The astute person will realise that all of these contemporary trials and tribulations are not disconnected from the activities of that Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Freemason of the 19th century, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī who is the founder of "pan-Islamicism" on the back of which all the political jamāʿāt of the 20th century operate. This was revived by Ḥasan al- Bannā, and then by Sayyid Quṭb, and there should be no doubt to any Muslim who venerates the Islāmic ʿaqīdah, who understands early Islāmic history and history in general and who has read what has preceded except that he will conclude that the person of Sayyid Quṭb, his writings and doctrines are a plot against Islām and its people.

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Summary

Of Sūfī Ashʿarī background, engrossed in Marxist philosophy, an extreme Liberalist, a Rāfīdī, Bātinī Freemason, then "Islāmist" waving the ideological flag of the Bāṭinī Rāfidī movements of old, screaming the "social justice" of Mazdak, the pre-Islām Persian Magian Communist, screaming the "social justice" of Dhul-Khuwayṣarah al-Timimī, waving -the flag of the "social justice" and "imāmah" of ʿAbdullāhِ bin Sabaʾ al Yahūdī, the "hākimiyyah" of the Khārijites, and the slogans of Abū Muslim al-Khurasānī al-Rāfidī who revolted against Banū Umayyah, and the "social justice", "freedom" and "fraternity" of Ādam Weishaupt, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and that of the Freemasonic revolutions in Europe.

He is the propounder of the revolutionary manifesto of Vladimir Lenin against the lands of the Muslims. All of his hate is directed towards Muʿāwiyah, the Banū Umayyah and likewise towards Muslim societies against which he spewed his malice, making takfīr of them without exception, accusing them of pre-Islāmic jāhiliyyah, and inciting destructive jihāds against them to turn them into ashes so that the alleged "usurped hākimiyyah" can be returned back to Allāh () by his elite vanguard! We do not see in all of this except the same Bāṭinī spirit which drove the earlier ones to their criminal activities against Islām, its lands and its adherents.

Quṭb is on the same side of the fence as ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ, Abu Muslim al-Khurasānī and all the Bāṭini movements who revolted against the Caliphs, the Umayyads and the ʿAbbāsids in order to harm Islām and its people. He is the grandfather of all contemporary movements of takfīr, he is their spring and fountain, even if some of them display refutation of him from certain angles such as his errors in the field of the Ṣifāt (the Attributes of Allāh) and so on. Despite that, they venerate him for his revival of the methodology of the Khārijites because that is the dīn which they follow, after having made murūq (departure) from Islām as textually stated about them.

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It is apparent that Quṭb turned the Muslim nation against its rulers just as the Bātinī movements starting with ʿAbdullāh bin Sabaʾ did the same throughout history. Likewise, the Freemasonic movements of Europe, they employed the same slogans and methods to topple the monarchies of Europe for their own ends, to implement a global society where the masses are ruling with Communist principles justified through "freedom, equality and fraternity" whilst they hoard all the capital for themselves through corporate government. The same Freemasonic hallmarks are found throughout Quṭb's writings and it is clear and apparent that Quṭb and his ideology is a plot against Islām as stated by Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī. "I consider, by Allāh, his ideology... is a plot against Islām, his history is dark, a Communist history, bewildered, a secularist with the Wafd party, with Tāhā Ḥusayn, with al-ʿAqqād, and he would read Western philosophy to the end of it. He went to the West, to America and remained there for two years and learned Freemasonry,167 [with] Jews, Christians and Communists, all of the religions, and [witnessing] all types of fisq (sinfulness) and fujūr (wickedness)."168 Quṭb's poison against the Companions, his takfīr of the ummah, his calls for violent revolutions, his call for unity of religions, his attempts to fuse Marxist, Socialist principles with Islām, and compelling evidence that Sayyid Quṭb was a Freemason. All of this presents a clear picture of his reality and true nature and intent behind his daʿwah, whether engineered by himself or steered and directed by others.

There are shrewd non-Muslims who recognize that Quṭb (and those who follow him such as Usāmah bin Lādin) are upon great deviation and do not represent Islām.

