Notes

Chapter 1 Introduction

1 The map at the front of the book shows clearly just how contiguous these territories are. St Lucia is an island of 620 square kilometres with a popula- tion of approximately 176,000 (2011). The island gained independence from Britain on the 22nd February 1979. St Vincent and the Grenadines is actually a multi-island nation with a total land area of 389 square kilometres, of which St Vincent, the principal island, accounts for 345. The other significantly inhabited islands are Bequia, Mustique, Canouan and Union, and the total population of the country is roughly 119,600 (2011). Independence from Britain was achieved on the 27th October 1979. Throughout the book, references to ‘St Vincent’ are generally taken to mean the whole territory unless specified otherwise. Martinique is a single-island territory which has an area of 1,128 square kilometres, a population of 399,000 (2011). Guadeloupe is a multi-island territory, comprising Guadeloupe, the principle island (which accounts for the vast majority of the population and area) and its tiny dependencies La Désirade, Les Saintes and Marie-Galante, with a combined area of 1,628 square kilometres and a population of 447,000 (2011). As well as Martinique and Guadeloupe, there exist two other French Départements d’Outre Mer: French Guiana which borders Brazil on the South American continent and Réunion Island in the Indian Ocean near to Madagascar and Mauritius. 2 The French DOM are ‘Overseas Departments’, an administrative status which is broadly analogous to that of a British County. They are also sometimes called Départements Français d’Amérique (DFA), which, translated, means ‘French Departments of America’, and carries the same meaning as DOM. At times they are also described as DOM-ROM, meaning Overseas Departments and Regions; this belies their peculiar constitutional status, which we discuss in more detail in Chapter 5. 3 This is a particular problem in the technical work which is undertaken by the development agencies and donors. We find the academic amalgamation of ‘Latin America’ and ‘the Caribbean’ that takes place to be somewhat con- trived, based largely on their geographical proximity. Moreover, this is some- thing that is usually done to serve the administrative purposes of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the principal multilateral technocratic organisation charged with the task of observing the region, and often the worst culprit. 4 As a consequence, it should be noted that much of the tables of data in Part II of the book were compiled with great difficulty. As such, the specific figures should, in many cases, be taken as approximations as they often involved a great deal of searching and, at times, significant manipulation to render them useful. In a sense, though, the data used in the book are mainly illustrative; in most cases large disparities exist between the two sets of

215 216 Notes

islands, and it is consequently quite clear what the general pattern is, even if the specific accuracy of the data itself involves, to some extent, a margin of error. This should be borne in mind, especially, in Chapter 7, where the tables of data were compiled with great difficulty and with after painstaking research and calculations.

Chapter 2 The Caribbean: A Global History

1 As a white European conducting research into the impact of colonialism upon former slave societies, the pitfalls into which one could inadvertently wander are many. This is no more apparent than when discussing race or using terms which, in different places and different languages, are loaded with often pejorative meaning. For example, French West Indians are quite happy using the term nègre, which for them carries even less residual meaning than ‘Negro’ in English. However the same word would be consid- erably more offensive were it uttered by a white Metropolitan mouth in mainland France. Likewise, ‘mulatto’ is generally considered unacceptable in the modern US, however preferable terms such as ‘biracial’ or ‘mixed race’ do not quite capture the same meaning as the French mulâtre, which is still widely used in the DOM. Cognisant of these difficulties, ‘mulatto’ will be used throughout the book in both its specific historical sense – French Caribbean people with both European and African ancestry (see James 2001) – and also to refer to the coloured middle-classes in the wider Francophone, and to a lesser extent, Anglophone West Indies. Although also unsatisfactory, the term ‘coloured’ will be used from time to time to describe the brown-skinned middle classes of the region. Where the term ‘Antillean’ or ‘Antilles’ is used, this is intended to refer exclusively to the French Caribbean and not the Anglophone islands. 2 As we noted in the introduction to the book, this was dramatically illus- trated by the fact that, at the conclusion of the Seven Years War, France ceded huge swaths of North America in exchange for Guadeloupe and a few other territories off of the eastern seaboard of Canada, such as St Pierre and Miquelon. 3 As Eric Williams (1970: 339) points out, there was a stark contrast between the British approach to the ‘white’ colonies of Australia, New Zealand and Canada and the bigoted, begrudging view of its role, guided by the ‘white man’s burden’ in the ‘coloured’ West Indies. Gordon Lewis (1968: 108) adds that the West Indian people were keenly aware of the fact that ‘British colo- nial policy operated a vicious double standard, with dominion status as the accepted goal for the white colonies and the Crown Colony system for the Negro colonies’. 4 The Crown Colony system, in essence, saw all power invested in the governor. This contrasted with the French mode of colonial government, which, over time, gradually saw the implementation of local versions of metropolitan institutions with – crucially – representation for the colonial people in Paris. 5 As we noted in the introduction to the book, there are four Overseas Departments of France: Réunion in the Indian Ocean, French Guiana and Notes 217

