The Myth of Chinese Capitalism: the Worker, the Factory, and the Future of the World
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The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F
July 2016, Volume 27, Number 3 $14.00 The Danger of Deconsolidation Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk Ronald F. Inglehart The Struggle Over Term Limits in Africa Brett L. Carter Janette Yarwood Filip Reyntjens 25 Years After the USSR: What’s Gone Wrong? Henry E. Hale Suisheng Zhao on Xi Jinping’s Maoist Revival Bojan Bugari¡c & Tom Ginsburg on Postcommunist Courts Clive H. Church & Adrian Vatter on Switzerland Daniel O’Maley on the Internet of Things Delegative Democracy Revisited Santiago Anria Catherine Conaghan Frances Hagopian Lindsay Mayka Juan Pablo Luna Alberto Vergara and Aaron Watanabe Zhao.NEW saved by BK on 1/5/16; 6,145 words, including notes; TXT created from NEW by PJC, 3/18/16; MP edits to TXT by PJC, 4/5/16 (6,615 words). AAS saved by BK on 4/7/16; FIN created from AAS by PJC, 4/25/16 (6,608 words). PGS created by BK on 5/10/16. XI JINPING’S MAOIST REVIVAL Suisheng Zhao Suisheng Zhao is professor at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is executive director of the univer- sity’s Center for China-U.S. Cooperation and editor of the Journal of Contemporary China. When Xi Jinping became paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 2012, some Chinese intellectuals with liberal lean- ings allowed themselves to hope that he would promote the cause of political reform. The most optimistic among them even thought that he might seek to limit the monopoly on power long claimed by the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). -
China | Freedom House
China | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/china A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 0 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 There are no direct or competitive elections for national executive leaders. The National People’s Congress (NPC) formally elects the state president for five-year terms and confirms the premier after he is nominated by the president, but both positions are decided in advance at the relevant CCP congress. The CCP’s seven- member Politburo Standing Committee (PSC), headed by Xi Jinping in his role as the party’s general secretary, sets government and party policy in practice. Xi also holds the position of state president and serves as chairman of the state and party military commissions. Xi was awarded a second five-year term as general secretary at the 19th Party Congress in October 2017, and at the NPC session in March 2018 he was confirmed for a second five-year term as state president. Also at that session, the NPC approved amendments to China’s constitution that abolished the two-term limit for the state presidency and vice presidency. Combined with the absence of another PSC member young enough to serve as Xi’s successor in 2022, the move reinforced predictions that he planned to break with precedent and remain China’s paramount leader for the foreseeable future. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 0 / 4 The 3,000 NPC members are formally elected for five-year terms by subnational congresses, but in practice all candidates are vetted by the CCP. -
A Global Contest for Power and Influence
CHAPTER 1 U.S.-CHINA GLOBAL COMPETITION SECTION 1: A GLOBAL CONTEST FOR POWER AND INFLUENCE: CHINA’S VIEW OF STRA- TEGIC COMPETITION WITH THE UNITED STATES Key Findings • Beijing has long held the ambition to match the United States as the world’s most powerful and influential nation. Over the past 15 years, as its economic and technological prowess, dip- lomatic influence, and military capabilities have grown, China has turned its focus toward surpassing the United States. Chi- nese leaders have grown increasingly aggressive in their pur- suit of this goal following the 2008 global financial crisis and General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Xi Jinping’s ascent to power in 2012. • Chinese leaders regard the United States as China’s primary adversary and as the country most capable of preventing the CCP from achieving its goals. Over the nearly three decades of the post-Cold War era, Beijing has made concerted efforts to diminish the global strength and appeal of the United States. Chinese leaders have become increasingly active in seizing op- portunities to present the CCP’s one-party, authoritarian gover- nance system and values as an alternative model to U.S. global leadership. • China’s approach to competition with the United States is based on the CCP’s view of the United States as a dangerous ideologi- cal opponent that seeks to constrain its rise and undermine the legitimacy of its rule. In recent years, the CCP’s perception of the threat posed by Washington’s championing of liberal demo- cratic ideals has intensified as the Party has reemphasized the ideological basis for its rule. -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
7 Civil Liberties: 6 Status: Not Free
China Population: 1,311,400,000 Capital: Beijing Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 6 Status: Not Free Overview: In response to China’s pressing socioeconomic problems, the leadership team of President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in 2006 continued to promote policies aimed at building a “harmonious society,” balancing economic growth with the provision of public goods such as social welfare and environmental protection. However, concerns over social stability also led to a strengthening of restrictions on the country’s media and the detention of human rights activists, civil rights lawyers, and others the authorities viewed as posing a challenge to the regime. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) took power in mainland China in 1949 after defeating the nationalist Kuomintang forces in the Chinese Civil War. Aiming to strengthen his own position and hasten China’s socialist transformation, Communist leader Mao Zedong oversaw devastating mass- mobilization campaigns, such as the Great Leap Forward (1958–61) and the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), which resulted in millions of deaths and politicized nearly every aspect of daily life. Following Mao’s death in 1976, Deng Xiaoping emerged as China’s paramount leader. Over the next two decades, Deng maintained the CCP’s absolute rule in the political sphere while guiding China’s transition from a largely agrarian economy to a rapidly urbanizing, export-driven market economy. The CCP signaled its intent to maintain political stability at all costs with the 1989 massacre of prodemocracy protesters who had gathered in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. Following the crackdown, the party tapped Jiang Zemin to replace the relatively moderate Zhao Ziyang as general secretary of the party. -