167 Quṭb was already a Freemason as is clear from the evidenced presented further below and he is likely to have joined them from the 1930s or even earlier when he was in his early 20s. 168 http://rabee.net and ttp://sahab.net/forums/index.php?showtopic=40022 and refer also to Shaykh Rabīʿ's 2 volume Fatāwā collection (1/525-526) which is cited later in this treatise.

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David Forte wrote, just after the September 11 attacks, "Over the past few weeks, I have argued that Osama bin Laden and his Taliban allies represent a perversion of Islam and are engaged in a campaign to change Islam itself to define the faith politically, and not primarily legally or theologically. The evidence, I believe, is unequivocal: His war is as much against Islam as it is against the West. I have written that Islam is a multivocal religion, that from its start it has debated within itself the nature of its identity. And I have noted that among all its varied traditions, one thing remains clear: The acts of the terrorists of September 11, and the justification of them by Osama bin Laden, replicate in modern guise a violent faction, the Kharajites, that Islam found totally anathema to the faith early in its history. In other writings, I have asserted that this form of extremism has been inspired by the writings of influential modernist radicals, such as Sayyid Qutb of Egypt, who believe that virtually all Islam is in a state of unbelief and needs to be reconquered. Thus, in its modern form, bin Laden's kind of extremism has much more in common with Stalin, Hitler, and Mao than it does with Islamic tradition. Like those state terrorists, bin Laden is at war with his own people. Andfinally, I have baldly asserted that bin Laden and his extremists are evil, pure and simple, and Islam is not. Since these opinions have been aired, I have received many letters, telephone calls, and e-mails. Without exception, Muslims who have contacted me have been grateful for my views. They have been relieved to hear how a Chris tian and Westerner is explaining to Americans the true nature of their religion. They have thanked me for my understanding of Islam. They agree with my characterization of bin Laden and al Qaeda."169

At the end of Sayyid Quṭb's life, whilst he was in the prison during the 1960s, he began to plan a new phase of activity along with a small group of those who had been imprisoned. Instead of relying upon themselves as a small band, they decided on a program to cultivate the people upon ʿaqīdah to get a larger following. And what Quṭb intended here was his ʿaqīdah, upon his ideas of jāhliyyah, ḥākimiyyah, takfīr

169 David F. Forte, Religion is not the enemy, The National Review, 19th October 2001.

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ʿAlī Juraisha was a prominent, major Ikhwānī figurehead and he stated in his book, "al-Ittijāhāt al-Fikriyyah al-Muʿāṣarah" (Contemporary Ideological Orientations), "A group split (away) from a large Islāmic group during their presence in the prisons ... and this group sought recourse to making takfīr of that large group because (this small group) did not cease being upon its own viewpoint regarding takfīr of the ruler, and the aiders of the ruler, and then the whole society. Then the aforementioned group [itself] split into many factions, each of them making takfīr of the other."171 From these splits arose the group known as al-Takfīr wal-Hijrah who actually declared those who did not agree with them from the leadership of al-Ikhwān, and even their own fathers, mothers and wives to be apostates! It is this same evil, extremist ideology of Quṭb that will be behind the preparation and mobilization of those armies of the Khārijites in the midst of whom the Dajjāl will appear. They will be motivated by these ideas and proclaim the same beautified slogans and alluring speech, claiming to enjoin good, prohibit evil and make judgement for Allāh alone. We ask Allāh () for firmness and safety from trials.

Abū ʿIyaaḍ 23rd Dhul-Qaʿdah 1435H / 18th September 2014CE

170 Refer to the excellent work on this subject titled, "al-Tandhīm al-Sirrī al- Siyāsī al-ʿAskarī ʿInd al-Ikhwān al-Muslimīn bi Aqlāmihim" by Abū al-ʿAbbās al- Shihrī (Dār Sabīl al-Muʾminīn, Cairo, 2011). 171 Al-Ittijāhāt al-Fikriyyah al-Muʿāṣarah, (p. 279).

