Aprendiendo en casa: media as a resource for learning among hispanic-latino families

June Lee & Brigid Barron Winter 2015

The Joan Ganz Cooney Center at Sesame Workshop About the Authors Dr. June Lee is the Vice President of International Research at Sesame Workshop. She directs the formative research and summative evaluations for all of Sesame Workshop’s global projects and works with partners around the world to elevate the quality and rigor of the Workshop’s international research. She has also overseen content development and outreach projects in Asia. June received her Ph.D. in Human Development and Family Sciences from the University of Texas at Austin, where her program of work focused on the contexts and effects of children’s media use. She is currently co-editing a book about Sesame Workshop’s international work, and has co-authored several reviews and research papers.

Dr. Brigid Barron is an Associate Professor of Education at Stanford and a co-lead of the NSF-funded Learning in Informal and Formal Environments (LIFE) Science of Learning research center that investigates the social foundations of learning across diverse communities contexts, and domains. Her research investigates how digital technologies can serve as catalysts for collaborative learning at home, school, and in the community. A special focus of this work is articulating relationships between the development of interests, learner pathways to expertise, personal social networks, and designed settings for learning. Her work appears in peer-reviewed journals and books.

Suggested citation Lee, J. & Baron, B. (2015). Aprendiendo en casa: Media as a resouce for learning among Hispanic- Latino Families. A report of the Families and Media Project. New York: The Joan Ganz Cooney Center at Sesame Workshop.

Aprendiendo en casa: Media as a resource for learning among Hispanic-Latino families is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.

The mission of the Joan Ganz Cooney Center is to foster innovation in children’s learning through digital media. The Cooney Center catalyzes and supports research, development, and investment in digital media technologies to advance children’s learning, and is committed to the timely dissemination of useful research. Working closely with its Fellows, national advisors, media scholars, and practitioners, the Center publishes industry, policy, and research briefs examining key issues in the field of digital media and learning.

A full-text PDF of this report is available as a free download from www.joanganzcooneycenter.org.

2 contents

4 executive summary

6 introduction

10 key findings

13 the survey

14 Sample demographics 16 Media environment 19 Use of educational content 21 Perceptions of learning about math, science, and reading 24 Learning English 25 Media as a catalyst for learning 27 Parents’ own use of technology for learning 30 Joint media engagement 32 Parents’ desire for information about media

34 implications

35 For family educators and practitioners 35 For media designers and producers 36 For researchers

38 references

41 appendix

42 notes

3 executive summary

This report examines media use in Hispanic-Latino families with young children in the United States. Drawing from data from a national survey of parents of 2- to 10-year-olds, it extends the findings from an earlier report that sheds light on educational media use among American families (Rideout, 2014). Those findings pointed to the need to more deeply understand how Hispanic-Latino families with young children use media for learning. Hispanic-Latino families hail from a spectrum of language, access, country of origin, generational status, education, and other socio-demographic markers. These analyses aim to add to a fuller understanding of the media experiences and family contexts of children growing up in these families.

In this study, we look at media access among Hispanic-Latino families, children’s use of content that parents considered educational, parents’ perceptions of their child’s learning from educational media, parents’ own use of technology for their learning, and parent-child joint engagement in media use. We also describe ways in which media can encourage conversations and extend playful activities. Given the impor- tance of language as a proxy for a range of other socio-economic markers (including income, media access, and generational status), this study also closely examines media use by families that speak only English, only Spanish, and those that speak both languages. Case studies from ethnographic research further illustrate these issues. The report concludes with a set of implications for practitioners, designers, and researchers.

4 Key Findings • Access differed by language, with Spanish-only families experiencing least access to digital technologies. Hispanic-Latino families most commonly accessed educational content through television rather than via the computer, video games, or mobile devices. This points to the need to continue to create strong educational television content for this audience, while developing more mobile content (in Spanish and English) that serves their needs.

• Most parents of children who were regular users of educational media reported that their child learned academic skills from media, particularly in reading or vocabulary. Most bilingual and Spanish-only families also reported that their child learned English from educational media, suggesting that many families can benefit from content that supports English language learning.

• In addition to their child’s learning, media access also has implications for parents’ own learning. The regularity with which parents use the Internet to find information was closely tied to access to a high-speed Internet connection at home. Parents who often used digital technology for learning had children who used educational media more often, highlighting an important association between parents’ and children’s media use. This suggests that designing intergenerational learning opportunities can be especially powerful.

• Educational media often catalyzed other interest-driven learning opportunities for children, such as initiating dialogue, imaginative play, and asking questions. For parents from Spanish-only homes, educational media also enabled their child to teach them something new. The more often children used educational media, the more often these activities occurred. Parent-child joint engagement on computers, video games, and mobile devices happened less frequently than with television. Spanish-only families generally spend more time in joint media engagement than English-only families. There is value for both parents and children in media content that serves as a springboard for conversation and activities, as well as content that promotes joint media engagement. Such content is sorely needed across all platforms.

• Hispanic-Latino parents—especially Spanish-only speakers—want more information about media for their young child. Community resources have a special role to play in providing technology access and information. Information presented in non-digital formats (such as video or print) remains an important avenue to reach lower-resourced and Spanish-only families. A dearth of Spanish-language resources also hampers parents’ ability to become more informed about how to find, curate, and mediate media for their children. More parent resources in Spanish and greater awareness of where those resources might be available will help support parents in their efforts to use media to foster their child’s learning.

5 introduction

National surveys of children’s media use paint a portrait of preschool and elementary school children increasingly immersed in technologically mediated activities (Common Sense Media, 2011; 2013; Wartella, Rideout, Lauricella, & Connell, 2014). Television viewing still dominates the average young child’s media time, but national surveys show that young children increasingly access digital content on phones, tablets, and desktop computers. One recent national survey indicated that mobile media use time for young children tripled between 2011 and 2013 from an average of 5 minutes a day to an average of 15 minutes a day (Common Sense Media, 2013), with 75% of families owning some kind of networked device. Mobile devices are used to play games, use apps, watch videos, access TV or movies, and read books. During the same two year period, time spent watching TV decreased by 12 minutes to an average of 57 minutes a day. These rapidly changing use patterns have raised many questions, including about the benefits and drawbacks of media time. Of particular importance is gaining a better understanding of how the quality and quantity of young children’s engagement with digital media might influence children’s learning.

6 As part of a broader program of research on stay connected with family and friends, help families and media, in mid-2013, the Joan Ganz their children with school work, and support Cooney Center and a team of scholars from family-based interests (Levinson, 2014; Schwartz Stanford University, Northwestern University, & Gutierrez, in press). In this report we provide and Arizona State University fielded the first quantitative data from the national survey study to quantify how much of children’s media and also offer several case portraits from our time parents report to be educational. That study ethnographic research to help illustrate the role was published in early 2014 (Rideout, 2014). that digital media plays in family learning. We The survey comprised a nationally representative were interested in understanding how families’ sample of parents of children ages 2 to 10, as access to devices and parents’ own use of digital well as an oversample of Hispanic-Latino and resources for learning related to children’s Black parents. This study confirmed that television educational media use and parents’ perception of still dominates children’s media use and showed their children’s learning. Particularly important that most parents believe that their child has for us to understand from a design perspective learned important academic content from was the role that media might play as a catalyst educational media. More than six in ten parents for children’s questions, their imaginative play, and whose children were weekly educational media their interests in related projects and activities. users reported that media often or sometimes These are markers of engagement with media sparked conversations, questions, requests to content and can be drivers of learning and start projects, or inspired their children to language development as children engage their incorporate content from media into their parents, their siblings and other relatives in imaginative play. The study also showed that content they find of interest (Crowley & Jacobs, parents believe that much of children’s screen 2002). Understanding these patterns can help time is in fact educational (56 minutes out of 2 designers and producers create media experiences hours and 7 minutes of total daily screen time). that offer opportunities to draw upon children’s In addition to these positive findings, there was social context (parents, siblings, and others) as evidence for disparities in parents’ perceptions a resource for deeper engagement. that digital media contributed to learning. Across subject areas and platforms, Hispanic-Latino Recent data from the Pew Hispanic Center parents were less likely than White or Black parents (Lopez, Gonzalez-Barrera, & Patten, 2013) suggest to report that they perceived their children to have that gaps in technology access between Hispanic- learned math, science, or cognitive skills from Latino Americans and other ethnicities are traditional or digital media experiences. Other narrowing. In many respects, Hispanic-Latinos are patterns in the report also highlighted the need as connected as other groups: They are just as to more deeply understand media use for young likely to own a smartphone, use social networking children in Hispanic-Latino families (Rideout, 2014). sites, and go online via a mobile device as White and Black Americans. Hispanic-Latinos, however, Several recent reports shed light on the intersection are less likely to own a computer or access between media, technology, parenting, and family the Internet than Whites. The differences in and cultural contexts within the Hispanic technology adoption within the Hispanic population population (Fuller, Lizárraga & Gray, 2015; Katz, are perhaps more marked. Higher educational 2010, 2014; Moran, 2010; Vaala, 2013). To better attainment, higher family income, being native- understand these patterns, this report takes a born, and being English-dominant or bilingual closer look at the Hispanic subsample of 682 were consistently related to higher rates of parents of 2-10 year-olds from the Cooney Center’s technology adoption (going online in general, educational media use survey. Ethnographic going online using a mobile device, owning a studies are beginning to show the creative and cellphone, owning a smartphone, and owning resourceful practices that Hispanic families a computer). A national survey of parents of develop and share as they use digital tools to children ages 8 and under (Wartella et al., 2014) learn information, translate English materials, revealed similar patterns. Hispanic families had

