“One China” Policy—Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei
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Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future Vincent Wei-Cheng Wang Ithaca College
Ithaca College Digital Commons @ IC Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations Politics Department 1-1-1999 Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future Vincent Wei-Cheng Wang Ithaca College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ithaca.edu/politics_faculty_pubs Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Wang, Vincent Wei-Cheng, "Bill Clinton's "Three Noes" and Taiwan's Future" (1999). Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations. 37. https://digitalcommons.ithaca.edu/politics_faculty_pubs/37 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics Department at Digital Commons @ IC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Politics Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ IC. 253 BILL CLINTON'S "THREE NOES" AND TAIWAN'S FUTURE Vincent Wei-cheng Wang University of Richmond Diplomatic historians and political scientists have warned that when great powers make war or love, the smaller countries nearby feel the tremors.1 As they look back, President Bill Clinton's 1998 summit visit to China marked the emergence of a new world order: With the end of the Cold War, China is poised to become a poten tial superpower, and its future evolution will have great implications for the U.S. "For better or worse, the U.S. Chinese relationship seems destined to be one of the principal pivots in international relations well into the 21st century," as Walter Russell Mead asserts.2 That much is clear, but what is not clear is how to deal with this rising power. 1. Summit in Context: Is Engagement Actually a Realist Strategy? Historically, coping with a rising great power has sel dom been easy, and conflicts have often occurred during 1 An Indian .saying has a slightly different twist: "When two elephants make wars or love, the grass gets hurt. -
China As a Hybrid Influencer: Non-State Actors As State Proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI
Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 JUNE 2021 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI JUKKA AUKIA Hybrid CoE Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies JUKKA AUKIA 3 Hybrid CoE Research Reports are thorough, in-depth studies providing a deep understanding of hybrid threats and phenomena relating to them. Research Reports build on an original idea and follow academic research report standards, presenting new research findings. They provide either policy-relevant recommendations or practical conclusions. COI Hybrid Influence looks at how state and non-state actors conduct influence activities targeted at Participating States and institutions, as part of a hybrid campaign, and how hostile state actors use their influence tools in ways that attempt to sow instability, or curtail the sovereignty of other nations and the independence of institutions. The focus is on the behaviours, activities, and tools that a hostile actor can use. The goal is to equip practitioners with the tools they need to respond to and deter hybrid threats. COI HI is led by the UK. The European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats tel. +358 400 253 800 www.hybridcoe.fi ISBN (web) 978-952-7282-78-6 ISBN (print) 978-952-7282-79-3 ISSN 2737-0860 June 2021 Hybrid CoE is an international hub for practitioners and experts, building Participating States’ and institutions’ capabilities and enhancing EU-NATO cooperation in countering hybrid threats, located in Helsinki, Finland. The responsibility for the views expressed ultimately rests with the authors. -
Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In
Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Cancer Incidence of Taiwanese Shipbreaking Workers Who Have Been Potentially Exposed to Asbestos
Environmental Research 132 (2014) 370–378 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Environmental Research journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/envres Cancer incidence of Taiwanese shipbreaking workers who have been potentially exposed to asbestos Wei-Te Wu a, Yu-Jen Lin a, Huei-Sheng Shiue b, Chung-Yi Li c, Perng-Jy Tsai d,e, Chun-Yuh Yang a,f, Saou-Hsing Liou a,b, Trong-Neng Wu a,g,n a Division of Environmental Health and Occupational Medicine, National Health Research Institutes, Miaoli, Taiwan b Department of Public Health, China Medical University, Taichung, Taiwan c Department of Public Health, College of Medicine, National Cheng Kung University, Tainan, Taiwan d Department of Environmental and Occupational Health, College of Medicine, National Cheng Kung University, Tainan, Taiwan e Department of Occupational Safety and Health, College of Public Health, China Medical University, Taichung, Taiwan f Institute of Public Health, Kaohsiung Medical University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan g Graduate Institute of Biostatistics, China Medical University, Taichung, Taiwan article info abstract Article history: Background: Shipbreaking remains one of the most dangerous jobs worldwide. Shipbreaking workers are Received 2 August 2013 exposed to many hazardous chemicals, especially asbestos. Unfortunately, long-term follow-up studies of Received in revised form cancer incidence patterns in shipbreaking workers are lacking. This study examines whether there is an 17 April 2014 increased risk of cancer among male shipbreaking workers over a 24-year follow-up period. Accepted 22 April 2014 Methods: 4155 male shipbreaking worker's information was retrospectively collected from Kaohsiung's Shipbreaking Workers Union database from 1985. The study cohort was linked to the Taiwan Cancer Keywords: Registry from 1985 to 2008 for new cancer cases. -