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Appendix 1: Shaykh ʿUbayd al-Jābirī on Sayyid Quṭb172

In a sitting with a group of brothers from Holland, Shaykh ʿUbayd al- Jābirī spoke about Sayyid Quṭb and from his speech, "The man is misguided, misguiding others, he does not know of Islām anything which allows him to speak about Islām, and whoever looks at his book especially his commentary (on the Qurʾān), al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī, Maʿālim Fī al-Ṭarīq, then it will become clear to him that the man is the carrier of the flag of takfīr of this era. Whoever studied from these books and others which the man authored will not know except rebellion, chaos and tumult and what is labelled today as terrorism. This is known to the common-folk from Ahl al-Sunnah let alone their learned ones, just as it is known to the non-Muslims, for they know the man, as they label him, a terrorist, rather they see him as the head of terrorism... and I will not conceal a secret matter from you. The one who makes takfīr of Sayyid Quṭb (declares him a disbeliever) in front of me, I will not censure him or show rejection against him. And I myself incline to this view, but I have been bold enough to (express it) to this day. It has reached me from a connected chain from Shayh Muḥammad bin Ṣāliḥ al-ʿUthaymīn () when some of the misguided views of Sayyid Quṭb were presented to him, he said, 'Had it not been for fear (of Allāh) we would spoken with his disbelief.' And I do not wish separate away from (this stance) of Shaykh Muḥammad nor others who have not embarked upon (explicit) takfīr of him. However I am not afraid to say that he is misguided, misguiding others, deviated away from right guidance and the path of the Believers."

172 Published on Sahab.Net, local copy saved. 173 In his book, Maʿrakah al-Islām wal-Raʾsamāliyyah (p. 61).

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"If the one who said these words was alive, then his repentance should be sought, so if he repents (then so) otherwise he is to be killed as an apostate. And if he has died then it is obligatory to explain that these words are falsehood. However we do not perform takfīr of him since we have not established the proof against him."174 When Shaykh Ṣāliḥ al- Fawzān reviewed this speech of Shaykh Ḥammād, commented, "The ḥujjah (proof) is established upon the one whom the Qurʾān and the Sunnah reach. And the disbelief of the Christians is clear in the Qurʾān, and more clear than that is the disbelief of the Communists, so how can he mix between kufr and īmān."175

And the intent here from these citations is that not for a single day did any of the Ghulāt al-Murjiʿah, those whose mind and hearts are filled with ghuluww (extremism) for Sayyid Quṭb, not for a single day did they express their revulsion at Quṭb's negation of Islām from Muʿāwiyah, Abū Sufyān and the Banū Umayyah in general and nor Quṭbs crimes against the Islāmic Sharīʿah. Rather, it enraged them more that some of the Salafī scholars implied takfīr of him on account of his repugnant statements that reach the level of kufr no doubt. And alongside that, they made him into an "imām of guidance" and "shahīd" without qualification and treacherously put him alongside Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb. This is false witness (shahādat al- zūr) for which they will be questioned on the Day of Judgement.

174 From the book of Shaykh Rabīʿ "al-ʿAwāṣim Mimmā Fī Kutub Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qawāsim" (p. 24) and who read it out to Shaykh Ḥammād himself on the night of 3/1/1415H in order to corroborate it. 175 Refer to the excellent book, "Barāʾah ʿUlamā al-Ummah Min Tazkiyah Ahl al-Bidʿah wal-Mudhammah" (p. 60), which was reviewed and checked by both Shaykh Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn and Shaykh al-Fawzān and whose comments were incorporated into the book.