7 high access to mobile devices: 68% owned at Sesame Street era was that co-viewing media with least one mobile device. The gaps in mobile others enhances learning. Cook and colleagues device and online access between Hispanic and (Cook et al., 1975) tested the hypothesis that non-Hispanic families is still large, however. parents’ and others’ guidance during television They found significant disparities in ownership viewing, not viewing itself, explained why earlier of digital tools such as smartphones and tablets researchers found Sesame Street to be effective in within the Hispanic population based on language, their experimental studies of the show’s impact income, and education (Wartella et al., 2014). on literacy skills. Their analysis showed that co-viewing could account for some, but not all, Understanding diversity among Hispanic families of what children had learned in the prior studies. is critical if we want to better support learning Learning was particularly supported when parents through digital or traditional media. Hispanic discussed what they were jointly seeing. A number families in the United States vary widely in of subsequent studies have shown that active their countries of origin, how long they have co-viewing can enhance what children learn from been in the U.S., their levels of formal education, educational television (Collins, Sobol, & Westby, the language spoken at home, and income. 1981; Lemish & Rice, 1986; Linebarger & Walker, Researchers looking at this variation in relation 2005; Nathanson, 2001a, 2001b; Reiser, Tessmer, to school performance have found that children & Phelps, 1984; Reiser, Williamson, & Suzuki, living in homes where mostly Spanish is spoken 1988; St. Peters, Huston, & Wright, 1989). Active score lower on standardized assessments of co-viewing practices that supported learning reading and math, tests that are given in English included posing questions to children, labeling (Reardon & Galindo, 2007). Prior research suggests objects, and connecting story elements from the that parents’ level of schooling, primary language, television show to children’s life experiences (see income, and discrimination all influence children’s Linebarger, Taylor-Piotrowski, & Vaala, 2007 for a early learning, and as we think about how to better review). In an environment that now comprises design media for family engagement, we need multiple screens and platforms, co-viewing to understand and detail this diversity (Garcia, now extends to co-engagement or joint media Jenson, & Scriber, 2009). As we show in this report, engagement (Stevens & Penuel, 2010; Takeuchi & the majority of families see their children’s Stevens, 2011). Joint media engagement refers to engagement and interest in media reflected spontaneous and designed experiences of people in question asking, requests to do projects, using media together. Modes of joint media conversations, and in their imaginative play. engagement include viewing, playing, searching, Many report that children are learning English reading, contributing, and creating, with either and early academic skills from their educational digital or traditional media. These forms of media use. Additionally, some parents report that collaboration around digital and traditional media their child has taught them something based on are hypothesized to support learning by providing what they have learned from media. These findings resources for meaningful communication in a are critically important for us to better understand particular situation, as well as for future situations. and highlight the potential of well-designed Sharing media in these ways can also foster the media to serve as a catalyst for deeper learning. development of long-term interests.

We built upon these insights as well as Media as a catalyst for learning ethnographic research from the LIFE Center at Stanford University, Northwestern University, The extensive body of research on young children’s University of Washington, and SRI International learning from television supports the idea that (Barron, Levinson, & Matthews, 2013; Penuel et al., media are most powerfully a learning resource 2010; Stevens, Satwicz, & McCarthy, 2008) when when they serve as a catalyst for conversation and creating some of the survey items to capture further activity. A major finding of the educational the ways in which media serve as a catalyst for television research work done during the post other activities. We created an index that asks

8 parents how often their children engage in these analyses, followed by a detailed description activities sparked by media, including starting of the results and their implications for research, conversations, asking questions, requesting to design, and practice. The report also shares case engage in projects, and engaging in imaginative studies from ethnographic research with Hispanic- play activities. We also queried the frequency with Latino families in the Northeast and California, which parents and children use media together. conducted by the Joan Ganz Cooney Center and We know from prior research that children Stanford University. These case studies help to frequently teach their parents and siblings punctuate the quantitative data with real-life about topics when they possess relatively more vignettes of the dynamics we describe. Based on expertise (Barron, Martin, & Mertyl, 2014; Barron, the findings in this report, we propose a research Martin, Takeuchi, & Fithian, 2009), so we asked agenda that will strengthen our understanding parents whether their child had ever taught of the ways in which parents and children them something new based on media. Children’s use media, its relations to important learning roles as brokers and translators have also been outcomes, and ways to design media that serve documented in studies of immigrant families as a springboard for both joint media engagement (Valdés, 1996; Katz, 2010) and we expected to find as well as for other non-media activities. parent reports of learning from their children in this sample.

Many scholars have underscored the importance of understanding Hispanic-Latino families on their own terms rather than as a foil to mainstream, White, middle-class families (Fuller & Garcia-Coll, 2010; Katz, 2013). This report is an effort to contribute to this understanding. It focuses on the findings from the Hispanic-Latino subsample of a national survey on 2- to 10-year-olds’ use of educational media in the United States (Rideout, 2014). It also examines the diversity among these families, delineated by language (English-only vs. bilingual vs. Spanish-only). Socio-demographic markers such as income and education are often the focus of investigations of media use, but language is crucial in its own right. Language is also strongly related to these key socio-economic variables and is important in influencing the array of media options that may be available to young children. Research also suggests that the primary language spoken at home is a stronger predictor than ethnicity of parents’ perceptions of the influence of media (television) and desire for more Latino programming (Moran, 2010). Though the majority of analyses focus only on the Hispanic- Latino sample, we do make comparisons to the non-Hispanic sample to report on differential access to computing tools and in relation to the time parents and children spend jointly engaging in educational media.

We present an overview of the key findings from

9 key findings

1. Hispanic-Latino families report their children are using educational content across traditional and digital media devices, though lack of access to computing devices constrains access to digital content for many families.

Television or DVD is the most common platform for accessing educational content and most parents in all language groups report that their child accesses such content on a weekly basis. Fewer parents report that their children access educational content via online video, through games on consoles or handheld devices, through mobile apps, computer games or through other computer activities like visiting websites. Breaking results down by home language, Spanish-only families are the least likely to report that their children ever accessed educational content through platforms other than TV or DVDs. Spanish-only families are the least likely to have a computer (other than the one provided for survey participation),¹ a tablet, an e-reader, or Internet access at home, and this may partially explain differential access to educational content. Families were far more likely to watch educational television than they were to use educational content on other platforms (computers, video games, and mobile devices) in the prior day.

2. Hispanic-Latino parents perceive that their children are learning from media, though Spanish-only families perceive less learning in the domains of math and science.

The majority of Hispanic-Latino parents who indicate that their children used educational media once a week or more report that they developed academic skills from this use. Television is by far the most common way that this content is accessed, and learning related to reading and vocabulary is most commonly perceived across language groups. Spanish-only families are the least likely to perceive that their child learned a significant amount of math or science from video games, computers, or mobile devices. A majority of bilingual and Spanish-only families report that their children are learning some or a lot of English from media.

¹ Survey participants who did not own a computer were given a laptop and dial-up access in order to participate in the panel. Questions on computer ownership thus focus on ownership of a computer other than the one provided by the Knowledge Panel.

10 3. In addition to children’s learning, media access also has implications for parents’ own learning opportunities.

For many parents, digital technologies can be a lifeline for connecting to the world and for finding information. Digital devices can help them navigate resources in the community, enrich their family life, help their children with homework, and other important activities. Parents’ use of technology to learn is more frequent for those who have home access to a high-speed Internet connection, or smartphones. Parents’ use of technology is also related to how regularly their child uses educational media, suggesting that parents’ access to and familiarity with technology may be consequential for their child’s use of educational content across media platforms, and especially for computer- related activities (game and non-game), online videos, and mobile devices. This relationship may be mediated by access, or it may point to the possibility that using technology for learning is mutually reinforcing for both parents and children. In either case it points to the need for models that can support access to tools and powerful content for parents and children simultaneously.

4. Hispanic-Latino families report that child-centered activities and conversations are often catalyzed by educational media, regardless of the language spoken at home.

Our findings suggest that educational media serve dual purposes in children’s learning: It not only provides a direct conduit to content, but it can also be a springboard for other important dialogue and activities that support learning. Children from all three language groups (Spanish-only, bilingual, and English- only) are equally likely to engage in follow-up activities such as conversations, imaginative play, and asking questions. Parents from Spanish-only homes are most likely to report that their child taught them something they didn’t know based on educational media, confirming other research that documents children’s roles as media brokers and translators in immigrant families (Katz, 2014; Valdez, 2003). The regularity of educational content use across all platforms is linked to greater use of media as a springboard for other activities. This implies that a range of media platforms have the potential to spur interest-driven non-media activities and conversations, and that regular access to educational content across a greater breadth of devices may catalyze more of these.

11 5. Compared to TV, joint media engagement (JME) happened less frequently around other media. Spanish-only families spend more time engaged in JME than English-only families.

Many parents did not report any JME with their child on mobile devices, the computer, or video games the day prior to the survey, whereas three-quarters of the parents had co-viewed television. Among those who engaged in JME, however, a substantial amount of time (ranging from 33 to 104 minutes) was spent doing so, suggesting that once parents and children are using media together, the co-engagement tends to be sustained. The data also suggest that Spanish-only families spend more time on JME than English-only families.