the two Eastern Caribbean territories, all of which comprise the so-called ‘old colonies’. This gives them a fundamentally different role in the French post-colonial consciousness than, say, Cameroon, or, indeed, any of the ter- ritories which were colonised much later. 6 This means ‘the lords of Haiti, the gentlemen of Martinique, and the humble folk of Guadeloupe’. 7 It is worth making a note on the different regimes that governed France throughout the turbulent 80 years that followed the Revolution of 1789. The Constituent Assembly of July 1789 emerged from the bourgeois middle classes and promulgated the Declaration of the Rights of Man a month later, dissolving in September 1791 as King Louis XVI accepted a new con- stitutional monarchy. The Legislative Assembly which replaced it lasted just a year and was replaced by the Convention, which saw the birth of Republican France from September 1792. It was this body which drew up, arguably, the most utopian constitution ever witnessed, although it would remain suspended, never to be introduced, as the French Revolution entered its most bloody phase – The Terror that was perpetrated by the notorious Committees of Public Safety and General Security – as it faced unprecedented challenges from every conceivable angle. The First Republic was replaced by the Napoleonic Empire from 1802 until 1814 whereupon the Bourbon Monarchy was reinstalled. The Bourbons were then over- thrown again in 1830 to make way for the Orléanist ‘July Monarchy’ until revolution broke out once more in 1848, leading to the short-lived Second Republic. This regime was supplanted by the Second Empire of Napoleon III from 1852, which itself came to an end after the disastrous defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, and rising discontent from urban workers generated by the upheavals of the industrial revolution. It was replaced, in 1871, by the eventual establishment of the Third Republic which would endure until World War II and the collaborationist Vichy Regime. 8 The Békés are, peculiarly, the sole remnants of pre-revolutionary France remaining in the entire Republic today, given that their ancestors escaped the guillotine which eviscerated almost the entire French nobility during the British occupation of the early 1790s. 9 With memories still fresh of the young United States’ own position as an appendage of the British Empire, the doctrine was an early and intimidat- ing indication of the philosophy that would hitherto guide US policy towards the Americas. As Williams (1970: 411) notes, President Monroe ‘announced to the world firstly that the United States would regard any attempt by the colonial powers to extend the colonial system in the New World as dangerous to its peace and safety; secondly, pledged itself not to interfere with the existing colonies; thirdly, with respect to the colonies which had declared their independence, “could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other light, than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States”’. 10 Highlighting the simultaneous rise of American power and decline of British power, Rafael Cox-Alomar (2003: 76) recounts a 1957 exchange between President Eisenhower and Prime Minister Harold MacMillan. The US President suggests that ‘the US Government and its people are vitally 218 Notes

interested in the Caribbean region’ to which MacMillan responded ‘all this liquidation of colonialism is going so well that I would be sorry if there was any hitch, especially one in the Caribbean!’. It is worth adding here that there was significant US suspicion of the British attitude towards the West Indies, ‘an area of the world where no vital British interests and few strat- egic considerations were at stake and thus the fundamental aim should be “political disengagement”’. US policy was still very much geared to contain- ing ‘further fragmentation in the region while ensuring Britain did not walk away from its responsibilities’ (Cox-Alomar 2003: 77). 11 The six ‘Associated States’ were Antigua-Barbuda, St Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, Dominica, Grenada, St Lucia and St Vincent. 12 As Cox-Alomar (2003: 95) points out, Britain retained the right to terminate the relationship unilaterally by decree whereas ‘the onus placed on the Associated States was far heavier’, since unilateral termination on their part required three readings in the legislature followed by a two-thirds majority and two-thirds of all votes cast in a referendum. 13 Jennings (1998: 565) notes how, in fact, when rumours spread in the after- math of the First World War that France was preparing to cede Martinique and Guadeloupe to the United States, Guadeloupean assimilationists ‘voiced their unflagging desire to remain French’ and ‘evoked America’s deplorable treatment of blacks and contrasted it with France’s supposed colour blindness’. 14 Victor Schoelcher was the most prominent of the French abolitionists, and was highly influential in the Caribbean colonies. He is, today, considered by many Martinicans as embodying the abolition of slavery in the islands, and carries a similar kind of cachet in revisionist accounts of the end of slavery as William Wilberforce does in Britain. 15 The liberal sexual relations prevalent in the French Caribbean produced a strikingly stratified racial and social mélange, such that slight differences in racial admixture, skin tone, and thus genetic distance from slavery were of great consequence. The ‘free-coloureds’ were often wealthy and this gradu- ally purchased them significant influence. However, it also created a tension between their racial interests (the black masses) and their class interests (the white planters) as they were often uncomfortably stuck between the two. 16 There is some irony here, because Fanon has been effectively disowned by large sections of the Martinican elite on account of the fact that, in fighting the war of liberation in Algeria on the side of the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), he was fighting against the French Republic of which Martinique was and is a part (Macey 2000: 11–17).

Chapter 3 The Rise and Fall of Caribbean Development Theory

1 The book was originally published in Spanish in Mexico in 1969 under its Spanish title Dependencia y Desarrollo en America Latina. 2 The Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) consists of six indepen- dent full member countries: Antigua and Barbuda; Dominica; Grenada; Notes 219