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Appendix 2: The Muftī ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl al-Shaykh on Quṭb's Revilement Upon Muʿāwiyah and ʿAmr bin alʿĀṣ

Before citing the statement it is important to clarify that in the 80s and 90s no one, not even the Salafī scholars were aware of the reality of Sayyid Quṭb. It was only after the Gulf War in 1991, when the Quṭbiyyah appeared in Saudi Arabia and began making propagand for Sayyid Quṭb and raising him as an imām of guidance and spreading his ideology that some of the Scholars stood to write about him. Even then, it took another five to ten years or so until the likes of Imām al-Albānī, Imām Ibn Bāz and Imām Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn came to have a fuller picture. There were other scholars who due to their lack of knowledge and research in these affairs, made erroneous speech, such as Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd. Even till now, there are some scholars who speak positively about Sayyid Quṭb's literary style of writing and are not insightful about the ideology Quṭb was harbouring. However, when his speech is read out to them, without it being mentioned whose speech it is, they do not hesitate to judge that speech accordingly. And this is what we see in the following fatwā of the Shaykh.

The Muftī was asked, "May Allāh be benevolent to you, the questioner says, what is you view about the saying the one [who] says, 'And when Muʿāwiyah, and his associate ʿAmr inclined towards lying, deception, hypocrisy and bribery, and selling of liabilities, ʿAlī was not able to sink to this lowest level. Hence it is not surprising that they should succeed and he should fail, for the one who failed is greater than every succeeder.' Is this speech (considered) to be from the generality (of what comprises) revilement of the Companions?" The Shaykh replied, "This is the speech of a vile Bāṭinī or a cursed Yahūdī, a Muslim does not speak with this. The Messenger testified for ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ with Paradise and Muʿāwiyah is from the noblest of the Companions, and they, may Allāh be pleased with them, they have dīn and piety and rectitude. A Muslim does not doubt with respect to them. And they did not do anything for which they can be criticised. And everything that those have said is a pure fabrication, a lie, and misguiding of others (in the matter), and refuge is with Allāh. This is the epitomy of nifāq from the one who said it."

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Note the pin-point accuracy in the words of Shaykh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Āl al- Shaykh. This is without the Shaykh's knowledge of a large share of what Quṭb has been criticized for by other Scholars such as Shaykh Rabīʿ. Quṭb used to praise the revolutions of the Bātinī Qarāmiṭah Hypocrites against the Muslims in the same breath as praising the revolution against ʿUthmān bin ʿAffān (). Sayyid Quṭb was poisoned by atheist materialist philosophies (Communism, Marxism, Socialism) for a major part of his life which then began to manifest in his "Islamic" writings, where he poured scorn and revilement (and made takfīr of some of the Companions) due to his ideas of "social justice." Shaykh Mahmūd Shākir aptly described this poison within his 1952 advice to Quṭb describing him as "a sentimentalist towards Islām who proclaims its defence" yet in whom there is found "the violent explosive expression of all of the malice of the idolatrous western civilization which transgresses the limits of Allāh that He ordered not to be transgressed" and that this malice and hatred "manifested itself against four of the Companions of Allāh's Messenger ()", meaning Quṭb's speech against Muʿāwiyah, his parents, Abū Sufyān and Hind, and ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ ().

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Appendix 3: The Works of Shaykh Rabīʿ bin Hādī in Refutation of the Bāṭinī Rāfiḍī Sayyid Quṭb

ʾAḍwāʾ ʾIslāmiyyah ʿalā ʿAqidah Sayyid Quṭb wa Fikrihī. Islamic Illuminations Upon the Creed and Ideology of Sayyid Qutb. Refuting Sayyid Quṭb was one of the boldest and most courageous endeavours taken by any Scholar in the latter half of the 20th century. The veneration of the Ikhwānīs for both Ḥassan al-Bannā and Sayyid Quṭb represents the extremity of ghuluww (exaggeration) and it was the decision to refute Quṭb176 that brough the greater amount of wrath upon Shaykh Rabīʿ from the biased partisans (Ḥizbiyyūn). In this book the Shaykh defended the Islāmic ʿaqīdah from the doctrines of the Khārijiyyah, Murjiʾah, Jahmiyyah, Muʿtazilah, Ashʿariyyah, Jabariyyah, Rafiḍah, Ḥulūliyyah, Ittiḥādiyyah, Ishtirākiyyah (Socialists) and others, all of which are found in the books of Quṭb. These books are distributed the world over, in the millions, indicating that this poison was widespread and none had stepped forward to neutralize it .177