6. Hispanic-Latino parents—especially those in Spanish-only families—want more information about media for their children.

Hispanic-Latino parents—especially those who speak only Spanish—express a desire for more information about media for their children. This desire likely stems from a real need for information (particularly in a context where educational media could be more important as a source of learning for families with limited English proficiency), as well as a lack of readily available Spanish-language resources. This speaks to the need to create Spanish or bilingual resources for parents that are accessible and easy to understand. Given that digital media ownership is comparatively low in Spanish-only families, these resources should be made available through multiple means, including print, TV, and radio.

12 the survey

Data from the survey came from a nationally representative online panel of parents of children ages 2 to 10 administered by GfK. Parents completed the survey with a focal child in mind. This online panel—known as the Knowledge Panel— is randomly recruited through probability-based sampling, and families are equipped with a laptop and Internet access as part of their participation in the panel if necessary. The survey (N = 1,577) included an oversample of Hispanic-Latino (n = 682) and Black (n = 290) parents. This report presents data from the Hispanic-Latino oversample. The survey was offered in both English and Spanish, and 55% of the Hispanic- Latino sample elected to complete it in Spanish. Among them, 95% of respondents who spoke only English at home completed the survey in English; 40% of bilingual respondents took the survey in English, and 98% of respondents who spoke only Spanish at home took the survey in Spanish. Sample weights were applied to all data in this report to achieve national representativeness for the Hispanic-Latino respondents.i More information about the survey, as well as findings from the overall sample, can be found in Rideout (2014). Sample demographics from Puerto Rico, Cuba, Central and South America, and the Caribbean. Table 1 describes the sample demographics. About a third of the parents in the sample did not Language groups complete high school, a third had completed high There is considerable diversity within the school, and a third had some college education Hispanic-Latino population in the United States; or higher. More than half the households have an this is linked to differences in generational status, income of less than $50,000 a year; 29% of families education, income, citizenship status, and make less than $20,000 a year.² Six in ten of the language proficiency. These socio-demographic parents surveyed are women. About half the dimensions are important for understanding parents are employed. Almost half of the parents the resources, media, and family practices in speak a non-English language at home,3 either Hispanic-Latino households. For this report, exclusively or mainly. Half of the respondents the main dimension we focus on is the language trace their origins to Mexico, while the rest come spoken at home: English only, bilingual, or

Table 1: Sample demographics (N = 682)

Focal child age (average) 5.98 years Citizenship Not a citizen 46.0% Gender of focal child (% girls) 50.1% Naturalized citizen 17.1% Born citizen 36.9% Parent gender (% women) 60.6% Language spoken at home Parent education English only 17.0% Less than high school 31.7% Mainly English and some High school 33.4% non-English language 36.0% Some college 21.0% Mainly non-English language Bachelor’s degree or higher 13.9% and some English 35.2% Only non-English language 11.7% Household income < $20,000 29.1% Country of origin $20 – 49,000 32.6% Mexican, Mexican-American, Chicano 58.1% $50 – 99,000 29.3% Puerto Rican 5.8% $100,000+ 9.0% Cuban 1.8% Central American 8.6% Employment status South American 6.4% Paid employee 47.0% Caribbean 1.0% Self-employed 9.2% Other Hispanic 18.3% Not working—temporary layoff, 17.2% looking for work, retired, or disabled Not working—other 26.6%

² As a point of reference, the federal poverty guideline is $23,624 for a family of four. https://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/data/threshld/ ³ For this report, we assume that the non-English language is Spanish and will refer to “non-English” as “Spanish.”

14 Spanish-only. Bilingual families comprise those three groups. The three groups differ substantially that either speak mainly English plus some across all four socio-economic dimensions. The of another language, or mainly a non-English families who speak only English have the highest language (presumably Spanish) and some English. income and education, followed by bilingual We highlight language use at home because it is households, then Spanish-only households. correlated with generational status (Pew Hispanic Almost two-thirds of the English-only families Center, 2013), is related to other factors such have an income of $50,000 or greater, whereas this as income and education, and has important is true of one-third of the bilingual households implications for families’ access to content and and one-fifth of the Spanish-only families. The learning opportunities. Bilingualism can be a source English-only families are most likely to be citizens of cognitive advantage (Carlson & Meltzoff, 2008; (96% are citizens), whereas the Spanish speaking Hakuta, 2011, Kuhl, 2011) and may facilitate access families are more likely to be non-citizens (82% to a broader media environment that involves are non-citizens). The English-only and bilingual both English and Spanish media (Katz, 2010). parents are twice as likely to be employed as parents who speak only Spanish. Most of the families (72%) in the sample are bilingual families. Relatively few (12%) speak The differences among the three language groups Spanish only, whereas the rest (17%) speak are marked, and language captures many different English only.4 Table 2 shows the income, education, dimensions of socio-economic status, all of which citizenship status, and employment status of the are confounded with one another. It would be

Table 2: Demographics by language group

English only Bilingual Spanish only (n = 117) (n = 486) (n = 80)

Household income < $25,000 19.0% 28.5% 47.5% $20-49,000 16.4% 36.5% 32.5% $50 – 99,000 50.9% 27.2% 11.3% $100,000+ 13.8% 7.8% 8.8%

Parent education Less than high school 10.3% 30.5% 71.3% High school 35.9% 34.8% 21.3% Some college 37.5% 22.0% 5.0% Bachelor’s degree and higher 26.5% 12.8% 2.5%

Citizenship Born citizen 85.7% 30.0% 5.3% Naturalized citizen 10.7% 19.5% 13.2% Non-citizen 3.6% 50.6% 81.6%

Employment (Working) 63.7% 59.0% 27.9%

4 These proportions differ significantly in comparison to the non-Hispanic families in the national survey, where 91% reported that they speak only English at home; 9% are dual-language families, and 0.3% speak a non-English language only.

15 difficult—if not impossible—to disentangle the are finding and using media with the assumption effects of individual socio-demographic variables. that they may have different needs with respect Collectively, they have important implications for to content and access to tools. A consequence of a range of experiences for the family, from their this choice is that sample sizes for some questions access to devices, the ways they use media, and are small. We note this where relevant. their experiences with media content. In this report, we use language as a proxy for a range of socio-economic markers. Media environment

Subsamples for analyses Respondents reported on the types of media Because many survey questions were asked devices they owned. For the purposes of this based on respondents’ answers to previous survey, this also includes connectivity that questions on media use and access, several facilitates access to content and affects the different subsamples are used in the analyses. users’ experience on devices, such as high-speed Table A in the Appendix provides the sample Internet and cable/satellite. The surveyed families sizes for each subsample; they will be referenced live in media-rich homes (see Fig. 1), though there throughout the report. Because the goal of this is considerable variability in media ownership. report is to draw out implications for designers, Access to traditional media is prevalent among researchers, and educators, we chose to compare Hispanic-Latino families: Television is nearly how the families in these three language groups ubiquitous, and nearly three-quarters of families

Figure 1: Percent ownership of devices

TV 98%

Laptop/desktop computer 74%

Cable/satellite 73%

High speed internet 68%

Video game player 66%

Smartphone 62%

Handheld video game player 51%

Tablet 44%

iPod Touch/video iPod 38%

Educational game device 28%

E-reader 16%

16 also have a computer 5 and cable/satellite. Access to stark in access to high-speed Internet, tablets, high-speed Internet and more recent technologies computers, educational game devices, and and tools (tablets and smartphones) is more e-readers. Hispanic-Latino families are also uneven and is linked to demographic variables much less likely to have educational game within the Hispanic sample. devices and e-readers, compared with African- American families. With a few exceptions, Hispanic-Latino families are less likely to own media devices in the Overall, families have an average of 5.4 different home compared to non-Hispanic White and types of devices in the home, but there is African-American families (see Table 3). considerable range in households’ media Differences between Hispanic-Latino families and environment (see Fig. 2), ranging from one non-Hispanic White households are particularly type of device to ten.

Table 3: Comparison of media access by ethnicity

Difference in ownership compared to Hispanic-Latino Families

Hispanic-Latino Non-Hispanic (% ownership) White African-American

TV 98 -1 0

Laptop/desktop computer 5 74 +23* +12*

Cable/satellite 73 +3 +7

High-speed Internet 68 +24* +8

Video game player 66 +17* +9

Smartphone 62 +11* +14*

Handheld video game player 51 +1 -3.5

Tablet 44 +16* +6

iPod Touch/video iPod 38 +6 -1

Educational game device 28 +17* +32*

E-reader 16 +18* +17*

Average number of devices at home 6.1 +1.5* +1.2*

*Differences in comparison to Hispanic-Latino families that are statistically significant at p< .05.

5 Throughout this report, computer ownership/access reflects ownership of a computer other than the one provided to families for participation in the panel.