Managing Stability in the Taiwan Strait: Non-Military Policy Towards Taiwan Under Hu Jintao, In: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 38, 3, 99-118
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China aktuell Chang, Wu-ueh and Chien-min Chao (2009), Managing Stability in the Taiwan Strait: Non-Military Policy towards Taiwan under Hu Jintao, in: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 38, 3, 99-118. ISSN: 1868-4874 (online), ISSN: 1868-1026 (print) The online version of this and the other articles can be found at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies in cooperation with the National Institute of Chinese Studies, White Rose East Asia Centre at the Universities of Leeds and Sheffield and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. To subscribe to the print edition: <[email protected]> For an e-mail alert please register at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is part of the GIGA Journal Family which includes: Africa Spectrum • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs • Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs • Journal of Politics in Latin America • <www.giga-journal-family.org> Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 3/2009: 99-118 Managing Stability in the Taiwan Strait: Non-Military Policy towards Taiwan under Hu Jintao Wu-ueh Chang and Chien-min Chao Abstract: China’s Taiwan policy has been one of coupling intimidation (the “stick” approach) with coercion (the “carrot” approach), a policy mix which, in the near term, is not likely to change, as is evidenced by the passage of the “Anti-Secession Law” in March, 2005. -
The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Staff Research Report March 23, 2012 The China Rising Leaders Project, Part 1: The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders by John Dotson USCC Research Coordinator With Supporting Research and Contributions By: Shelly Zhao, USCC Research Fellow Andrew Taffer, USCC Research Fellow 1 The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission China Rising Leaders Project Research Report Series: Part 1: The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders (March 2012) Part 2: China’s Emerging Leaders in the People’s Liberation Army (forthcoming June 2012) Part 3: China’s Emerging Leaders in State-Controlled Industry (forthcoming August 2012) Disclaimer: This report is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 108-7. However, the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report. Cover Photo: CCP Politburo Standing Committee Member Xi Jinping acknowledges applause in Beijing’s Great Hall of the People following his election as Vice-President of the People’s Republic of China during the 5th plenary session of the National People's Congress (March 15, 2008). -
Xi Jinping and the PLA's 90Th Anniversary
Oh Fang, Where Art Thou? Xi Jinping and the PLA’s 90th Anniversary James Mulvenon As the Chinese Communist Party heads into the 19th Party Congress in October, Xi Jinping’s speech commemorating the 90th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Army was notable both for what he said and what he did not say. This article dissects the speech and assesses implications for party-military relations, Xi’s relationship with the military, and the upcoming leadership shuffle at the 19th Congress. The Key Themes of Xi Jinping’s 90th PLA Anniversary Speech On 1 August at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Xi Jinping delivered a speech commemorating the 90th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Army.1 It is an annual tradition for the paramount leader to make formal remarks on Army Day, though this year’s speech was an important political roadsign preceding the leadership clambake at Beidaihe and the opening of the 19th Party Congress in October. Xi’s speech also came two days after China held a massive military parade involving more than 12,000 service personnel at the Zhurihe military training base in north China’s Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.2 Xi’s speech began by emphasizing the “six great forces” that marked the history of the PLA: (1) the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership of the military; (2) the Marxist ideals and convictions of the troops; (3) reform and innovation from the revolutionary period to the present; (4) the fighting spirit of the military, beginning in the 1927 Nanchang Uprising and -
Glossary: China's Foreign Policy
GREA1918 • Foreign PolicyT ASSOCI DECISIONSATION 2014 EDITION Glossary: China’s foreign policy Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN): An orga- Jiang continued in the spirit of Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and over- nization of 10 countries located in Southeast Asia that promotes saw a generally prosperous period in Chinese history. economic growth and regional stability. Since 1997, ASEAN has also hosted a forum known as ASEAN Plus Three (APT), which Mao Zedong: Communist revolutionary who founded the PRC has included China, Japan and South Korea. and ruled it as paramount leader until his death. Mao solidified single-party rule and initiated a number of controversial policies Asian Financial Crisis (1997–98): Triggered by the collapse of like the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. the Thai baht, the crisis threatened to lead to global economic melt- down, but was ultimately limited to Southeast Asia. China was NATO bombing of Chinese embassy in Belgrade: During NA- spared from the most devastating effects in part because most of its TO’s military operation against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia foreign investment was in the form of physical factories resistant during the Kosovo War, five U.S. bombs hit the Chinese embassy, to rapid capital flight. killing three Chinese reporters. The U.S. government subsequently apologized and explained that its forces had accidentally misiden- Chinese Communist Party (CCP): Founding and ruling political tified coordinates for a Yugoslav military target. party of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It is constitutionally recognized as the “vanguard” of state and society and counts over People’s Liberation Army (PLA): The military arm of the Com- 80 million members. -
