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Home , French West Indies, Guadeloupe

Journal of Archaeology Copyright 2004 ISSN 1524-4776

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE FRENCH CARIBBEAN: AN INTRODUCTION TO A SPECIAL VOLUME OF THE JOURNAL OF CARIBBEAN ARCHAEOLOGY

Kenneth G. Kelly Department of Anthropology University of Columbia SC 29208, USA [email protected]

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The Caribbean region has seen a projects too numerous to mention, throughout tremendous growth in historical archaeology the Caribbean, with only a few areas excepted over the past 40 years. From important, (for an example of the coverage, see the although isolated beginnings in , at papers in Farnsworth 2001 and Haviser 1999). Port Royal and Spanish Town and Montpelier (Mayes 1972; Mathewson 1972, 1973; Not only have nearly all of the Higman 1974, 1998), in at Newton Caribbean been the focus of at least some Cemetery (Handler and Lange 1978), and historical archaeology, but also the types of elsewhere in the Caribbean, the field has historical archaeological research have been expanded at a phenomenal rate. The late diverse. Thus, studies of both industry and 1970s and the early 1980s saw the initiation of labor have been conducted on , several important long-term studies, including and cotton in the Greater and Norman Barka’s -wide focus on rural Lesser . Military fortifications have and urban life in the Dutch territory of St. been documented and explored in many areas. Eustatius (Barka 1996), Kathleen Deagan’s Urban residential and commercial sites have multi-year project at Puerto Real and the been investigated, and ethnic minorities neighboring site of En Bas Saline in Haïti within the dominant class, such as Jewish and (Deagan 1995), Douglas Armstrong’s work at Irish populations, have been the focus of Drax Hall, Jamaica (Armstrong 1985, 1990), research programs. But probably the greatest and Lydia Pulsipher’s decades-long work on of archaeological research has been (Pulsipher 1991; Pulsipher and focused on the history and experiences of Goodwin 2001), to name a few of the most African and African-descended populations of important. Subsequently, the mid 1980s to the the region. Archaeological work initially late 1990s have witnessed a proliferation of explored the conditions endured by enslaved

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 1 Introduction Kelly

Africans on the plantations of Barbados, factor, although not to a degree that it has Jamaica, Montserrat, and other islands. prohibited US historical archaeologists from Furthermore, this research has investigated working in Dutch, Spanish, or (formerly) more than simply the conditions of Danish territories. , but has looked at the creation and Reviewing the scope of historical maintenance of African Caribbean identities archaeology as practiced in the Caribbean through architecture, the use of space, reveals that one colonial sphere is foodways, and artifact choice. A recent conspicuous in its absence: . The lack development in historical archaeological of historical archaeological research on French research is the inclusion of the lives of or formerly French islands is remarkable, African and African-descended people in particularly when the antiquity of French other settings, such as free villages after colonization in the region is considered. emancipation (Armstrong 2001; Haviser French colonies were established in 1999; Kelly and Armstrong 1991), as well as and in the , and free villages that were established and a significant French presence took official maintained by self emancipated individuals in possession of St. Domingue (the western the face of the dominant slave holding portion of ) in 1697. Thus, societies (Agorsah 1994; Weik 1997). These major French colonies in the region are Maroon settlements are important as broadly contemporaneous with English efforts reminders that not all Africans and African- in Barbados, St. Kitts, and others in the Lesser descended people accepted survival in slavery, Antilles, as well as Jamaica in the Greater but struggled to contest the institution by Antilles. Furthermore, although the French living outside of it. possessions were part of the same general enslaved labor-based plantation economy as Colonial origins the British islands, they exhibited significant differences as well as similarities. The French For the most part, the important historical islands of the followed a archaeological trends outlined above have similar trajectory to those under English rule, been conducted in the Anglophone Caribbean, with the initial occupation based upon small- on islands that for some or all of their history scale production of tobacco using the labor of were colonial outposts of England. No doubt indentured servants. However, as in their this is in part due to the fact that even in the English neighbors, the profitability of sugar early 21st century, historical archaeology is produced by enslaved labor soon led to the still most closely associated with the United rapid installation of sugar plantations in the States, and the US was until the late 18th areas that were most suitable. Other century, also a colonial outpost of Great commodities were also produced, including Britain. This common history facilitates cotton, indigo (discussed below by Xavier comparison and contrast between different Rousseau and Yolande Vrager), and by the moments of the same colonial world. The early 18th century, coffee. Thus as the 18th language of colonial documentation is also a century developed, Martinique and