2019 China Military Power Report
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 Office of the Secretary of Defense Preparation of this report cost the Department of Defense a total of approximately $181,000 in Fiscal Years 2018-2019. This includes $12,000 in expenses and $169,000 in DoD labor. Generated on 2019May02 RefID: E-1F4B924 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 A Report to Congress Pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, as Amended Section 1260, “Annual Report on Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China,” of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, Public Law 115-232, which amends the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, Section 1202, Public Law 106-65, provides that the Secretary of Defense shall submit a report “in both classified and unclassified form, on military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China. The report shall address the current and probable future course of military-technological development of the People’s Liberation Army and the tenets and probable development of Chinese security strategy and military strategy, and of the military organizations and operational concepts supporting such development over the next 20 years. -
The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F
July 2016, Volume 27, Number 3 $14.00 The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F. Inglehart The Struggle Over Term Limits in Africa Brett L. Carter Janette Yarwood Filip Reyntjens 25 Years After the USSR: What’s Gone Wrong? Henry E. Hale Suisheng Zhao on Xi Jinping’s Maoist Revival Bojan Bugari¡c & Tom Ginsburg on Postcommunist Courts Clive H. Church & Adrian Vatter on Switzerland Daniel O’Maley on the Internet of Things Delegative Democracy Revisited Santiago Anria Catherine Conaghan Frances Hagopian Lindsay Mayka Juan Pablo Luna Alberto Vergara and Aaron Watanabe Zhao.NEW saved by BK on 1/5/16; 6,145 words, including notes; TXT created from NEW by PJC, 3/18/16; MP edits to TXT by PJC, 4/5/16 (6,615 words). AAS saved by BK on 4/7/16; FIN created from AAS by PJC, 4/25/16 (6,608 words). PGS created by BK on 5/10/16. XI JINPING’S MAOIST REVIVAL Suisheng Zhao Suisheng Zhao is professor at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is executive director of the univer- sity’s Center for China-U.S. Cooperation and editor of the Journal of Contemporary China. When Xi Jinping became paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 2012, some Chinese intellectuals with liberal lean- ings allowed themselves to hope that he would promote the cause of political reform. The most optimistic among them even thought that he might seek to limit the monopoly on power long claimed by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). -
PB2001100980.Pdf
PB2001-100980 111111111111111111111111l1li111111 -------------------~~- The Chi-Chi, Taiwan Earthquake of September 21, 1999: Reconnaissance Report Edited by George C. Lee1 and Chin-Hsiung Loh2 Major MCEER Contributors: George C. Lee, Michel Bruneau, Ian G. Buckle, Stephanie E. Chang, Paul J. Flores, Thomas D. O'Rourke, Masanobu Shinozuka and Tsu T. Soong Major NCREE Contributors: Chin-Hsiung Loh, Kuo-Chun Chang, Zhe-Jung Chen, Jenn-Shin Hwang, Meei-Ling Lin, Gee-Yu Liu, Keh-Chyuan Tsai, George C. Yao and Chin-Lien Yen Publication Date: April 30, 2000 Technical Report MCEER-00-0003 MCEER Project Number 99-9002 NSF Master Contract Number CMS 97-01471 . 1 Director, Multidisciplinary Center for Earthquake Engineering Research, University at Buffalo, State University of New York 2 Director, National Center for Research on Earthquake Engineering, National Taiwan University MULTIDISCIPLINARY CENTER FOR EARTHQUAKE ENGINEERING RESEARCH University at Buffalo, State University of New York Red Jacket Quadrangle, Buffalo, NY 14261 REPRODUCED BY: NrIS. u.s. Department of Commerce -~- National Technical Information Service Springfield, Virginia 22161 This report was prepared by the Multidisciplinary Center for Earthquake Engineering Research (MCEER) through grants from the Earthquake Engineering Research Centers Program of the Na tional Science Foundation, the State of New York, and other sponsors. Neither MCEER, associates of MCEER, its sponsors, nor any person acting on their behalf: a. makes any warranty, express or implied, with respect to the use of any information, apparatus, method, or process disclosed in this report or that such use may not in fringe upon privately owned rights; or b. assumes any liabilities of whatsoever kind with respect to the use of, or the damage resulting from the use of, any information, apparatus, method, or process disclosed in this report. -