Maṭāʿin Sayyid Quṭb Fī Aṣhābi Rasūlillāh (Ṣallallāhu ʿAlayhi Wasallam). The Revilements of Sayyid Qutb Upon the Companions of Allāh's Messenger. In this book, the Shaykh defended the honour of ʿUthmān (raḍiyallāhu anhu), Muʿāwiyah, Abū Sufyān and his wife Hind, ʿAmr bin al-ʿĀṣ and others (raḍiyallāhu ʿanhum) from "the malice of the idolatrous western civilisation manifesting explosively in the heart of one who proclaims defence of Islām and Jihād in its path" to use the words of Allāmah Maḥmūd Shākir regarding Sayyid Quṭb written 50 years go. This incensed the Quṭbiyyah even further and brought more wrath upon the Shaykh.

176 The Shaykh after trying to rectify and reform the Ikhwān, experienced the ghuluww they had in Sayyid Quṭb and his works and saw it necessary to refute his many serious errors. This was all the more pressing because of the propaganda being made for his books and raising him as an "Imām of Guidance" as was claimed by Salmān al-ʿAwdah and comparing him with Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb as was done by Safar al-Ḥawāli. 177 Such as his commentary on the Qurʿān, al-Dhilāl.

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Al-ʿAwāṣim Mimmā Fī Kutub Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qawāṣim. Defences Against The Calamities in the Books of Sayyid Quṭb. In this book the Shaykh exposed Sayyid Quṭb's attempts to incorporate Marxist Socialist ideas into the Sharīʿah, abolish aspects of the Sharīʿah and his claim that Islām fights for freedom of religion by granting equality to all and protecting their rights.178

Al-Ḥadd al-Fāṣil Bayn al-Haqq wal-Bāṭil. The Defining Criterion Between Truth and Falsehood. This book was a refutation against a short piece of writing by Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd the aim of which was to defend Sayyid Quṭb. However, after being criticized by a number of other Scholars, Shaykh Bakr regretted writing the short piece and it was distributed without his knowledge. The Hizbiyyīn and Ghulāt Murjiʾat al-Aṣr (Extremist Murjiʾah of the Era) flew with it and this unfortunate slip of a schola gave them mileage in their falsehood for a number of years.

In addition to these four books, Shaykh Rabīʿ wrote a number of other smaller works, published on his website (rabee.net) and also printed within his Majmūʿ.179 They are as follows:

1. Nadharāt Fī Kitāb al-Taṣwīr al-Fannī Fīl-Qurʾān al-Karīm Li Sayid Quṭb (Glances at the Book 'Depiction of Art in the Noble Qurʾān' of Sayyid Quṭb).

2. Yanbūʿ al-Fitan al-Aḥdāth Allatī Yanbaghī lil-Ummah Maʿrifatahu Thumma Raddahu (The Fountain of Tribulations Which the Ummah Ought to Know and then Reject).

3. Aṭwār Sayyid Quṭb Fī Waḥdat al-Wujūd (The Stages of Sayyid Quṭb in [the Statement of] the Unity of Existence).

178 The Shaykh continued writing against Sayyid Quṭb in light of the fanatical extremism and exaggeration his followers continued to show, indicating that they are far, far removed from the ʿaqīdah of the Salaf and loving and hating for its sake. 179 Refer to volumes 6 and 7 (Dār al-Imām Aḥmad, 2010).

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4. Naqd Kitāb al-Thiqāfah al-Islāmiyyah (Critique of the Book 'Islamic Culture').