17 Language groups on the differences in technology adoption within For almost all platforms, families that speak only the Hispanic population based on demographic English own the most types of devices (7.3 types), factors such as dominant language (Lopez, followed by bilingual households (6.0 types). Gonzalez-Barrera, & Patten, 2013). Spanish-only homes have more limited access (4.7 types 6), particularly for computers, tablets, This uneven access has important implications educational game devices, and e-readers. Spanish- for the variety of tools at families’ disposal for only families are least likely to have access to learning and finding information. While about half the digital technologies—tablets, computers, the Spanish-only families have a smartphone, high-speed Internet, and smartphones (see Fig. 3) access to computers and high-speed Internet is —that have become integral to participating in lower. This is consistent with recent studies by a society that is increasingly digitally connected the Pew Hispanic Center, which suggest that and knowledge based. These findings mirror mobile technologies are providing an alternative those from the Pew Hispanic Center’s survey pathway to the Internet among groups that have

Figure 2: Number of types of devices in the home

30

20

14.6 14.6 12.1 12 12.7 10 10.8 11.5

Percent of respondents Percent 3.8 4.5 0 3.3 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Figure 3: Differences in access to home Internet and mobile tools by language

100 English only 98 Bilingual 80 86 Spanish only 78 73 60 68 59 58 53 40 43 43 44 45 38

Percent of respondents Percent 20 25 26 25 16 2 0 Computer High speed Smartphone Tablet iPod Touch/ E-reader internet Video iPod

6  ANOVA for access was statistically significant; F (2, 233) = 21.85, p< .001. Post-hoc tests confirmed that all three language groups were significantly different from one another.

18 traditionally trailed behind others in Internet Therefore, while it is encouraging that mobile access. In fact, researchers found that a small phones may be narrowing the digital divide by but significant portion of Hispanic-Latinos use providing a tool with which to access the web, their mobile phones instead of a home Internet some activities made possible by mobile devices connection (Livingston, 2011). Affordability could are qualitatively different from those on a be an important reason why some Hispanic- computer (e.g., online research or information Latino families rely on their phones to access the finding). Moreover, about half of Spanish-only Internet rather than a computer. A smartphone families do not have a smartphone or a computer, and data plan often cost less than a computer indicating that the divide persists within the and home broadband subscription. Cost appears Hispanic-Latino population (in line with data from to be only one of many factors accounting for Pew Hispanic Center; Lopez, Gonzalez-Barrera, the substitution of mobile devices for computers, & Patten, 2013). These differences have important however. Even when researchers controlled for equity implications for Hispanic-Latino children’s income and education, they could not fully and families’ access to learning opportunities account for these differences (Livingston, 2011). and information. The convenience, portability, and ease of use of mobile devices may also be key considerations for their adoption. Use of educational content

Mobile phone ownership among adults also does Parents who indicated that their child engaged not necessarily correspond to opportunities to use in a given media activity (watch TV/DVDs, watch the devices for learning among children. A recent online videos, play video games, play games on study found that 85% of young children have used mobile devices and the computer, and engage an adult’s mobile device (known as the “pass-back with non-gaming activities on the computer) effect”), but about a third of parents do not allow reported on the frequency of their child’s use of their child to use their device (Chiong & Shuler, educational content on the platform based on 2010). “Pass-back” tends to happen in the car, an eight-point scale that ranged from “never” to in short sessions, and focus on games (Chiong “several times a day.” Educational content was & Shuler, 2010)—all of which speak to the defined for the parent as “products that teach a affordances of mobile technologies but may not child some type of lesson, such as an academic engender sustained, deep engagement. Others or social skill, or are good for a child’s learning or have noted that the quality of engagement with growth.” Thus, references to educational content the Internet differs between mobile devices and denote media content that the parent considered computers. Accessing the Internet through a phone educational. Researchers did not independently seems more closely related to entertainment and validate parents’ assessments of educational consuming (rather than creating) content, and value. Survey questions also did not address the there are important limitations to what users can language in which educational content is used, do on a smartphone compared to a computer thus making it impossible to know whether (Washington, 2011). Applying for a job or updating there are important patterns in the language of a resume, for instance, are more easily media consumption in Hispanic-Latino families. accomplished on a computer than a mobile phone. Many websites are still best viewed on Among those with access, watching educational a computer browser and are not optimized for television remains the most frequently reported mobile browsers, potentially rendering the activity, followed by playing mobile games and experience of seeking information or resources computer games (See subsample A in the a slow, frustrating, and inefficient experience. Appendix); children are likely to have used For school-aged children especially, sustained educational content on these platforms at least activities such as homework or research are weekly (76% for TV, 63% for mobile games, 60% not feasible on a mobile device. for computer games; see Table 4). Access itself is variable, however. Compared to TV viewing,

19 fewer parents report educational mobile gaming played educational video games, and 24% used and educational computer gaming. educational content on mobile devices the previous day. On average, children spend more Parents whose child used a device the previous than an hour watching educational TV, about day (see Subsample D in the Appendix), also a half hour with educational content on the reported on how much time their child spent computer and mobile devices, and less than 15 using content that they considered educational. minutes on educational video games (see Table 5. Table 5 shows that among children who use Note that time spent includes users who did not each platform, 63% watched educational TV, 19% use educational media the day before.). Among engaged in educational computer activities, 21% those who use educational content, considerable

Table 4: Frequency of educational content use by platform

“Less than once a month” “Once a week” “Once a day” to to “several to “several “several times n* Never times a month” times a week” a day”

TV 637 4.7% 19.9% 37.6% 37.9%

Online video 521 17.2% 30.7% 35.0% 17.1%

Video games 415 18.0% 38.1% 28.0% 15.9% (console or handheld)

Mobile games 363 8.6% 28.0% 36.4% 27.0%

Computer game 423 7.8% 32.6% 42.9% 16.7%

Other computer 521 14.3% 30.9% 36.4% 18.4% activities

* Data only pertain to parents whose children used the relevant platform: TV/DVD, computer, video game, and mobile device (subsample A described in the Appendix).

Table 5: Average time spent with educational media on the previous day among users of each platform

Minutes among users % of users who used Number of children who of the platform educational content used educational content

TV 72 62.3% 299

Computer 29 18.6% 57

Mobile 23 24.2% 72

Video Games 13 20.7% 42

20 time is spent doing so: 103 minutes for TV, 65 video games, computers, and mobile devices at minutes for computers, 44 minutes for video least once a week were asked to note how much games, and 51 minutes for mobile devices. they thought their child learned about math, Because of the reduction in sample size, we do science, and reading 7 from these platforms. not compare the amount of time for the three (Response options ranged on a four-point scale language groups. from “nothing” to “ a lot.”) It is important to note that the respondents for these questions constitute Language groups a subset of the sample and exclude those who do Figure 4 shows access to and use of educational not have access to the platform and who do not content on various media platforms. What is use educational content on the platform at least striking is that access is still limited for many weekly. It is also important to note that the sample children, especially for those in Spanish-only size for Spanish-only families is less than 30 for homes. Most children in the Spanish-only group non-TV platforms. Though this represents only a do not have home access to mobile devices or third of the Spanish-only families, we still think computers at all. Where there is access, however, it is important to understand the perceptions high proportions of children are using educational of parents whose children do use educational content on a regular (weekly) basis across language media on these newer platforms. (See Table A, groups, suggesting there is significant potential Subsample C for respondents who were included to support language and academic skills with in this set of questions.) high quality content. Regardless of language, children accessed computer games and activities Table 6 shows the percent of parents who reported more commonly than mobile games. that their child has learned “some” or “a lot” about math, science, and reading/vocabulary from There was little variation in the regular (weekly) the four platforms. As we’ve noted, many use of educational content by language for children do not use educational media through television viewing and non-gaming computer interactive platforms like video games, computers, activities (see Fig. 4). Among children who engage or mobile devices (see Fig. 4). Of those who use with different media platforms, those in bilingual educational media at least weekly, at least half families and Spanish-only families are just as of parents perceived some learning benefits. likely as English-only families to use educational TV is more commonly available as a source of media weekly. In some instances, Spanish-only educational content, with over three-quarters of families are more likely to report the use of parents reporting regular use and most parents educational content relative to the other groups, reporting learning. particularly for mobile games and video games. It is possible that for those families with access, Reading is the subject that parents feel their these platforms serve as an educational resource child has learned the most about from media (see to a greater degree than in either English-only Table 6); 70-80% of Hispanic-Latino parents whose or bilingual homes. children are weekly users of educational media feel that their child has learned about reading or Perceptions of learning about math, vocabulary from all four platforms. In contrast, science, and reading science is a subject that was less well-served by media. Nonetheless, about 50% of parents think The survey also examined parents’ perceptions that their child learned some or a lot about science about their child’s learning about various subjects from any given platform. Overall, vast differences on different media platforms. Parents whose did not emerge in parents’ perceptions of children used educational content on TV/DVDs, learning about math, science, and reading from

7 The survey questions covered a range of subjects: math, science, reading/vocabulary, social skills, art/ or culture, and healthy habits. For the purposes of this report, we will focus on three of the subjects that have a more academic orientation: math, science, and reading/vocabulary.