St Kitts-Nevis; St Lucia and St Vincent and the Grenadines; and three British Overseas Territories which enjoy Associate Membership: Anguilla; The British Virgin Islands; Montserrat. They share a central bank and a common currency, the Eastern Caribbean (EC) Dollar. 3 This is not to say that issues of ‘dependence’ did not have traction. They did, and particularly so in light of the very particular nature of the Antilles’ con- structed dependence upon France. It is rather to say, for now, that such debates cannot be viewed, as in the Anglophone Caribbean, as reflective of broader discussions in development studies, and in particular, dependency theory. 4 We should be clear here about what this means. The word nègre has very dif- ferent meanings depending upon the context. In 1930s Martinique and Guadeloupe it was extremely offensive, and, today, if used by a white person in mainland France, then it also would be. However, in everyday use in the contemporary French Antilles, thanks in large part to the Négritude move- ment, it is a straightforward and widely-used term of addressing people. In the context of the work of Césaire and his compatriots, ‘identité nègre’ does not really translate satisfyingly as ‘negro identity’, because this does not quite capture the broad meaning. Their movement was one which was trying to carve out such an identity, but it was also something more. It was nothing short of creating a new and original identity and recasting the whole issue of ‘negro-ness’ as something which emerged fundamentally out of colonialism and racism, but is re-oriented as something positive. 5 These were both later published in English in various translations as ‘Notebook of a Return to My Native Land’ and ‘Discourse on Colonialism’ respectively. 6 The Octroi de Mer actually dates from as far back as 1670. It is a unique duty paid on imports into the DOM and is then reinvested into the islands for the purpose of social and economic development (Desse 1997: 270). It is a vital source of revenue to the local organs of government, and also protects local industry (which is not affected by it). 7 Due to fear of independence, in 1981 François Mitterrand polled just 21.5 per cent of the popular vote in Guadeloupe, and 19.4 per cent in Martinique. By 1988, due to the perceived success of the decentralisation policy, this had increased dramatically to 69.4 per cent and 70.9 per cent respectively. As William Miles (1985: 65) suggested at the time, ‘No single issue evokes more passion in the French Caribbean than the periphery’s political status: independence is associated with Haiti, with material poverty, with political oppression; overseas department means France, security, and (relative) prosperity’.

Chapter 4 Beyond the Impasse: Towards a New Political Economy of Development

1 Despite seeming to offer a degree of agential explanation, neoliberalism is actually highly deterministic. Colin Hay (2002: 52–53) has argued at length that the intentionalism promised by the ‘rational choice’ approach to the social sciences is, in fact, ‘illusory’, and neoliberalism falls squarely into this 220 Notes

camp. This is because, although the utility-maximising actor is at the heart of such analyses, his or her course of action ‘is entirely predictable’ due to the ‘rational’ course of action being the only possible choice. Abstracted to the level of development theory, the only rational course of action is to do nothing and allow markets to work their magic in order to necessarily effect development, leaving no space for agency or free will. 2 Of course, there exists a tension here between, at one end of the scale, an extreme post-modern cultural relativism which posits that any indigenous government idiosyncrasy is inherently superior to the imperialism of ex- ternal modes of thinking which may run counter to locally received wisdom, and vice versa. We are aware of this issue, and would simply signal that we seek to tread a reflexive and sympathetic path between the two, analysing local practices in their own terms, yet highlighting areas where there is a tension between them and what might be considered effective governance.

Chapter 5 Political Development

1 Martinique has one Senator fewer than Guadeloupe simply because of the latter’s greater population. French Senators serve a nine-year term, whereas Deputies serve a five-year term, unless the President of the Republic, for whatever reason, decides to dissolve Parliament and call for fresh elections. 2 For this reason, it is equally accurate to describe the ‘DOM’ as Régions d’Outre-Mer or ‘ROM’, the difference of emphasis highlighting the institu- tion under discussion. Equally, we could also talk of ‘DOM-ROM’, in order to stress the fact that, unlike their mainland counterparts, Martinique and Guadeloupe are both ‘Departments’ of France, and ‘Regions’. 3 Uniquely perhaps to France, almost all of those employed in public service are considered fonctionnaires, or civil servants. This includes teachers, doctors, nurses, police officers, administrators in either the Regional or General Councils, or any of the organs of the state. It also incorporates many of those working in the still-nationalised organisations such as la Poste or some of those working in recently-privatised companies such as France Télécom. As a result, all of these people benefit from the 40 per cent salary premium, and many other generous public service benefits such as an annual return flight to France for family members and so forth. 4 Politics in the Anglophone Eastern Caribbean cannot be easily divided between ‘socialists’ or ‘social democrats’ on the ‘left’, and ‘conservatives’ on the right, even though, in the case of St Lucia and St Vincent, the party which is generally considered of the ‘left’ is a ‘Labour’ party. The parties do not, in fact, diverge greatly on most questions, other than in emphasis, given that they are held together by support which is based far more on patronage than ideology. Moreover, the limited resources wielded by polit- ical actors in such highly open and dependent territories have historically served to render grand ideological questions subservient to the everyday business of survival. In both islands, the major parties are committed to a centrist, liberal political-economy, which is sometimes conservative in terms of social issues, but generally radical (at least rhetorically) in terms of social policy. Notes 221