5. Nadhrah Sayyid Quṭb ilā Aṣḥāb Rasūlillāh () (The View of Sayyid Quṭb Towards the Companions of Allāh's Messenger).

6. Sayyid Quṭb Huwa Maṣdar Takfīr al-Mujtamaʿāt al-Islāmiyyah (Sayyid Quṭb is the Source of the Takfīr of Islāmic Societies)

It is no exaggeration to say that these books of Shaykh Rabīʿ and those he wrote in refutation of those who treacherously spread the ideologies of Sayyid Quṭb and Ḥasan al-Bannā to a Salafi audience such as ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ʿAbd al-Khāliq, Safar al-Hawālī, Salman al- ʿAwdah,ʿAdnān Arʿūr, Muḥammad al-Maghrāwī, Abu al-Ḥasan al-Misrī, it is not exaggeration to say that these works comprise a defence of Islām, Sunnah and Salafiyyah that can be put alongside the defences of the likes of Imām Aḥmad and Ibn Taymiyyah. This is because Shaykh Rabīʿ did not really refute Sayyid Quṭb as a person but the ideology he represented which amounts in reality to an extension of all past Bāṭinī movements, and which culminated in the writings of the likes of Sayyid Quṭb in the 20th century.

With these writings, the Shaykh offered a tremendous service to the dīn of Islām, it represents great jihād in the path of Allāh and by Allāh's praise, today no one is able to praise the name of this Rāfiḍī Khabīth, Bāṭinī Freemason (Sayyid Quṭb) any longer without fear of being rightfully brandished as person of desires. We ask Allāh to reward the Shaykh immensely for these monumental efforts. Amīn.

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Appendix 4: Doubts About the Reality of Sayyid Quṭb

It was not until the late 1990s that the reality of Sayyid Quṭb became apparent to the major scholars of the Salafī daʿwah. Prior to that, because the governments of the Gulf countries and the scholars therein were not aware of the plots of al-Ikhwān, they considerd Ikhwānī figureheads such as Quṭb, Mawdūdī and Bannā to be Islāmic callers, guiding the people to Islām and working for improving the situation in their countries. Thus, words of praise and commendation can be found from scholars such as Imām al-Albānī, Imām Ibn Bāz and others. In fact, they even had positive words about some of the jamāʿāt such as al- Ikhwān.

When the Quṭbiyyah came out openly with their daʿwah in Saudī after the 1991 Gulf War, and Shaykh Rabīʿ along with the scholars of Madīnah began to refute them after they had grasped the reality of what they were calling to, that they were an organized jamāʿah and had years of plotting behind them, a lot of confusion ensued for the rest of the decade. Within this period, scholars such as Imām al-Albānī would still have positive words to say about the likes of Sayyid Quṭb and this was because fanatical Quṭbīs such as ʿAdnān ʿArʿūr played a role in confusing and concealing the realities in order to defend Sayyid Quṭb. However, once Shaykh al-Albānī came to realise the depths of misguidance of Sayyid Quṭb after reading and comtemplating the writings of Shaykh Rabīʿ, in particular the book ʿAwāṣim Mimmā Fī Kutub Sayyid Quṭb Min al-Qawāsim, he praised the Shaykh's efforts, thereby invalidating all previous speech that he had made on the issue. Imām al-Albānī wrote a hand-written note to Shaykh Rabīʿ, stating:

Everything with which you have refuted Sayyid Quṭb is the truth (ḥaqq) and is correct (ṣawāb). And it will become sufficiently clear from this refutation to every one who has read anything from the Islāmic heritage (of knowledge) that Sayyid Qutb had no knowledge of the fundamentals or subsidiary matters of Islām. So may Allāh reward you with the best of reward, O

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brother Rabīʿ for fulfilling the obligation of explaining and uncovering his ignorance and deviation from Islām. "180

A second doubt which caused confusion in the 1990s was the action of Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd () who hastily and erroneously defended Sayyid Quṭb without having researched the matter. He wrote a small treatise of around four pages which were taken from his office and then spread publicly. Shaykh Rabīʿ wrote a number of letters at the time which reveal to us what actually transpired. The first of them:

In the Name of Allāh, Full of Mercy, Ever-Merciful (to His Believing Servants). All praise is due to Allāh and prayers and peace upon the Messenger of Allāh, his companions and whoever follows his guidance. To proceed: Then the people upon falsehood have attached themselves to the letter of Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd in such a severe manner, like the drowning person holds onto a splinter (of wood).