21 Figure 4: Access to and use of educational content across media platforms, by language

English only n = 116 Bilingual n = 486 Spanish only n = 80

Some access Some access Some access No access No access No access 34% 49% 51% 66% of these 50% 50% 67% of these 96% of these children play children play 66% children play educational educational educational games weekly games weekly games weekly Mobile games Mobile

Some access Some access Some access No access No access No access 42% 40% 37% 58% of these 65% of these 73% of these 58% children play 60% children play 63% children play educational educational educational games weekly games weekly games weekly Computer games Computer

Some access Some access Some access No access No access No access 35% 31% 45% 69% of these 62% of these 69% of these 65% children access 69% children access 55% children access educational educational educational content weekly content weekly content weekly Computer activities Computer

Some access Some access Some access No access No access No access 43% 40% 59% of these 50% 50% 49% of these 78% of these 57% children use children use 60% children use educational video educational video educational video

Video games games weekly games weekly games weekly

Some access Some access Some access No access No access No access 42% 40% 46% 54% of these 65%of these 78% of these 58% children watch 60% children watch 54% children watch educational educational educational

Online video video online video online video online weekly weekly weekly

Some access Some access Some access 14% No access 11% No access 5% No access

80% of these 79% of these 80% of these 86% children view 89% children view 95% children view TV/DVD educational educational educational TV weekly TV weekly TV weekly

22 Table 6: Among weekly educational content users, percent of parents who felt their child learned “a lot” or “some” about math, science, and reading from different platforms

TV/DVD Video games Computer Mobile devices

Math 67.3% 69.7% 69.9% 61.7%

Science 56.8% 47.1% 52.5% 50.0%

Reading/Vocabulary 79.7% 75.1% 76.5% 71.0%

Note: Percentages are reported among parents who report at least weekly use of educational content on each platform. Percentages exclude missing responses (including those where parents thought that the subject was not relevant for their child).

different platforms. Additionally, marginally fewer to feel that their child has learned about these parents think that their child learned a lot or subjects from media, whereas English-only parents some from mobile devices compared to other are most likely to report learning. Bilingual parents platforms, but the difference is not large. fell in-between, but differences between bilingual and English-only parents are not statistically Language groups significant. Specifically, Spanish-only speakers are For analyses by language, it is important to note least likely to report substantial learning about that the sample sizes become quite small for science from TV, math from video games, math English-only and Spanish-only respondents, from computers, and math and science from because parents answered these questions only mobile devices. It is unclear why these differences if their child had access to the platform and used occur. It may be that English-only parents (who educational content weekly (see Subsample C in also have higher income and education) perceive the Appendix for sample sizes by language group). more learning because they have access to more Most children are not accessing educational or better content for their children. content on most of the platforms. Despite the substantial proportion of parents that The pattern found in the overall sample is perceive learning benefits, analyses of the larger replicated in the language groups: Parents report sample (Rideout, 2014) reveal that compared to that their child has learned the most about Black and White parents, Hispanic-Latino parents reading and the least about science across all four are the least likely to report that their child platforms. However, the three groups are distinct in learned about various subjects through different how likely they are to think that media contributed forms of educational media. Yet when asked to to their child’s learning (see Table 7). Parents from rate the importance of different sources of learning Spanish-only homes report that children learned (teachers, grandparents, friends, books, media, about reading from these educational media as etc.) for their child (from “not at all important” to much as those from English-only and bilingual “very important”), Hispanic-Latino parents report homes. There is more variation for math and that media (TV and electronic media) are more science. Spanish-only speakers are least likely important than do non-Hispanic White parents.

23 Table 7: Among educational content users, percent of parents who felt their child learned “a lot” or “some” about math, science, and reading from different platforms, by language group

TV/DVD Video Games Computer Mobile Devices

English Only

Math 72.0 84.8 a 81.9a 76.9 a

Science 68.6 a 48.3 61.8 67.5b

Reading/Vocabulary 85.2 84.5 79.9 84.5

Bilingual

Math 65.7 69.6b 64.1b 63.3c

Science 57.1 b 49.4 46.7 49.5

Reading/Vocabulary 78.5 72.9 68.8 65.7

Spanish Only

Math 58.2 37.3 ab 36.4ab 31.4ac

Science 29.2 ab 27.9 31.1 28.9b

Reading/Vocabulary 73.8 65.0 73.4 83.2

Note: Percentages are reported among parents who report at least weekly use of educational content on each platform. Percentages exclude missing responses (including those where parents thought that the subject was not relevant for their child).

Within each column, by subject percentages with the same superscript are statistically different from each other at p < .05.

Learning English child learned English “somewhat” or “a lot” from educational media (see Fig. 5). Most parents Respondents who indicated that they speak a (81%) in bilingual homes feel the same. language other than English at home were asked the degree to which their child has learned English The role of educational media in facilitating from educational media. Note that because this English language learning is echoed in Katz’s question was not filtered by media access, the (2014) study of immigrant families. Parents and sample size is more robust (n = 515). Parents who children mentioned programs such as Sesame speak Spanish only are significantly more likely 8 Street as a way for their child to learn English, to report that their child has learned English and parents themselves learned English as well. from educational media than are those who Children also helped their parents to summarize speak both languages. Nearly all (92%) parents the plot when they watched movies together, in Spanish speaking households feel that their thus refining their narrative skills. In many ways,

8 F (1, 512) = 4.33, p < .05.

24 media content does not have to have an explicit and language development (Dyson, 1997; Fender, goal of teaching English for immigrant families Richert, Robb, & Wartella, 2010). to benefit from it. The survey probed the use of media to spur other activities among those who reported at Media as a catalyst for learning least weekly use of educational content on any platform (n = 551) and offers strong evidence In addition to direct learning from media content, that educational media spark other child- educational media can serve as a catalyst for centered activities and conversations in related learning activities by engaging children’s Hispanic-Latino families. interests, and serve as a springboard for other non-media activities. Media content can also Figure 6 shows the percent of parents who report provide a prompt for parents to have conversations that their child “sometimes” or “often” engages in with their young child; discussing what they saw these activities. Children most frequently engage or did onscreen can support children’s learning in conversation (talking about something they

Figure 5: Learning English from educational media

100 Bilingual Spanish only 80

60

48.1 40 45.0 43.9 36.2 20 Percent of respondents Percent 15.3 6.3 3.5 1.7 0 Not at all Not too much Somewhat A lot

Figure 6: The use of media as a catalyst for learning

100 Sometimes 88.2 Often 37.6 80 78.3 78.0 72.9 30.4 29.6 28.3 60 61.7 19.9 50.6 47.9 48.4 40 44.6 41.8

of respondents Percent 20

0 Talk about Imaginative Asks Teach you Ask to do something seen play questions something a project

25 saw or asking questions) or imaginative play Table 8: Pearson correlation coefficients (r) inspired by educational media; more than 78% of among using media as a catalyst for learning and parents note that their child did so “sometimes” use of educational media on different platforms or “often.” Nearly 73% of children teach their parent something new based on something they Using media learned from educational media. Requesting to do as a catalyst a project inspired by educational media happens for learning n less frequently, but a remarkable 62% of Hispanic- Latino children still do so. See Insert 1 for an Frequency of educational example from an ethnographic study of media content use use in Hispanic families carried out as part of the Joan Ganz Cooney Center Families and TV .02 550 Media project.ii Online video .15** 550 Interestingly (and perhaps not surprisingly), the use of media to catalyze other activities is Video games .26** 549 positively and consistently related to the use of educational media across all platforms except for Mobile devices .14** 551 TV (see Table 8). Therefore, regularity of educational content use across almost all platforms was linked Computer games .21** 544 to greater use of media as a springboard for other activities. Perhaps more important, this implies Non-game computer .19** 550 that a range of media platforms have the potential activities to spur interesting non-media activities and conversations, and that such activities are not ** p < .01 limited to a few or a single medium. Note: A scale averaging the five “media as catalyst” variables was created (Cronbach’s alpha = .82) and correlation Language groups coefficients were estimated against the frequency of use There are few differences in the use of media of television, online videos, video games, mobile devices, as a catalyst for learning for the three language computer games, and non-game computer activities (coded on groups (see Fig. 7), suggesting that media can an 8-point scale, with “1” = never and “8” = several times a day).

Figure 7: Using media as a catalyst for learning by language (among weekly users of educational media)

100 English only (n = 87) Bilingual (n = 394) 93.3 89.8 80 85.9 Spanish only (n = 70) 82.7 80 78.7 77.5 73 74.7 74.5 73.2 60 61.6 62.8 62.8 53.8 40

20

Percent who “sometimes” or “often” Percent 0 Talk about Imaginative Ask Teach you Ask to do something seen play questions something a project

26 be a resource for conversation and play for all Insert 1: Media sparks new projects children. In all three groups, parents are just about as likely to report that their child talks Alicia is a 9-year-old girl of Ecuadorian descent, about media, engages in imaginative play, asks who is quite engaged with her dolls. However, questions, and requests to do projects. The only playing with dolls is not enough; Alicia often difference is that English-only parents are less builds and creates accessories for her toys. likely to report that their children teach them Alicia gets her inspiration from YouTube. Her something they didn’t know based on something mother, Elena, notes that, “Yeah, she goes into they saw on educational media, compared to the YouTube and she just watches all the videos bilingual or Spanish speaking parents. This is to learn how to do [the] bed, drapes, clothes, consistent with research that describes the closet, everything. There’s a lot of things in media-brokering roles that children in immigrant YouTube about these things to do for the dolls, Latino families play. Children in families where for the little dolls.” Alicia is known to grab parents have limited proficiency in the majority materials from all over the apartment, such as language often broker media activities (e.g., paper, scissors, and glue to build these doll learning to use new technologies, as well as accessories. She invites her mother to make traditional forms of communication such as these accessories and watch the videos. Although the phone and mailed items) as an integral it can get messy in the home with all the materials part of their daily lives (Katz, 2010, 2014), thus spread everywhere, Alicia spends a lot of time conveying new information to their parents on the weekends making and crafting these doll on a regular basis. In Insert 2 we provide an accessories. Watching educational videos online example from the ethnographic studies, (which Elena puts on) is a weekly practice for in this case a child teaching a grandparent. Alicia, as is doing educational non-game activities on the computer. Other educational media use (e.g., TV/DVDs, video games, or Parents’ own use of technology for learning computer games) happens rarely or not at all. Alicia lives in a media-rich home, with multiple Parents’ own technology use can be an important TVs, cable access, a DVD player, multiple smart- element in engaging with their child around phones, a tablet, high-speed Internet, and media. Parents who are more comfortable with computers. Elena herself uses the Internet technology tools are in a better position to support to look up information several times a day. their child’s learning on different platforms. Parents were asked how often they “personally