5 Mitterrand’s Décentralisation reforms created a new layer of government between Paris and the departments, but it did not change the fundamental relationship between the two. France, therefore, remains a unitary state (see Verpeaux 2004). Yet significant power resides in the hands of local actors away from Paris, throughout the 26 Régions. 6 Madame Michaux-Chevry’s administration was renowned for its misman- agement and over-spending, which resulted in the Regional Council finding itself amongst the most indebted French public institutions in the early part of the new century. She lost the 2004 election to Victorin Lurel but still retains her seat in the French Senate (the upper chamber of the national legislature in Paris) as well as being the incumbent mayor of Basse-Terre, Guadeloupe’s administrative capital. 7 One of the main premises of this book is that – despite the decolonisation of 1946 – the anomalous status of Martinique and Guadeloupe has never conclusively reconciled Antillean difference and the colonial legacy to assimilation and integration. It is questionable whether it ever will, given that there could never exist a possible settlement which would be able to satisfy the yearning for both political freedom and economic support from Paris. Along the spectrum from political dependence towards autonomy and independence the material rewards necessarily diminish, suggesting that such a tension is set to remain. Moreover, after 70 years of departmen- talisation, and a further century of French citizenship, independence for Antilleans would result in the severing of almost a million people, who are to all intents and purposes French, from France, surely precipitating a pro- found crisis of identity. 8 French party politics, particularly on the right, due to its incessant fratricide and instability, is notoriously complicated. The Gaullist Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) was, until recently, France’s principal centre-right party, led by Jacques Chirac throughout the 1990s, often in electoral alliance with the liberal centrist Union pour la Démocratie Française (UDF). After the 1997 legislative elections this grouping split, the more rightist elements of the UDF and the RPR, including Chirac, formed the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP). The UMP eventually completely consumed the RPR, and is now the principal centre-right party in France, led by former president Nicolas Sarkozy. After the split between the RPR/UMP and UDF, the rem- nants of the UDF occupied a centrist, liberal position in both mainland France, and in its Antillean variants and alliances. This was until the 2007 Presidential election when the failure of François Bayrou to make the second round of voting presaged the disbanding of the party. Similarly, the French left wing is equally fragmented and complex. Christiane Taubira, a Guyanese politician and member of the mainland Parti Socialiste stood as a candidate in the 2002 Presidential election for the Parti Radical de Gauche (PRG). She polled well in the first round in both Martinique and Guadeloupe, despite only garnering 2.32 per cent of the national vote. 9 Traditionally, Martinique, Guadeloupe and French Guyana have voted on the same day as the Métropole, but Antilleans cast their votes some 5 or 6 hours later than those in the mainland, rendering them meaningless in a de facto sense. The 2007 election was the first time that the electors in the DOM were able to register their preferences before the mainland, voting a day earlier. 222 Notes

10 As in St Lucia and St Vincent, the labels ‘left’ and ‘right’ cannot be applied to Martinican and Guadeloupean politics as they can in Europe. In general, given their history and the way in which ‘the left’ has been associated with the ‘good France’ of republicanism, abolition and departmentalisation, French Antilleans are generally progressive in economic, social and political matters. In these terms the left has historically held sway, in Martinique, in particular, through Césaire’s PPM and Marie-Jeanne’s MIM, both of which are generally social-democratic in orientation. However, in terms of the ‘departmental question’, things become much thornier, given that the pen- dulum of support or opposition to departmentalisation has swung between the ‘right’ and the ‘left’ at different times. 11 It was proposed that these ‘constituencies’ would be grouped ‘appropriately’ to include Faith-Based institutions, Labour Organisations, Youth, Non- Profit, Farmers, Sports and Culture, Gender, Human Rights, Senior Citizens, Professional Organisations and so forth (Government of St Vincent and the Grenadines 2006b: 8). 12 This group would consist of – by right – former Heads of State, former Heads of Government, and former judges from the St Vincent High Court, Court of Appeal, and Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ). Added to this statu- tory membership would be other figures selected by the National Assembly, ranging from senior ex-members of the judiciary and civil service, along with members of the general public and civil society representatives. 13 The three leaders at the time were Lucette Michaux-Chevry of Guadeloupe, Antoine Karam of French Guyana, and Alfred Marie-Jeanne of Martinique. Réno (2004: 155) notes how they constituted an unusual union, given their radically divergent political persuasions. Michaux-Chevry had been a long- standing senior figure in the metropolitan UMP, the centre-right party of Chirac and Sarkozy, Karam came from the Guyanese Socialist Party, whereas Marie-Jeanne was long-time leader of the Martinican Independence Movement (le MIM). 14 By way of example, the initial proposals for the Orientation Law grew out of a 1998 report co-written by the leader of the Martinican General Council, Claude Lise, on behalf of the Jospin government, which aimed to find solutions to the developmental predicament of the four French Overseas Departments. When this was debated in a special congress of the General and Regional Councils in Martinique, an independentist group added an amendment proposing to recognise the ‘Martinican Nation’. Such a concept is a step too far in the sense that under the ‘One and Indivisible Republic’ Paris may recognise discrete ‘peoples’ such as those in Martinique, Guadeloupe, and even Corsica and Brittany. It cannot, however, recognise ‘nations’. Nonetheless, the debate ensued, causing, as William Miles (2006: 638) notes, ‘turmoil’. Tellingly, many delegates, mainstream and radical alike, rejected the idea, out of the simple fear of ‘alienating the bulk of the islanders’ (Miles 2006: 639). Such navel-gazing and its effects are suggestive of a significant gap between the everyday interests of most Martinicans and the lofty ideals pursued by their elected representatives. 15 In personal correspondence with Aart Kraay, one of the World Bank econo- mists responsible for creating the WIGI, he noted that this stems from an Notes 223

inexplicable lack of reporting by other institutions on which the Bank relies for constructing the indicators. 16 The Maritime Interdiction Treaties encompass shipboarding, shiprider, pursuit, entry-to-investigate, over-flight and order to land elements. St Lucia and St Vincent have waived the right to deny US personnel jurisdiction over all of these measures of law-enforcement, with the result that the US has had, since 1995, unilateral authority to combat drug trafficking in their waters.