However, in truth these papers are devoid of truth and only aid falsehood, without (containing) any knowledge, guidance or (having any basis in) the illuminating Book. Rather to the one who acquires his understanding from Allāh and His Messenger and who respects his own intelligence and who respects the truth, they are more feeble than the house of a spider. And these papers do not befit the one to whom they are described (the author), due to what they contain of false lies.

It is for this reason that you see him [Shaykh Bakr] fleeing from them. And some of the people of nobility, excellence and erudition rejected these writings, amongst the Shaykh Ṣālih al- Fawzān and Shaykh Saʿd al-Husayn, and he wrote a refutation of this letter. Rather I say that anyone who respects the Salafī manhaj will reject what this letter contains. And I also mention that amongst those who checked over this letter after me was

180 Refer to the book Barāʿah Ulamā al-Ummah of ʿIṣām al-Sinānī which was checked by Shaykh Ibn al-ʿUthaymīn and Shaykh al-Fawzān.

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Shaykh Zayd Muḥammad Hādī al-Madhkhalī. And (eventually) Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd disliked that his letter should be distributed, rather he reviled the one who distributed it...And what gives evidence to the fact that he was annoyed and dissatisfied with his letter is that he was not pleased that it should be distributed, neither did he have it printed and nor did he give it a title. However, the foolish minded, the aiders of falsehood, of waḥdat al-wujūd, ḥulūl and taʿṭīl of the Attributes and revilement of the Companions, rather the revilement of the Noble Messengers, attacking them and other such heresies which the books of Sayyid Qutb contain,–they are the ones who printed and distributed it (the letter of Shaykh Bakr).

And Rabīʿ’ bin Hādī ʿUmayr al-Madkhalī refuted them (the writings of Quṭb) in four books, assisting the dīn of Allāh and His Messengers in all of that and defending the Companions of the Seal of the Noble Messengers. Hence, it is sufficient dignity for Rabīʿ’ that he defends the dīn of Allāh and the those who carried and conveyed it. And it is sufficient humiliation and ignominy for the defenders of Sayyid that they have contested the truth and its carriers from among the Prophets and their Companions.

Written by: Rabīʿ’ bin Hādī ʿUmayr al-Madkhalī Stamped and Dated 14/3/1421H

Then a few months later, in the introduction to his book al-Ḥadd al- Fāṣīl, which was released because Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd had not refuted those who were spreading his erroneous letter of criticism, Shaykh Rabīʿ wrote:

In the Name of Allāh, Full of Mercy, Ever-Merciful (to His Believing Servants). All praise is due to Allāh and prayers and peace upon best of creation, Muḥammad bin ʿAbdullāh, his family, his companions and whoever follows his guidance. To proceed: A few years ago four pages (of writings) came out which were attributed to Shaykh Bakr Abū Zayd. So when I asked him

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about them, he became annoyed about them and also about those who had distributed them and he said to me, "These people want to cause separation between those who love each other." And likewise, Shaykh Zayd bin Muḥammad bin Hādī al-Madkhalī also asked him about these papers and he reviled those who spread these papers. And also in front of others, [the Shaykh] made excuses and said that these papers were stolen from him and were spread without his consent and satisfaction.

And up until now, he has not officially and openly acknowledged them, and neither is he happy about them being printed and distributed, and hence, these papers are tantamount to a foundling (abandoned baby), with no legal father (as its claimant).

It is deserving for every sensible person that he should become ashamed on account of them, because the very one to whom they are attributed refuses to acknowledge them. And it is also deserving for the one who to whom they are attributed to be ashamed on account of them, since they defend falsehood and they also defend a very great strayer who gathered together the greatest of strayings and disgraces, amongst them: reviling the Messenger of Allāh from amongst the greatest of the messengers of Allāh, and from the greatest of the resolute (ūlu al-ʿazm) is the kalīm of Allāh, Mūsā (), and amongst them: reviling the greatest of the companions of Allāh's Messenger (), chief amongst them, ʿUthmān () – rather takfīr of some of them and accusing others with hypocrisy, lying, bribery, buying the various (material) stocks and liabilities (from the state treasury) to the end of his despicable revilement of the companions of Muḥammad () and may Allāh be pleased with them.