China's New Top Leaders: a Preview of the CCP's Eighteenth National
Griffith Asia Institute Regional Outlook China’s New Top Leaders: A Preview of the CCP’s Eighteenth National Congress Shanding Zhou About the Griffith Asia Institute The Griffith Asia Institute produces innovative, interdisciplinary research on key developments in the politics, economics, societies and cultures of Asia and the South Pacific. By promoting knowledge of Australia’s changing region and its importance to our future, the Griffith Asia Institute seeks to inform and foster academic scholarship, public awareness and considered and responsive policy making. The Institute’s work builds on a 42 year Griffith University tradition of providing cutting- edge research on issues of contemporary significance in the region. Griffith was the first University in the country to offer Asian Studies to undergraduate students and remains a pioneer in this field. This strong history means that today’s Institute can draw on the expertise of some 50 Asia–Pacific focused academics from many disciplines across the university. The Griffith Asia Institute’s ‘Regional Outlook’ papers publish the institute’s cutting edge, policy-relevant research on Australia and its regional environment. They are intended as working papers only. The texts of published papers and the titles of upcoming publications can be found on the Institute’s website: www.griffith.edu.au/asiainstitute ‘China’s New Top Leaders: A Preview of the CCP’s Eighteenth National Congress’, Regional Outlook Paper No. 43, 2012. About the Author Shanding Zhou Shanding Zhou is a PhD candidate in the Department of International Business and Asian Studies at Griffith University, and he is associated with the Griffith Asia Institute. -
The CULTURE of the CHINESE PEOPLE's LIBERATION ARMY
The FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Marine Corps Intelligence Activity CULTURE 2033 Barnett Avenue Quantico, Virginia 22134-5011 COM: (703) 784-6167; DSN: 278-6167 Please direct feedback to: [email protected] of the The CHINESE CULTURE of the CHINESE PEOPLE’S PEOPLE’S LIBERATION PEOPLE’S LIBERATION LIBERATION ARMY ARMY FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Cover photo credits (left to right, top to bottom): 1. PLA Air Force soldiers shout slogans during a welcoming ceremony for Laos' Prime Minister Bouphavanh in Beijing, 2007. Reuters: Jason Lee 2. PLA Marine competes in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 3. PLA recruits stand still as they balance books on their heads during training session at military base in Hefei, 2008. Reuters: Jianan Yu 4. PLA Marines in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 5. PLA Marine Honor Guard, Zhanjiang, 2006. Lt. Col. Marcus Annibale, USMC 6. Chinese and American Marines participate in a rifle competition in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 7. Chinese and American Marines compete in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 8. Officers from the PLA Navy, ground forces, and Air Force salute in the latest upgrade uniform, Beijing, 2007. Reuters/China Daily 9. PLA Marine competes in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 10. PLA Marines in Zhanjiang, 2006. United States Marine Corps 11. Soldiers carry an injured woman after rescuing her from the ruins of a collapsed building in Miaoxian, Sichuan Province, 2008. Reuters/China Daily 12. PLA Marine competes in an obstacle course in Zhanjiang, 2006. -
The Political Circumstances of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Australian National University POLITICS AT THE ‘CORE’: THE POLITICAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF MAO ZEDONG, DENG XIAOPING AND JIANG ZEMIN Frederick C. Teiwes During the grand parade celebrating the 50th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on 1 October 1999, three floats appeared among the displays of regime achievements and the demonstration of military might. These floats represented the three ‘core leaders’ of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the PRC period and indeed going back to the 1930s during the Party’s revolutionary struggle—Mao Zedong, the ‘core’ of the so-called ‘first generation’ which won the revolution and established the PRC, Deng Xiaoping, the ‘core’ of the ‘second generation’ who became the ‘paramount leader’ after Mao’s death and guided China on her reform course, and Jiang Zemin, the current Party leader and ‘core’ of the ‘third generation’ who gradually consolidated his leading position during the 1990s. While the concept of ‘core’ was designed to convey a predominant guiding role for an individual in a collective leadership, the three leaders so designated have been dramatically different men, who emerged in very different times with contrasting problems, and were moved by their own visions and goals. My task is to examine these contrasting individuals and their circumstances, as well as the linkages among them and to the larger political system.1 In broad terms, key distinctions among the three leaders are well known. Mao was the visionary, the romantic revolutionary, and above all the all-powerful figure who, after 1949, was always obeyed even when he launched initiatives profoundly destructive of individual, organizational and national interests.