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 2 Introduction Kelly

Guadeloupe both saw the growth of plantation abolition decree, re-establishing slavery in all agriculture such that by the last decades of the French possessions. The uprising in St. century, they were between them home to over Domingue had progressed beyond the ability 200,000 enslaved people. of the French to enforce the new , and by 1804 the newly independent nation of Haïti Meanwhile, the colony of St. Domingue was created. In Guadeloupe, slavery was re- rocketed to prominence in the 18th century, as established, and was to continue for nearly sugar and coffee estates were established first half a century, until the final and lasting in the fertile northern plains and adjoining abolition of slavery in 1848, whereas, in mountains, and then later in the western Martinique, slavery continued uninterrupted region, and finally in the south. An indication until 1848. of the rapidity of growth in St. Domingue is seen in the numbers. By 1790, St. Domingue Despite these extraordinary histories, the was home to over half a million enslaved main former French colonies have not seen people, a significant proportion of which was the development of historical archaeology that African born. The colony produced more has occurred on other islands. Delpuech sugar, rum, coffee, indigo, and cotton than did (2001) discusses the lack of historical any other island, and its production, combined archaeology in the French (the with that of Guadeloupe and Martinique, departements of Guadeloupe and Martinique), outpaced that of all the British Caribbean noting that Martinique did not have a Service colonies combined. Clearly, the French Régional d’Archéologie (SRA) [government Antilles were important. office of archaeology] until 1986, and that Guadeloupe did not get its SRA until 1992. The late 18th and 19th century however Thus the governmental infrastructure to record brought about some of the most significant and manage archaeological sites was not in differences between the French islands and place until quite recently. With the those controlled by the British. In 1789 the establishment of these offices, archaeological began, and in 1791 St. research of all sorts, particularly historical Domingue was the scene of a massive revolt archaeology, has grown dramatically (see also by the enslaved population, centered on the Kelly 2002). northern plain of the colony. This revolt, combined with evolving ideas of the rights of It is therefore in the setting of these man taking place in France, and political and fascinating histories of the Caribbean that we military expediency, led to the abolition of see the arrival of important archaeological slavery in all French possessions in 1794. work on a variety of historic sites. The papers However, the British had already occupied in this issue of The International Journal of Martinique, so abolition did not occur there, Caribbean Archaeology point out some of the although it did in St. Domingue and directions research in the Francophone regions Guadeloupe. Yet eight years later, the new of the Caribbean is going. Papers in this government of rescinded the collection include ethnoarchaeological work,

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 3 Introduction Kelly studies of the industrial components of sugar concerns that governed their placement. This and indigo plantations, military fortifications, study identified 180 sites including isolated and the bioarchaeological study of a probable batteries, forts, and other defensive or military African Guadeloupean cemetery. The work sites such as camps. The site inventory, reported in these papers includes Guadeloupe undertaken as part of the program to improve and its dependency of Marie Galante, the Carte Archéologique de la France (French Martinique, and Guyane. All of these papers Archaeological Site Map) provides a were originally presented at the Society for management tool to safeguard the vestiges of Historical Archaeology Annual Meeting in this aspect of colonial history. But the paper City, held in January of 2000. This is more than a management tool: Verrand meeting proved to be particularly important uses locational data subdivided into four for historical archaeology in the , as periods to develop an understanding of the it introduced many English speakers to the strategies and concerns that guided the wealth of relevant research being undertaken construction of military sites at different times by our francophone colleagues. during the colonial period. She finds that the data indicate a progressive mastery of the For the reader, a brief local terrain, including the identification of summary of each of the papers is provided strategic points and natural defenses, and that below, allowing others an insight to some of these can be understood in view of the the most current historical archaeological changing nature of perceived threats over research of the French Caribbean. The time. Some interesting overall observations summaries will begin with the papers that are that about 15% of the fortification sites address the islands of the French Caribbean, were used ten years or less, and only 5 were in first Martinique, then Guadeloupe and Marie- use for more than 150 years. Furthermore, the Galante. The final summary will discuss the mean length of use was 55 years. Also paper on the archaeology of a plantation in interesting is the observation than most of the Guyane. Although located on the north coast fortifications were adjacent to the coast, and of , the slavery-based focused on defending against sea-borne plantation economies of Guyane place it threats, and only 25% of all fortifications were firmly within the Caribbean region. located more than 500 m from the sea.