Chapter 6 Economic Development

1 According to the World Bank, St Lucia’s unemployment rate began to drop from a high of over 20 per cent in the early 2000s, to around 14 per cent in 2007. However, in every year since the global crisis, neither St Lucia nor any of the development agencies have published an unemployment figure. Moreover St Vincent has not posted an accurate unemployment rate for over two decades, since 1991; every subsequent figure which has been dis- seminated is an estimate. 2 POSEI has essentially removed responsibility for agricultural support from the CAP, and placed it alongside the various other measures that benefit the French DOM on account of their ‘insularity’, ultra-peripherality and geo- graphical distance from mainland Europe. Other ultra-peripheral regions which have also benefitted are the Spanish Canary Islands and Portugal’s Azores and Madeira. 3 It is difficult to talk of farm-gate prices in such an industry, given that so much depends on informal trading networks, with agreements subject to change in light of threats of violence and the difficulty farmers face in trying to influence supply chains. However, the figure of $110 here illus- trates the general upper limit within which the true value of marijuana to the Vincentian economy is situated. 4 Unfortunately, only the IMF has published any breakdowns of these data, but it does not do this in any systematic way and, indeed, has not done so since 2007 (St Vincent) and 2008 (St Lucia). 5 The list of luxury St Lucian hotels recently under construction during the late 2000s and early 2010s is imposing. They include the Jalousie Plantation (between the Piton Mountains), The Discovery at Marigot Bay, four all- inclusive Sandals complexes, the Baywalk at Rodney Bay, Le Paradis on the island’s Atlantic coast, The Landings residences and marina complex between Gros Islet and Pigeon Island, The Bay Gardens on Reduit Beach, Smugglers Cove on the Cap Estate, The Plantation at Cotton Bay, Jade Mountain at Anse Chastanet, The Pointe at Cas En Bas, The Ritz Carlton at Half-Moon Bay and three new ‘signature’ 18-hole golf courses bearing the names of Jack Nicklaus, Arnold Palmer and Greg Norman. 6 By way of illustration, of Canouan’s 755 hectares, 486 hectares (represent- ing two-thirds of the entire territory) are on a long-term lease for the Raffles resort and Trump golf course. 7 Translated, the titles of the publications are: ‘Guadeloupe, an economy in deficit … but only in perceptions of it’ and ‘Fifty Years of Economic and Social Progress in Martinique’. 224 Notes

8 Roughly translated, this means ‘The law to promote economic development and excellence in the Overseas Departments’. 9 The DOM have always benefitted from an investment support regime char- acterised by tax concessions – or défiscalisation – since the 1950s. In 1986, as an economic companion to Mitterrand’s decentralisation reforms, the Loi Pons was introduced to stimulate investment, particularly in the tourism sector. In 2003, the Loi Girardin was introduced to accompany the flows of funds that were entering the islands from the EU’s Structural Funds, and help to encourage the investment alongside the public money being spent on capital projects. 10 There is some debate as to the legality of the Octroi de Mer given that France, after the 1993 Treaty of Maastricht, is party to the EU free trade area and the levy discriminates against EU producers of goods who wish to export to Martinique and Guadeloupe. However, despite the protestations of European exporters, the islands’ fragile status as ‘ultra-peripheral’ regions of the Union seems likely to maintain the duty (in some form) for some time yet. 11 Interview with author, Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, July 2006. 12 The Caribbean region for the purposes of the EPA is that represented by the Caribbean Forum of African, Caribbean and Pacific States, or CARIFORUM. This grouping includes the member states of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) along with the Dominican Republic.

Chapter 7 Social Development

1 French healthcare works by providing universal public health insurance through the social security system. However the Assurance Maladie does not cover the full cost of every treatment, and patients are expected to con- tribute a percentage. The level of contribution is means-tested, and for the very poorest there is the Couverture Médicale Universelle (CMU) which meets this gap. It is interesting to note that in mainland France 6.7 per cent of people required this extra coverage in 2006, whereas in the DOM the figure was closer to 30 per cent of all of those treated (iEDOM 2008b: 206–208). 2 Carr and Lewis (2007: 87) note how St Lucia has recently doubled its maximum prison term for buggery, and the stringent laws on homosexuality mean that it is illegal to distribute condoms in prisons. The result of this is that the prevalence of HIV amongst prisoners in the Anglophone Caribbean is up to five times the level found amongst the general population. 3 Contrary to the lazy characterisation of African sexuality as ‘promiscuous’ that was used for a long time by many agencies to explain the HIV epidemic, Epstein argues that the explanation for the rapid spread of HIV in the region can be found rather in the practice of ‘concurrent’ relationships. In contrast to the Western practice of either monogamous or promiscuous but sequential relationships, people in much of Africa often have a few sexual relationships which overlap for many months or years at a time. The result of this is that entire populations are locked into huge sexual networks which allow the disease to spread rapidly. Notes 225