So say whatever you like in reprimand of these papers which have falsely been labelled "an-Naṣiḥah adh-Dhahabiyyah" (The Golden Advice) and which have been distributed across the

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world with all intensity. Amongst the flaws (in these papers) is that they are more flimsy than the house of a spider due to their being devoid of truth, knowledge and justice. They do not do justice for those who were reviled by Sayyid Quṭb amongst the Prophets and companions of Allāh's’ Messenger (), and neither do they do justice to Islām when Sayyid Quṭb attributes the most evil of beliefs to it, the most astray of them being the belief of waḥdat ul-wujūd (physical unity of all existence) and that of ḥulūl (divine indwelling) and denial (taʿṭīl) of Allāh's attributes and belittling the miracles of the Muḥammad (), and also his ascription of Marxist Socialism to Islām, and also his belittlement of Islām by saying, "And it is necessary for Islām to judge, since it is a unique, constructive and positivist ʿaqīdah which has been moulded and shaped from Christianity and Communism together, in the most perfect of ways and which comprises all of their objectives and adds in addition to them harmony, balance and justice." And other such misguidance.

However, the followers of every so and so raised him and revered him and grant him the position of the one who cannot be questioned as to what he does. And then they show loyalty and enmity for his sake and place themselves in the lowest levels of mankind, such that they have no sense nor intelligence which would have prevented them from this. So they do not follow the methodology of Islām in their loyalty and disownment and in their rulings and their positions. This is in fact the characteristic of the rowdy hooligans of every age and place, and it is with the likes of these such people that the Messengers, the righteous and the callers to truth are fought against in every time and place. And then from them emerge the lowly ones who then occupy the rank of the great ones– and then they become ṭawāghīṭ (who are obeyed and listened beyond their sharīʿah limits) on account of whom the true religion of Allāh and its callers are fought against. And finally, I find myself compelled to grant permission for the printing of this book, ‘al-Ḥadd al-Fāṣil’ as a clarification of the truth, and as a means of aiding it and demolishing the falsehood of Sayyid Quṭb, which is spread in the name of Islām, and in

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order to repel the oppression of his allies, the aiders of falsehood and those who defend its people. And this occurs from me after a very long wait for Bakr Abū Zayd to show some sense of justice and to announce his conviction of whoever spreads and distributes his papers, in the name of ‘"adh-dhahabiyyah" (being golden), and whoever brags about them. However, he has not yet done so, and hence I have been compelled to spread my refutation of him, after I had made many excuses for him and after many others had also censured him.

Written by Rabīʿ’ bin Hādī ʿUmayr al-Madkhalī 14/5/1421H.

Finally, a third figure who is devoid of the stature held by the previous two, Shaykh ʿAbdullāh bin Jibrīn came out in defence of Sayyid Quṭb and the Surūriyyah Quṭbiyyah of Saudi Arabia. His feeble defences of Ḥasan al-Bannā and Sayyid Quṭb were slapped into oblivion by the noble Salafī Shaykh, Aḥmad bin Yahyā al-Najmī () who also made tabdīʿ of him for his persistent defence of the Innovators which include the misguided Usāmah bin Lādin. Disgracefully, Ibn Jibrīn had asked Shaykh al-Najmī not to publish a book in refutation of al- Ikhwān and Ḥasan al-Bannā. So Shaykh al-Najmī authored, "Radd al-Jawāb ʿalā Man Ṭalaba Minnī ʿAdm Tabʿ al-Kitāb" (Returning the Response to the One Who Requested Me Not to Publish the Book).

The sayings of these three scholars were clung to by the drowning Quṭbiyyah during the 1990s and there are still some of them today who choose to remain with the rats inhabiting their battered and ruined flagship of Quṭbiyyah which lays washed ashore on the beachside, rotting.

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