The Papers The analysis of fortifications over four Martinique periods reveals some interesting developments that not otherwise have been apparent. The paper by Laurence Verrand on The first period, 1635-1700, shows a primary military fortifications of Martinique between concern with defending the nascent colony 1635 and 1845 makes extensive use of from pirate and Indian raids, and not cartographic data from a series of fundamentally with a concern that inter- contemporary maps to chart the evolution of European conflict would spill over to the fortifications on the island, and the changing Caribbean arena. Thus, fortifications are

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 4 Introduction Kelly concentrated around the harbor of Saint- regions of the island were intensified. Pierre, with only three batteries located on However the experience of invasion and other parts of the coast. Of these, two were occupation led to the construction of the first overlooking the large bay at Fort Royal. The interior fort, as threats could now be gradual establishment of fortifications away envisioned on land. Furthermore, concern from Saint-Pierre is indicative of the growing over the possibility of slave revolts compelled population and importance of the other a shift from a strictly maritime concern to one regions of the island, and the eventual of terrestrial security. However, the threat of relocation of the governmental functions to slave revolts led to the establishment of much the town of Fort Royal. more ephemeral camps, as the utility of permanent fortifications was not seen to be The second period of Verrand’s study, essential for that threat. 1700-1750, reveals several interesting trends. The final period, between 1803 and 1848, The number of fortifications increased saw yet another occupation by the British dramatically, with the eight of the earlier from 1809-1814. Coastal defense remained a period being augmented by an additional 59. priority, although a concern with the The region of Saint Pierre remained heavily possibility of slave revolts meant that defended, despite the new center of garrisons were maintained in the interior as administration at Fort Royal. Also well. The inland installations were situated in demonstrating a significant departure from the elevated portions of the interior, reflecting the earlier period, batteries were established concern with the health of the troops. Camps encircling the entire island. This was clearly in the hills were less susceptible to the tropical associated with the increasing importance of ailments that frequently crippled colonial the colony as the sugar industry expanded, and soldiers, and it was hoped that these camps as the population doubled during this period. would provide better opportunities for All of the defenses were located along the acclimatization. coast, and significant use was made of natural barriers and features such as reefs, cliffs, The paper by Laurence Verrand and swamps, and thorny or toxic plants to help Nathalie Vidal, “Les Fours à chaux de secure some sectors without the expenditure Martinique,” addresses archaeological and of manpower or money. ethnoarchaeological research on Martinique. The fours à chaux, or lime kilns, provided an The third period, 1750-1802, includes the important resource for colonial Martinique. Seven Years War, and the wars associated Lime was an important ingredient in mortar with the French Revolution. During this time and plaster for construction of buildings, Martinique suffered several invasions by the fortifications, bridges, and wharves, and also British, including occupations in 1762-3 and played an essential role in the sugar industry, 1794-1802. As before, fortifications were where it was used for purging impurities from, concentrated in the regions of Saint Pierre and and clarifying the syrup. The justification for Fort Royal, and the fortifications of other the ethnoarchaeological study is that the

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 5 Introduction Kelly traditional means of lime burning are dying been confirmed by field visits. Their out, and within the past decade, they have condition varies from reasonably well ceased to be practiced. This study combines preserved, to seriously impacted, by field ethhnoarchaeology, historical research, and cultivation and urban growth in particular. archaeology in an effort to preserve and record the skills and techniques used in this activity, Historical study and to document how and where it was practiced on the island. During the 17th century, the nature of the enterprise underwent changes, Lime kilns are typically built against a from a tobacco-based economy to a reliance slope to facilitate loading from carts or on sugar by the end of the century. The wagons. A fire would be laid through an demand for lime for sugar is one factor that opening in of an inverted cone- led to an increase in lime kilns. However, shaped structure approximately 3-4 m tall, and another important factor was the changing the load would be dumped into the structure nature of the colonial presence. As through the open top. This style is virtually Martinique became a more important colony, unchanged from that documented by Labat in the need for durable stone and masonry the 17th century. In recent times shell fortifications increased, and the potential has been used, but in historic times shell or threats from hurricanes and urban fires led to a coral would be used. Coral could be acquired greater demand for durable masonry shops from shallow reefs, or mined from fossil coral and homes. During the 18th century they deposits inland. The kiln is charged with care, became more numerous, and some estates to insure that the fire will not burn too long, became specialist producers of lime, either destroying the lime, or too short, leaving exclusively, or in conjunction with pottery. unburned charcoal in the lime material. The Yet other estates maintained lime kilns as average duration of the burn is 3 day and auxiliary activities to provide for their sugar nights, or about 72 hours. processing need. In the 19th century, lime burning continued to be practiced, although Archaeological study there are hints that specialist production may have been taken over by persons of color. Kilns are found in two primary zones, depending upon the source material they were Guadeloupe set up to use. Some are located in the interior, The next two papers shift to the where terrestrial fossil coral deposits were neighboring island of Guadeloupe and its used, and others are located along the shore in dependency of Marie-Galante. The first of areas where shallow reefs are present, to take these papers, by Xavier Rousseau and advantage of that material source. Based upon Yolande Vragar, “Les indigoteries de Marie- historical cartographic evidence, 79 kiln sites Galante” addresses an often overlooked aspect dating between the 17th and 20th centuries are of colonial agriculture, the production of known. The presence of 53 of these sites has indigo. Although sugar, and to a lesser extent