4 The case of Haiti is instructive. Polly Pattullo (2005) notes how the tourism industry collapsed in the country during the early 1980s once its HIV rates were revealed and US visitors ceased visiting almost overnight. 5 Neither the French Ministère de l’Education nor INSÉE publish any data per- taining to education spending in the DOM, or the percentages of young people that are enrolled in school. This is because, as we noted in the intro- duction to the book, these ‘development’ indicators do not concern the authorities. This is particularly so because comparisons are made generally with the mainland and not other islands in the Caribbean, and in mainland France, there is little interest in breaking such statistics down by department. The only useful information published by the Ministry is the number of stu- dents enrolled at each level in the DOM, and the average spend per pupil (€4,986 or $6,264 at primary level, €8,808 or $11,065 at secondary in 2006). In order to extrapolate some useful data for this table, we have calculated the total spending on education with reference to these French averages, and have also taken them as a percentage of 2006 GDP. 6 There is a margin of error in the figures. Those for St Lucia and St Vincent are approximate: in St Lucia’s case, the figure of $67.3 million is the govern- ment’s own estimate during the 2011 financial year; in St Vincent, the figure is extrapolated from the World Bank Development Indicators database. 7 There are various challenges in compiling comparative demographic data. Much of the information in Table 7.5 comes from different sources, and dates from the mid-2000s. This is because such information is often depen- dent on censuses which occur rarely in the independent Caribbean, and often with heavy time-lags. Second, in France, because of both the indivis- ibility of citizenship and the horrors of the Vichy regime during WWII, the collection of ethnic data has actually been illegal until very recently (2009) when the law was tentatively changed. However it will be some time before accurate – as opposed to estimated – data of the ethnic composition of French society becomes available. 8 The Blancs Matignon are descendants of a group of poor early European set- tlers in Guadeloupe who fled to Grands Fonds in the far west of the island during the bloody reign of Victor Hugues, and who, since that time, have lived as a hermetically-sealed caste. They have done so in great poverty and with the range of afflictions that befall groups where inbreeding is common. They provide an interesting counter-point to the existence of the Békés in Martinique, who are the descendants of slave-owners and still control large sections of the French Caribbean economy. Other white groups include the people of Les Saintes, a pair of islands off of Southern Guadeloupe, who descend directly from seafaring Bretons who came to the Caribbean during the colonial period. Bibliography

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African, Caribbean and Pacific Group Importance of rediscovering critical (ACP), 137, 162 intellectual tradition, 52, Agriculture, 136–44 210–12 Bananas (decline of), 129, 137–44, New World Group, 41–5, 52, 161–2, 201 210–12, 214 Food security (and insecurity), 52, Radical (Neo-Marxist) political 136 economy, 44–6 Implications of agricultural decline, Caribbean Single Market and 142–4, 194, 210 Economy (CSME), 50–1, 125 Import dependency (on processed CARIFORUM, 160–1 foods), 171 Césaire, Aimé, 32, 33, 107, 212 see Rum, 137 also Parti Populaire Martiniquais Airports and aviation Impact upon post-1946 New international airport at Argyle, administrative system, 57–61, St Vincent, 109, 148–9, 151, 67, 99, 165, 206 163 Impetus for decolonisation by ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the integration, 33–4 Americas), 109, 126 ‘Moratorium’ on administrative Anthony, Kenny, 99, 101, 109, 166, status of French Caribbean 175–6 (1981), 61, 101 Antillanité, 61–3 Négritude, 33, 54–7 Assimilation (of French Caribbean), Tension between intellectual anti- 20, 31–2, 35, 59 colonialism and support for Associated Statehood, 27 assimilation, 56, 64–6 Chamoiseau, Patrick, 62–3 Bananas see Agriculture Chirac, Jacques, 103, 165 Békés see race and class Chlordecone, 144, 171 Best, Lloyd, 41, 46, 212 Civil Society, 123–5 Britain, Great see United Kingdom Civilising Mission (mission civilisatrice) see French Capital Punishment see Human Rights Republicanism Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 41, 43, Class see race and class 71 Clientelism (including patronage and Caribbean Community (CARICOM), rent-seeking), 95–6, 98 50–1, 53, 111 Climate Change, 52, 214 Difficulties of building regional Code Noir see colonialism and institutions, 108, 125–7 decolonisation Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ), Colonialism and Decolonisation, 124–5 15–24, 24–34 Caribbean Political Economy, 4–5, British versus French approaches to, 37–46, 85 2, 6, 14, 16–24, 25, 34–5, 73 Distinctive ‘development’ debate in Code Noir,23 French Caribbean, 53–66 Crown Colony system, 26

252 Index 253

Decolonisation by integration in As a ‘deliberate’ development the French Caribbean (1946), strategy in French Caribbean, 14, 19, 33 59–60, 131, 159–60 Impact on contemporary Formal (in French Caribbean) vs development context, 7 Functional (in Anglophone Independence in the Anglophone Caribbean), 6, 201–7 Caribbean, 14 Rentier economy in French Expansion of capitalism under Caribbean, 59, 159, 196 colonialism, 6 Dependency Theory, 41 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) Caribbean variant of see Caribbean see European Union (POSEI) Political Economy (New World Compton, John, 100–1 Group) Constitutional Reform (in Latin American variant, 42–4, 71 St Vincent), 109–11, 202 Underdevelopment, 42 Cotonou Agreement see European Development Union (Preferences) Comparative analysis of, 4 Creolisation, 13 Economic development, definition Créolité, 61–3, 65 of (and importance of growth), Cricket World Cup (2007), 136, 148 83–6 Crime, increasing levels of, 52, 96, ‘Impasse’ in development thought, 134 7, 36, 46–8, 88, 210–12 Drugs, 120–3, 187–91 Modernisation versus Dependency Marijuana Production in St Theory, 46, 70 Vincent, 130, 142–4, 163, Political economy of, 4, 73–6, 78–9 187–9, 195, 200, 202 Political development, definition Violent crime and homicides, 190, of, 79–83 202 Post-1945 ‘development project’, 4 Cruise ships and tourism see Tourism Post-development theory, 69 Role of the state within, 76, 80, 93–8 Daniel, Justin, 59–60, 164 Social development, definition of de Gaulle, Charles, 29 (and human development), Death penalty see Human Rights 86–8, 165–8, 204 Décentralisation see Mitterrand, Within ‘development studies’, 4 François Drugs see crime Debt, 52, 202, 210 Decolonisation see Colonialism and Economic Partnership Agreement Decolonisation (EPA) see European Union Demography see race and class Education, 174–7 Départements d’Outre Mer see French Gender imbalances in, 177 Caribbean Investment in, 174–5 Departmentalisation (1946) see also Literacy and numeracy, 177 Colonialism and Decolonisation Sans diplôme in French Caribbean, Implementation of Law of 1946, 31 176–7, 192–3 Metropolitan investment in Universal secondary education in St Martinique and Guadeloupe, Lucia and St Vincent, 109, 177 31 Elections and electoral politics, 101–7 Dependency Political practice, 108–18 Conceptual significance, 37, 77, Ethnicity see race and class 129–32 Existential Threats see Girvan, Norman 254 Index