Insert 2: Child teaches grandparent something new

Addy lives in northeast New Jersey. She is an and wishes to talk to her and see her face. While 8-year-old girl of Puerto Rican and Italian descent Addy’s grandmother claims that she does not have who would prefer hide-and-seek and roller-skating an ounce of tech-savviness, she and Addy work very to TV any day. However, she is still surrounded hard together to learn how to use FaceTime so that by technology (including smartphones, tablets, she can talk to her mom. Addy’s grandmother cannot computers, handheld game players, and high-speed believe how easily young children can maneuver Internet access), which helps to keep her connected such complicated technology, and although she often to family members. The family speaks both English feels like she does not have the skillset to use it, she and Spanish at home. After her parents divorced, will try if it means making her grandchildren happy! Addy’s mother arranged for Addy to stay with her Addy’s family values education and her mother thinks grandmother, who lives much closer to her school that technology is necessary for children to learn during the week. Therefore, Addy does not see her 21st century skills. mom—who also has three jobs—much on weekdays,

27 use a computer, the Internet, or mobile device day, based on their in-home access to high-speed to look up information or learn something new” Internet, a tablet, and smartphone. Across all (such as “look up a recipe, get health information, devices, parents who have home access are learn a language, take a class, do brain-training significantly more likely to use technology for exercises, or find the answer to a question”). learning than those without home access.9 Hispanic-Latino parents often use technology Figure 8 shows that almost twice as many parents (the computer, Internet, or mobile device) to find are daily learners if they have home access to out information or learn something new. Almost computing tools including high-speed Internet, half (44%) use a computer, the Internet, or a mobile tablets, or smartphones. Insert 3 describes a device to learn something at least daily. Almost parent learning from online videos so that she three-quarters do so at least weekly. can help her daughter learn about fractions.

Parents’ Internet use is differentiated based on Parents’ use of technology is in turn related to their access to technology. Figure 8 shows the how regularly their child uses educational media percent of parents who report use at least once a (see Table 9), suggesting that parents’ access to and

Insert 3: Parents learn important information Table 9: Pearson correlation coefficients (r) from the Internet among parents’ use of technology for learning and children’s use of educational media. Alicia (also described in Insert 1) is a 9-year-old girl of Ecuadorian descent who often gets frustrated Parents use with her math homework. For example, Alicia has of technology difficulty putting fractions in order from least to for learning n greatest (e.g., ¼, ¹⁄³, ½). Her mom, Elena, wants to help her out, but also does not know the math well Frequency of educational enough. However, Elena is resourceful and uses content use YouTube: “Yeah, when she (Alicia) doesn’t know something, I go to YouTube, I see the video. And TV .13** 677 once I understand how it is, then I’ll teach her. I explain it to her.” If one video is not helpful, Elena Online video .31** 676 switches to another until she understands the concept, “So then after I finish watching the video, Video games .08** 676 then I explain it to her. And if I didn’t understand, or she doesn’t get it, then we’ll see the video again. Mobile devices .29** 678 And we do samples.” Although the process of solving the math problems can be different on the Computer games .24** 671 videos than how the teacher explains it, Elena reminds Alicia, “People do them (math problems) Non-game computer .31** 677 in different ways, but you’ll get the same answer.” activities Elena is also using Google to search definitions of vocabulary words that she and Alicia do not know. ** p < .01 She is looking for educational apps for Alicia but Note: The frequency of parents’ use of technology for learning, confesses that she does not know what to look for. and child’s educational media use were both coded on an 8-point Their use of educational content is largely focused scale, with “1” = never and “8” = several times a day. Frequencies on using YouTube for homework. are calculated among those with valid data, including those who do not use educational media on the given platform.

9 Differences in parents’ daily Internet use for learning are significantly different based on their access to mobile and Internet tools: high-speed Internet [χ2 (1, N = 669) = 53.94, p < .001], tablets [χ2 (1, N = 678) = 64.35, p < .001], smartphones [χ2 (1, N = 677) = 34.18, p < .001],

28 familiarity with technology may be consequential Language groups for their child’s use of educational content across Some important differences by language group media platforms, and especially for computer- surface in parents’ use of technology (see Fig. 9). related activities (game and non-game), online Parents in Spanish-only families are less likely to videos, and mobile devices. Both are, of course, use technology for learning on a daily basis, but associated with access, and it is possible that 40% use technology on a weekly basis. Bilingual access is ultimately driving both parents’ and and English-only households do not differ in children’s use. Enthusiasm or valuing of technology this regard. may also contribute to variability in the uptake of technologies and more research is needed really These differences likely reflect differences in understand these patterns. Insert 4 illustrates access to technologies. Among the three language how a parent and child use technology together groups, Spanish-only families have the least to nurture the child’s interest in history and access to high-speed Internet, computers, and other topics. tablets (see Fig. 3 earlier in the report). Most of the respondents in Spanish-only families are mothers

Figure 8: Percent of parents who report at least daily use of the Internet for their own learning, by access to technology

100 With access Without access 80

60 53% 55% 53% 40 36% 30% 23% Percent of parents who of parents Percent

report at least daily use daily at least report 20

0 High speed Internet Tablet Smartphone

Figure 9: Parents’ use of the Internet for learning by language

100 Never “Less than once a month” to “several times a month” 80 “Once a week” to “several times a week” “Once a day” to “several times a day” 60 56.2 47.2 44.4 40 39.5 29.9 29.1 28.8 Percent of respondents Percent 20 23.2 21.8 19.1 19 12.2 5 8.3 8.8 7.5 0 English only Bilingual Spanish only Total

29 (78%, compared with 58% in bilingual homes, a mobile device like a tablet or smart phone the day and 68% in English-only homes); it is possible prior to the survey. They also indicated whether that they stay home full-time as caretakers for they or their co-parent used the device with the their children (while their husbands work) and child, what we call “joint media engagement” (JME). thus have limited access to technologies that If they did co-engage, they reported the amount they do not already own at home. Income and of time they did so. These data are provided in education are also confounded with employment; Figure 10. (Subsample D in the Appendix shows parents in the Spanish-only group may be the number of parents who report that their child employed in sectors of the economy that do not used each of the four platforms the previous day.) require technology use and are thus less likely Though many children watched TV, fewer used to have technology access at work. the other devices. However, many of those who use the devices do so with a parent and for a substantial amount of time. Joint media engagement All parents were also asked for a more global Parents reported whether their child had watched assessment of the amount of time they spend TV, used a computer, played a video game or used co-engaged with their child in a typical week,

Insert 4: Media as a catalyst for interest-driven learning

Brandon is an active 6-year-old boy who loves to nity to see and hear people from the past. School play outside as well as play video and board was not the only source of interesting topics, games, especially ones related to sports and José Rubén also describes a time when Bran- superheroes. Brandon’s parents each immigrat- don’s questions were sparked by watching ed to California from El Salvador a few years media. While viewing one of the Disney Ice Age before he was born; his mother works in a fast movies, Brandon asked, “Dice ‘Papi, ¿en esa food restaurant, and his father works nights at a época cómo era, que no había buses, no discount grocery. Both parents speak only había…?’ entonces vemos documentales donde Spanish at home. Brandon too primarily speaks aparecen y todo.” [“He said ‘Dad, at that time Spanish, although his parents report that he what was it like, there weren’t any buses, there understands and speaks some English as well, weren’t...?,’ so we watched documentaries based on observing him at school. Brandon also where it’s shown and everything”]. Though José had begun to demonstrate a keen interest in Rubén and Brandon began exploring YouTube history, and often asks his parents detailed videos to learn about history-related topics, they questions about historical figures that he is expanded this to explore other interests as well, learning about at school. Brandon’s father, José including dinosaur species and other animals. Rubén, does not know many of the answers that Using the Internet as a learning resource is a Brandon seeks, so the two turn to YouTube as a daily practice for Brandon’s father and he way of learning more about leaders such as reported using it several times as day to find Martin Luther King, Jr., George Washington, and information. This is supported by several home Cesar Chavez, taking advantage of the informa- devices including a smartphone, TV, cable, Wi-Fi, tion available, the visual nature of the material, educational laptop toy, handheld game device, and in the case of historical figures, the opportu- desktop computer, and laptop computer.