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’S Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’s Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World A Report to the Center for International Media Assistance By Sarah Cook October 22, 2013 The Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA), at the National Endowment for Democracy, works to strengthen the support, raise the visibility, and improve the effectiveness of independent media development throughout the world. The Center provides information, builds networks, conducts research, and highlights the indispensable role independent media play in the creation and development of sustainable democracies. An important aspect of CIMA’s work is to research ways to attract additional U.S. private sector interest in and support for international media development. CIMA convenes working groups, discussions, and panels on a variety of topics in the field of media development and assistance. The center also issues reports and recommendations based on working group discussions and other investigations. These reports aim to provide policymakers, as well as donors and practitioners, with ideas for bolstering the effectiveness of media assistance. Don Podesta Interim Senior Director Center for International Media Assistance National Endowment for Democracy 1025 F Street, N.W., 8th Floor Washington, DC 20004 Phone: (202) 378-9700 Fax: (202) 378-9407 Email: [email protected] URL: http://cima.ned.org Design and Layout by Valerie Popper About the Author Sarah Cook Sarah Cook is a senior research analyst for East Asia at Freedom House. She manages the editorial team producing the China Media Bulletin, a biweekly news digest of media freedom developments related to the People’s Republic of China. -
China | Freedom House
China | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/china A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 0 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 There are no direct or competitive elections for national executive leaders. The National People’s Congress (NPC) formally elects the state president for five-year terms and confirms the premier after he is nominated by the president, but both positions are decided in advance at the relevant CCP congress. The CCP’s seven- member Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), headed by Xi Jinping in his role as the party’s general secretary, sets government and party policy in practice. Xi also holds the position of state president and serves as chairman of the state and party military commissions. Xi was awarded a second five-year term as general secretary at the 19th Party Congress in October 2017, and at the NPC session in March 2018 he was confirmed for a second five-year term as state president. Also at that session, the NPC approved amendments to China’s constitution that abolished the two-term limit for the state presidency and vice presidency. Combined with the absence of another PSC member young enough to serve as Xi’s successor in 2022, the move reinforced predictions that he planned to break with precedent and remain China’s paramount leader for the foreseeable future. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 The 3,000 NPC members are formally elected for five-year terms by subnational congresses, but in practice all candidates are vetted by the CCP. -
The History and Politics of Taiwan's February 28
The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of History © Yen-Kuang Kuo, 2020 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Zhongping Chen, Supervisor Department of History Dr. Gregory Blue, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. John Price, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. Andrew Marton, Outside Member Department of Pacific and Asian Studies iii Abstract Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. -
Scoring One for the Other Team
FIVE TURTLES IN A FLASK: FOR TAIWAN’S OUTER ISLANDS, AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE HOLDS A CERTAIN FATE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ASIAN STUDIES MAY 2018 By Edward W. Green, Jr. Thesis Committee: Eric Harwit, Chairperson Shana J. Brown Cathryn H. Clayton Keywords: Taiwan independence, offshore islands, strait crisis, military intervention TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Tables ................................................................................................................ ii List of Figures ............................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 II. Scope and Organization ........................................................................................... 6 III. Dramatis Personae: The Five Islands ...................................................................... 9 III.1. Itu Aba ..................................................................................................... 11 III.2. Matsu ........................................................................................................ 14 III.3. The Pescadores ......................................................................................... 16 III.4. Pratas .......................................................................................................