European Union (EU) ‘LKP’ and ‘5th February Collective’, Ambiguities/inconsistencies/ 116–18, 124 disjunctures in policy, 157–62, Role played by political 201 disengagement, 107 Development Policy/Preferences, Girvan, Norman, x, 40, 41–2, 125, 212 130, 137–9 Single Development Vision (2006), 50–1 Economic Partnership Agreement Existential Threats and Caribbean (EPA), 51, 124–5, 130–1, 138–9, Development (2010), 51–3 160–2, 201 Glissant, Edouard, 54 Structural Funds (including POSEI), Antillanité, 55, 61–3 97, 105, 139–41, 144, 157–60, Global (financial) Crisis (2008+) 162–3 Enduring hegemony of neoliberalism, 69 Fanon, Frantz, 33, 54, 56, 212 Impact on Caribbean development Food security (and insecurity) see thought and praxis, 51, 131–4, Agriculture 149, 162, 200, 206–7 Frank, Andre Gunder, 44–5 Impact on political economy, 3, 84 French Caribbean political, economic Global Political Economy and governance structures, 96–8 Evolution of, 3 Alienation of population from Gonsalves, Ralph, 99, 109–11, 175–6, political elite, 66, 193 202 Constitutional reform attempts, Governance 111–14, 118 Good governance (in theory), 82–3 Diplomatic engagement with wider Good governance (in Caribbean), Caribbean, 126 118–20 Preoccupation with institutional The broader governance panorama debates, 9, 112, 193 (empirical analysis of), 118–26 Rent-seeking by elites, 58 Grenadian Revolution, 120 Role of public sector and fiscal Failure of, 46, 48 transfers in economy, 153–7, Grey Economy, 186–90, 192–3 204–6 Guadeloupe see French Caribbean Structured inequality in Martinique and Guadeloupe, 127–8, 132, Haiti (St Domingue), 2, 17 134–5, 155–7, 191–4, 196, Revolution in, 19, 21 205 Hay, Colin, 71–3 French Republicanism Health and healthcare, 168–74 Civilising mission and ‘Republican HIV/AIDS, 171–4 Myth’, 20–1, 30–1, 33, 35, 57 Infant mortality, 169–70 French Revolution, 20–1 Investment in, 169 British occupation of Martinique Life expectancy, 169–70 during, 20, 22 Non-communicable diseases (e.g. Impact on Haiti/St Domingue, 20 diabetes), 171 In Guadeloupe, 20, 22 HIV/AIDS see Health and healthcare Longer term significance of, 22, 35 Hollande, François, 107 Homosexuality, 173–4 Ganja see Crime Human Development see General strike in Guadeloupe and Development (Social) Martinique (‘2009 crisis’), 65, Human Rights, 123–5 131–2, 134, 156, 194, 200, 205 Capital punishment, 124 Index 255

Hurricanes Theoretical underpinnings of Dean (2007), 140 industrialisation, 38–40 Tomas (2010), 142 Liberalism Classical, 17 Independence see colonialism and Neoliberalism and Washington decolonisation Consensus, 47–9 Independentism (in French Post-Washington Consensus, Caribbean) 48–51, 69, 82–4, 99–100 Ambiguities of, in context of Lise, Claude, 113, 206 French Caribbean identity, 113, Literacy see Education 114–18 Lomé Agreement see European Union In Martinique see Mouvement (Preferences) Indépendantiste Martiniquais Lurel, Victorin, 107, 114, 118 Lack of salience, in Guadeloupe, 99, Lyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon (LKP) see 104, 115–16 General Strike in Guadeloupe and Links with Creole cultural critique, Martinique 63 Industrial Revolution, 17 Marie-Jeanne, Alfred, 99, 107, 113, ‘Industrialisation by Invitation’ see 118 Caribbean Political Economy and Marijuana see Crime Lewis, W. Arthur Martinique see French Caribbean International Monetary Fund (IMF), Marx, Karl, 72–3 47–8 Merchant capital, dominance of in International Political Economy (IPE), Caribbean economies, 39, 130 1, 2 Methodology, 8–10 ‘Critical’ IPE, 4 Ontology and Epistemology, 78 ‘Everyday IPE’, 3 Migration, 181–6 Implications of study for IPE (e.g. Intra-Caribbean migration (inc. small states/Caribbean Haitians in Martinique and debates), 199, 208–14 Guadeloupe), 103, 185–6 Rethinking development within Links to grey economy, 185 IPE, 68–9, 212–14 Métropolitains in Martinique and see also Caribbean Political Guadeloupe, 184–5 Economy Push and pull factors, 181–3 Remittances, 183–4 Jamaica, 2 Millennium Development Goals James, CLR, 15, 212 (MDGs), 10 Mitterrand, François Keynes, John Maynard, 38 Décentralisation reforms (1980s), 60, 97, 99, 101, 104 Le Pen, Jean-Marie (and Front Monroe Doctrine (1823) see United National), 103, 105 States Letchimy, Serge, 107 Mouvement Indépendantiste Levitt, Kari Polanyi, 41 Martiniquais (MIM), 99–100, Lewis, Gordon K., 1, 13, 18 104–5, 107, 114, 127 Lewis, W. Arthur, 38–40, 83, 143 Defeat in 2010 Regional Elections, Failure of real-world 118 industrialisation experiments, Moyne Report see West Indies Royal 40–4 Commission 256 Index