30 across all devices. As shown in Table 10, these note that these figures reflect the amount of JME parents estimate a substantial amount of time time averaged across all children who used the in JME each week—half the sample report 2 to platform the day before. This includes children 10 hours of JME (see Table 10). who did not engage in JME, for whom 0 minutes is recorded. Figure 10 provides the average Language groups amount of time for those parent-child pairs who Figure 11 shows the amount of JME time averaged did co-engage around each device.). Television is across users of each platform. (It is important to overwhelmingly the primary medium around

Table 10: Amount of time spent in JME with child per week

Total sample English only Bilingual Spanish only

Over 15 hours a week 7.6 6.9 8.1 5.7

Between 10-15 hours a week 13.5 19.0 12.4 14.2

Between 5-10 hours a week 24.6 26.4 24.3 28.7

Between 2-5 hours a week 26.0 13.5 26.9 33.6

Between 0-2hours a week 27.8 34.2 28.3 17.8

Figure 10: Use of devices the day before and proportion of children who co-engage with their parent

Viewing of TV Use of mobile “yesterday” 25% device “yesterday” 36% by focal child by focal child 64% 75% 76% of children who 52% of children who watched TV did so with used a mobile device did a parent for an average so with a parent for an No Yes of 104 minutes No Yes average of 33 minutes

Use of computer Play of video 20% “yesterday” 21% game “yesterday” by focal child by focal child

80% 47% of children who 79% 39% of children who used the computer did played video games did so with a parent for an so with a parent for an No Yes average of 64 minutes No Yes average of 82 minutes

31 which most joint media engagement among age their child should get a cell phone (see Fig. 12), Hispanic-Latino families takes place: Parents but to a slightly lesser degree than information whose child watched TV spent an average of 79 about media content and time. Interestingly, for minutes watching television with their child all three areas, child age was not related to (see Fig. 11). Joint use on other platforms—video whether parents wanted more information. games, computer, and mobile devices—is less, from16 to 27 minutes. Figure 12: Parents’ desire for information Though sample sizes are too small to make about media statistical comparisons, the data suggest that parent respondents from Spanish-only homes spend the most time in joint media engagement Strongly agree among the three groups (see Fig. 11). Global 100 Somewhat agree estimates of weekly time spent in JME do not differ 79.1 substantially by home language (see Table 10). 80 72.3 33.5 33.8 64.7 60 31.1 Parents’ desire for information about media 40 45.6 38.5 33.6 Hispanic-Latino parents express a strong desire 20 for more information about media. Almost 80% of parents agree or strongly agree that they want 0 information on content—how to find good shows, How to find How much TV, What age games, and websites that support their child’s good TV shows, gaming and my child games and computer should get learning. Slightly fewer (though still a substantial websites that time is good cell phone portion at 72%) parents agree or strongly agree support child’s for child’s that they would like information about time learning development —how much media time is good for children’s development. Parents are also interested in what

Figure 11: Average minutes of joint media engagement among children who used platform the previous day

120 English only Bilingual 100 105 Spanish only Total Hispanic-Latino sample 80 84 79 74 60

40

Minutes previous day previous Minutes 37 31 20 27 27 29 7 8 17 17 16 16 0 11 TV Computer Mobile Video games

Note: Minutes of JME are reported for respondents whose children used the platform, including those who used the platform but reported no JME. Because sample sizes for English-only and Spanish-only families are small, statistical comparisons are not made by language.

32 Hispanic-Latino parents are consistently more Language groups likely to want information about media compared Among the three language groups, parents who to non-Hispanic White and Black parents (see speak only Spanish are most likely to express a Fig. 13). This may suggest that this information is desire for information about media (see Fig. 14). simply less readily available, or that media play Almost all of them want information about media a more central role in family life for Hispanic- content, time, and the appropriate age for cell Latino households. phone use. It is possible that these families have more limited access to information and resources In thinking about the best ways to get information on children and media than other families because to parents, schools and parents’ social networks most of these resources are available only in may be especially salient. In a question that English and largely on online platforms (websites, asks where parents find information about blogs, or social media). It’s also likely that Spanish- educational media for their child, friends and only families see media as an additional, important family (mentioned by 42% of parents) and educational resource for their children and thus teachers (mentioned by 31% of parents) emerge want to know more about it. More bilingual parents as the two primary sources of information. also wanted information about media than English-only parents.

Figure 13: Parents’ desire for information about media by ethnicity

100 White Black Hispanic-Latino

80 79.1 72.3 68.5 60 64.8 51.3 40 48.9 46.3 48.5 33.6

Percent of parents Percent 20

0 How to find good TV shows, How much TV, gaming and What age should child games and websites that computer time is good for get cell phone support child’s learning child’s development

Figure 14: Parents’ desire for information about media by language

100 English only Bilingual Spanish only

80 90.5 89.8 82.5 84.2 74.3 60 68.5 54.9 40 48.2 “strongly agree” “strongly 20 33.9 Percent who “agree” or who “agree” Percent

0 How to find good TV shows, How much TV, gaming and What age should child games and websites that computer time is good for get cell phone support child’s learning child’s development

33 implications

The survey has uncovered important findings about media use in Hispanic-Latino families in America. While there are differences between Hispanic-Latino families and other groups with respect to access to technologies, there is also significant diversity within the Hispanic population. Underscoring the diversity of families’ experiences was a key goal of this report. We compared groups by home language use, which is only one dimension of diversity among Hispanic-Latino families. Many more sources of variation (e.g., country of origin, generational status, education, employment, and a host of other facets) are confounded with language in this sample and need to be examined. These analyses set the stage for further investigation of the role that educational media play in these families. The following are reflections on the implications of these findings for researchers, media designers, and practitioners. For family educators and practitioners parents may encounter. A repository of research findings about media that can also help parents Digital technologies have become increasingly interpret the findings in their primary language important for learning and information seeking. will be a great service to families. A related Expanding access is crucial for parents’ and consideration is sources of information that children’s capabilities to fully engage in the parents trust. Research may not be convincing for advantages that these technologies bring. As all parents. Teachers, family and friends are the publicly supported institutions, community main ways in which Hispanic-Latino parents resources such as libraries, schools, and after- find information about educational media. school programs have a special role to play in Thus, preschool providers or schools, as well providing such access. Outreach initiatives as social networks, may prove to be important created in partnership with organizations conduits for information. serving Hispanic-Latino families are especially critical. More limited access to technology also restricts the kinds of information at families’ For media designers and producers fingertips. It is crucial toprovide resources in formats other than digital. Print, DVD, TV, Findings in this report point to the need for more and radio remain important avenues to reach content that serves diverse audiences, and more low-resource and Spanish-only families. mobile content that serves Hispanic-Latino families. There is evidence that some families In addition to informational and technical are increasingly using mobile devices rather than resources, new approaches to parent education computers to access the Internet. Most mobile are needed to showcase how to use digital media content is entertainment—rather than learning— to advance their children’s learning and interest focused; there is a need for more educational development as well as help identify high quality content produced on this platform for non-English- content. Models of family workshops are also speaking audiences. In addition, producers can needed. In many Hispanic-Latino families— adapt current offerings of English-language apps particularly Spanish-dominant homes—children and websites into Spanish and other languages, can play a unique role in brokering information thus expanding the range of content that is and resources for their parents. Supporting available for families. Media also play an important co-learning can benefit both parents and children. role in English-language learning in bilingual and Spanish-only families. Many families can also Finally, there is a clear need for more Spanish- benefit from more content deliberately designed language informational resources about media. to support English-language learning for both Understanding how to choose good media children and parents. content and managing their child’s screen time is important to most Hispanic-Latino parents. While mobile digital learning technologies have While resources exist in English, much less been the focus of new content development in is available in Spanish. Where resources are recent years, it is important to keep in mind available, families may not know that they exist. that these technologies do not yet reach many Raising awareness about the availability of such Hispanic-Latino children. TV continues to be an information will be very helpful to parents. In important learning resource for Hispanic-Latino addition, new research and data about media, families, which speaks to the need to continue to children, and families are released continually, create strong educational content on television, but non-research audiences may have difficulty particularly with children in bilingual or Spanish- interpreting the findings or understanding what speaking families in mind. it means for their own media use. That research studies sometimes contradict one another only adds to the confusing array of information

35 Parents’ use of technology is linked to their For researchers child’s media use in important ways. The findings suggest that parents’ access to and familiarity Media—with their many manifestations, platforms, with technology may affect their child’s use of and points of access—have become central to the educational content, particularly on computers and lives of most parents and young children. This mobile devices. Conversely, limits to parents’ access study underscores the need to pursue a research may constrain children’s ability to benefit from agenda that takes into account the unique educational media. An intergenerational approach circumstances and diversity among Hispanic- to media design, which considers children, parents, Latino families. A range of methodologies and and possibly grandparents, is an important need research approaches is needed to fully understand that surfaces from this research. ways in which Hispanic-Latino families engage around media and to document the potential for Media often catalyze interesting and important media to support learning. There are important activities for children. There is value for both roles for design experiments, randomized parents and children in media content that controlled trials, and ethnographic studies. Media spark children’s interests and encourages them research has a long, rich tradition, but has focused to engage in conversations and other activities primarily on middle-class, majority-culture based on what they saw or played. Several families. The next step is not only understanding television shows have attempted to bring Hispanic-Latino and other minority families in children’s onscreen engagement off-screen their own right, but along a spectrum of family (e.g., Reading Rainbow, Blues Clues, and Sid the conditions, media environments, and activities. Science Kid) and some apps are encouraging Research is also needed that engages families interactive play and learning (e.g., Toca Boca, as design partners. Parents perceive benefits Toontastic, and Kindoma), but there is a need for of technology for learning English, literacy more content that moves them from screen to development, and to a lesser extent math and life. Creating content for JME typically focuses science. They also use networked resources for on the child, but parents’ interests are a key their own learning. Design research can advance consideration as well. Themes that interest both the development of better tools that are tailored parent and child (e.g., cooking) will be especially to families’ needs and preferences. effective for eliciting JME. The portable nature of mobile devices creates new opportunities to The findings onJME perhaps raise more questions move media engagement to non-media activities, than answers. These include understanding what and intentional design-based research will further motivates or prevents JME; why it is so rarely expand this potential. reported; the nature of the engagement; how JME shapes or is shaped by family processes The survey also suggests that JME happens and parenting practices; and its implications for infrequently on non-TV platforms. This could be children’s learning and well-being. Understanding an artifact of the timing of the survey—the study the forms and functions of JME would help was conducted in summer, when less media use designers to recognize its value and integrate and co-engagement may occur in families as more meaningful supports for joint interaction children are involved in other activities. Other in media products. The findings on JME may also research, however, has also found little joint media be an artifact of method: JME often happens use in families despite its potential benefits spontaneously and may not be easy for parents to (Clark, 2013; Fuller, Lizárraga, & Gray; in press). recall in a survey, or they may think that instances In this study, we found that JME rarely occurs but of JME may be too insignificant to report (especially is sustained when it does, thus making the case if the instances are brief), whereas researchers for creating more content that promotes JME would consider them important. The majority of (see Takeuchi & Stevens, 2011, for a design guide). parents did report that children frequently asked questions or started conversations based on media. These are in fact expressions of JME, even though

36 parents may not have been directly co-engaging around the media that led to them. Further, researchers also need a better understanding of the JME experience when language is implicated, such as how JME occurs when parent and child are both English-language learners, or when one child is more fluent than the parent in English when they are using media in English.

These results call for new research that investigates how to design media that spark interest, conversation, questions, and play. Understanding how these forms of engagement are related to learning outcomes is also important and suggests the need for research that can track the evolution of media-supported learning over sustained periods of time and across settings (Barron & Bell, in press). For example, an important question is whether the “pathways” to using educational media in the home translate to the types and content of media used in other contexts—in schools or community environments. Teachers and practitioners in community organizations potentially play an important role in creating linkages and supports for Hispanic-Latino families in using media for learning. Research that bridges these contexts would provide valuable information for parents, educators, and practitioners to create or strengthen media pathways for learning.

37 references

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40 appendix

Table A: Breakdown of subsample sizes

Total sample English only Bilingual Spanish only Total sample sizes 682 116 486 80 Subsample A Sample whose child ever used: TV/DVD 639 (93.6%) 114 (97.9%) 446 (91.8%) 79 (98.5%) Computer 430 (63.0%) 74 (63.9%) 323 (66.5%) 32 (40.5%) Video games 417 (61.1%) 83 (71.4%) 293 (60.3%) 41 (51.2%) Mobile device 363 (53.3%) 68 (58.8%) 265 (54.5%) 30 (37.4%)

Subsample B Sample whose child ever used educational content on the following platforms: TV/DVD 608 (89.1%) 100 (86.4%) 432 (88.8%) 76 (94.6%) Online video 431 (63.2%) 67 (57.7%) 327 (67.3%) 37 (45.9%) Video games (console or handheld) 340 (49.9%) 66 (57.1%) 242 (49.9%) 32 (39.4%) Mobile games 332 (48.6%) 59 (50.8%) 245 (50.3%) 28 (35.1%) Computer game 390 (57.2%) 67 (58.0%) 292 (60.2%) 30 (37.8%) Other computer activities 447 (65.5%) 75 (64.7%) 336 (69.2%) 36 (44.5%)

Subsample C Sample whose child used educational content at least weekly on the following platforms: TV/DVD 481 (70.5%) 80 (68.9%) 340 (70.0%) 61 (75.7%) Online video 271 (39.8%) 36 (30.7%) 209 (43.0%) 27 (33.4%) Video games (console or handheld) 182 (26.7%) 39 (33.6%) 118 (24.4%) 25 (30.9%) Mobile games 230 (33.7%) 39 (34.0%) 164 (33.7%) 27 (33.5%) Computer game 252 (37.0%) 39 (33.9%) 190 (39.2%) 22 (28.1%) Other computer activities 286 (41.9%) 52 (44.6%) 209 (42.9%) 25 (31.9%)

Subsample D Sample whose child spent any time the day before using the following platforms: TV/DVD 439 (64.3%) 76 (65.5%) 314 (64.6%) 46 (57.9%) Video games 143 (21.0%) 21 (17.7%) 110 (22.7%) 12 (15.4%) Computer 137 (20.0%) 21 (18.4%) 109 (22.5%) 6 (7.6%) Mobile device 169 (24.7%) 21 (17.8%) 123 (25.3%) 21 (26.4%)

Note: The percentages reported in Table A use the sample size within the language group as the base.

41 notes

i The Spanish Language Base Weight

From 2008 through 2010, as an augmentation to KnowledgePanel, Spanish language- specific panel members were recruited through a geographically targeted dual frame sample that was screened for Spanish-language dominant households. Generally, these are households in which members speak Spanish and completed the recruitment interview in Spanish. Eleven geographic regions covering approximately 95% of the national Latino population was screened. Each region had both high-and low-density Hispanic population areas. High-density areas were screened by using RDD methods, whereas low density areas were screened by using Hispanic surname listed samples. Two adjustments are incorporated in the Spanish language base weight.

1. Selection proportional to the number of telephone landlines reaching the household As part of the field data collection operation, information was collected on the number of separate telephone landlines in each eligible (Spanish-speaking) household. A multiple-line household’s selection probability is down-weighted by the inverse of its number of landlines.

2. Geographic frame balancing for RDD and listed surname samples The recruitment sample frame has a given proportional distribution across 11 regions, each consisting of both a high and low Hispanic population density area (ranging from 0.3% density to 13.9%; average = 4.6%). This adjustment factor returns the recruited households by area to their correct relative proportion across the 22 geographic density areas.

In 2011, the above telephone recruitment method was replaced with a pure probability- based RDD sample targeting telephone exchanges that covered Hispanic population areas of 45% or greater density based on census block data. The Spanish-language base weight compensates for this RDD sample approach when combined with other Hispanic panel.

42 ii These studies were carried out in California, and New York. The cases from the New York area are a part of a larger study examining Hispanic-Latino families and their meaningful interactions around digital media. The larger study was comprised of families with at least one child ages 6 through 9. The families in the first three examples resided in the Northeast area of the U.S. (New York, Philadelphia, and New Jersey). Adapting Headrick-Taylor and Stevens’ (2014) mixed methods protocol, the study focused on an eight-week ethnography for each family, utilizing interviews, observations, survey data, experience sampling through phone calls, and geographic information systems software to map mobility and social networks. The combination of these techniques allowed for deep understanding of how children’s at-home and on-the-move media practices influence family interactions around learning and development. The Brandon case comes from a related mixed methods study (Levinson, 2014) that explored how seven low-income Hispanic-Latino immigrant families with young children use broadcast and digital media and what language and literacy experiences these media facilitated for both children and adults. Participating families resided in an urban area of Northern California, included at least one child between the ages of five and seven, and spoke Spanish as their primary home language. The study was comprised of six months of ethnography with each family, as well as survey data and an intervention wherein each family received a tablet computer (iPad) loaded with selected high-quality language- and literacy-related apps. This methodology afforded data on families’ existing media ecologies and practices, as well as a glimpse of what might be if families were given access to a new device and content.

43 Acknowledgements This report was made possible through generous grants from the Heising-Simons Foundation, the Bezos Family Foundation, and the National Science Foundation (supported by the LIFE Science of Learning Center REC-354453). Our colleagues from the Aprendiendo Juntos Council (http://www.joanganzcooneycenter.org/initiative/aprendiendo-juntos-council/) encouraged many ideas in this report and provided invaluable feedback. We are grateful to researchers Michael Levine, Lori Takeuchi, Amber Levinson, Vicky Rideout, and professors Vikki Katz, Guadalupe Valdes, and Elizabeth Gee for their thoughtful review on drafts. Amber Levinson, Jason Yip, Briana Pressey, and Rocio Almanza contributed ethnographic case studies that helped to enrich the report. The opinions, findings, and recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of those who funded the work.

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About the Families and Media Project The Families and Media (FAM) Project aims to unearth the potential that media may have for enriching family learning and routines. To accomplish these aims, members of the FAM Research Consortium are conducting a series of studies that link large-scale data with in-depth illustrations. The goals of this research are to stimulate the national conversation around the ways families use digital media together; inform policy on digital equity, family engagement, healthy development and education reform; inspire design of media and media-based interventions and curricula; and create resources for parents and educators to increase the amount and quality of interactions around media.

The Families and Media Research Consortium AARP Arizona State University The Joan Ganz Cooney Center The LIFE Center Northwestern School of Communications Northwestern School of Education & Social Policy Rutgers University Sesame Workshop Stanford University Graduate School of Education

Managing Editor: Catherine Jhee Copy Editor: Kendra Rainey Design: Jeff Jarvis

44 45 1900 Broadway New York, NY 10023 p 212 595 3456 [email protected] www.joanganzcooneycenter.org