Napoleonic Empire, 16, 20 Réno, Fred, 60 Napoleon III, 23 Rentier economies see Dependency Négritude see Césaire, Aimé Revenu Minimum d’Insertion (RMI), New Democratic Party (NDP 165 – St Vincent), 99 Rodney, Walter, 45 New International Economic Order Rum see Agriculture (NIEO), 42 New World Group see Caribbean Sarkozy, Nicolas, 107, 117, 156, 186 Political Economy Attempts at défiscalisation, 156–7 Neoliberalism see Liberalism St Domingue see Haiti Security, 120–3 Octroi de Mer, 59, 158, 162 Seven Years War, 2, 16 Offshore Finance, 152–3 Slavery, 6, 15 Organisation of Eastern Caribbean Abolition of, 16–18, 21–3, 25 States (OECS), 126–7 Re-establishment of in French Caribbean by Napoleon, 22–3 Parti Populaire Martiniquais (PPM), Small states (SIDS) 58–9, 100, 104, 107, 127, 206 Theoretical debates about, 3, 76–8, Patronage see clientelism 130, 208–9 Payne, Anthony, x, 48, 74, 108 Smith, Adam, 17, 21 Plantation Soviet Union, 24 Endurance of structures of beyond Stiglitz, Joseph, 49 colonial era, 23, 34, 46, 85, Structure and Agency, 3, 71–3 97–8, 129, 134, 163, 187, 201, History as structure, 13–14, 73 211 Suffrage Relationship with capitalism, 14, 207 Extension of franchise in British System of colonial production, 15, Caribbean, 18 17–18, 21, 207 Extension of franchise and Theory of plantation economy citizenship in French (Lloyd Best and Kari Levitt), Caribbean, 23 41–2 Sugar Post-Washington Consensus see Relationship with slavery, 2, 207 Liberalism Poverty Stagnation between emancipation Thomas, Clive, 43–5 and decolonisation, 23, 25, 28, Tourism, 130, 146–52 34 Ambiguities as a development strategy, 146, 149–52, 202 Race and class Constraints in Martinique and Demography and difference, Guadeloupe, 149–50 178–81 Constraints in St Vincent, 148–9 Links between race and class, Cruise tourism, 147–8, 152 15–16, 180 ‘Eco’ tourism, 151 White Creoles (Békés), 20, 22, Expansion of in St Lucia, 132, 148, 29–30, 32, 35, 103, 116, 137, 163, 200 140, 151–2, 156, 159, 163, 196, Impact of global financial crisis 205, 211 upon, 133, 146 Regionalism and regional integration Trusteeship (of small colonial see CARICOM territories), 24, 26, 28 Index 257

Underdevelopment see Dependency Vulnerability Theory Conceptual debates and Unemployment and significance, 76–7, 208–9 Underemployment Difficulties of alleviation, 39 As chronic affliction of Caribbean Practical impact on Caribbean agriculture, 38–9 territories and economies, 37, In contemporary Anglophone 130, 133, 162, 202–3 Caribbean, 132–3 In French Caribbean, 133–4, 191–2 Washington Consensus see Liberalism Links to grey economy, 186–90 West Indies Federation, 27, 35, 125 Union Générale des Travailleurs West Indian Commission (1992), Guadeloupéens (UGTG), 99, 115, 48–9 149 West Indies Royal Commission United Kingdom (1937–8), 28 Imperial decline, 34 Westminster Model United Nations, 24–5, 167 Deficiencies of, 101–3, 127 Resolutions 1514 and 1541 on Implantation in Anglophone decolonisation, 25, 27 Caribbean, 29, 95, 108, 111 United States Role in sustaining democratic Abhorrence of Empire, 26 practice, 109 Act of Havana (1940), 26 Theories of, 93–4 Dominance/hegemony in Wilberforce, William, 17 20th Century, 24, 34 Williams, Eric, 212 Influence over Caribbean, 46–8 World Bank, 47–8 Monroe Doctrine (1823), 24 Time to Choose and Towards a New United Workers Party (UWP Agenda for Growth, 49–50 – St Lucia), 99, 108 Relationship with ‘good Unity Labour Party (ULP – St Lucia), governance’ agenda, 82–4, 119 108 World Trade Organisation (WTO) Université des Antilles, 177 Banana Trade War, 137, 162 University of the West Indies (UWI), Doha Round, collapse of, 161 x, xi World War II, 24 Challenges of access to, 176 Impact on European Empires, 26 Political economy debates within, Vichy regime in French Caribbean, 5, 37, 41–4 29–31

Vichy regime see World War II Youth, vulnerability of, 191–4