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 6 Introduction Kelly coffee, are the most well known Caribbean ferment, and the dye-carrying water drained cultivars, other agricultural products, such as off into a settling tank. The series of basins cotton, tobacco, and indigo played an are built in a stair step fashion, to allow important role in the Caribbean economy at gravity to permit water to drain from one various times. Indigo was a significant basin into the next. In most cases a well was product on Guadeloupe during the late 17th found nearby the series of basins, as century, with more than 100 indigo considerable quantities of water are essential plantations (indigoteries) noted on to the processing of indigo. The wells in the Guadeloupe and its dependencies in 1686. Capesterre de Marie-Galante region tap water Marie-Galante and the Grande-Terre portion in subterranean galleries in the karst of Guadeloupe were the main zones of geology. Several of the indigoterie remains production, due to environmental conditions were cleared of vegetation, and drawings and including hot and relatively poorly watered photographs were made to allow the local conditions, relatively constant winds and development of a typology of the ruins. The their drying effect, and the presence of porous most simple consist of a single series of coraline limestone bedrock. basins, and the more complex consist of two series of basins so production could alternate This study focuses on the identification between the two, permitting uninterrupted and historical study of indigoterie remains on production. Marie-Galante, in the region known as les Galets de Capesterre, which was unsuitable It is hoped that this study will eventually for the production of other crops. As many as be expanded to Grande-Terre, where indigo 86 indigoteries may have been active on was also produced, to record existing sites, Marie-Galante by the second decade of the and document similarities or differences. 18th century. Yet by the 1730s the production of indigo on Marie-Galante had declined in The paper by Patrice Courtaud and the face of competition from the growing Thomas Romon, “Le Site d’Anse Sainte- colony of Saint Domingue. An archaeological Marguerite…” discusses their work at an survey of indigo processing sites in Capesterre extensive cemetery site on the northeast coast de Marie-Galante was conducted in 1997 and of Grande-Terre, in the of 1998 with the goal of identifying and Guadeloupe. Although this site had been recording extant sites, and better known since at least 1973, all the understanding the process of indigo archaeological remains identified had been production on Marie-Galante. In 1997 four associated with prehistoric occupations. two- and three-day visits identified the However, work in 1994 identified the remains of 11 indigoteries, and further visits presence of historic period burials, indicated in 1998 recorded six more. The indigoterie by inhumations in coffins. Following sites are characterized by the presence of one hurricanes in 1995, which threatened the site, or more series of masonry basins in which the a program of excavation was undertaken in indigo plant material was placed, allowed to several of the highest risk areas. Eighteen

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 7 Introduction Kelly burials were excavated and are reported on in de Prospérité en Guyane Français” presents a this paper, and all date to the historic period synthesis of historical archaeological research based upon the presence of nails indicating conducted at the site of Loyola, a 17th and 18th wooden coffins. All the burials, except one century Jesuit sugar plantation in the French infant, were interred with their heads to the departement of Guyane. Although most west. The majority of the burials were single plantations in Guyane were marginal individuals, although at least one was a operations, the Jesuits were generally very primary burial of an adult and an infant. successful due to their organization and the Several burials were the locations of multiple resources they possessed. The impressive interments, where a second individual was stone ruins of the great house, hospital, forge, interred in a location previously occupied. In pottery factory, gardens, and chapel still these cases, the remains of the first individual present at Loyola are a testimony to this power were re-interred alongside the more recent and economic organization. burial. Grave goods were not present in any of the burials, except for a single ceramic vase The estate was established in the middle of foot, which was buried between one coffin the 17th century, and by 1674 the Jesuits had and the edge of the grave shaft. Clothing was transformed Loyola into an exemplary sugar indicated by the presence of bone and shell plantation, which would eventually buttons in the region of the pelvis and lumbar encompass 1500 hectares in 1720, and be the vertebrae. Studies of the pathologies present largest sugar producer in Guyane, staffed with on the skeletal remains indicate a high over 400 enslaved workers. However, by the incidence of arthritis and dental caries. 1740s the plantation was in decline, with sugar processing moved to a different estate, Based upon the number of burials, the and the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1763 location far from any known historic chapel, led to the estate’s final abandonment by 1769. and morphological characteristics of the skeletons, it is hypothesized that this cemetery Six years of archaeological research at the was used for persons of African descent. Habitation de Loyola have produced results Given the dating of the site, from the middle including the identification of the animal of the 18th to the middle of the 19th century, it powered sugar mill and the purgerie, where is likely that they were enslaved Africans and cane juice was boiled, concentrated, clarified, their descendants. crystallized, and placed in sugar forms. An abundance of stone in one corner suggests the Guyane location of the chimney. The ruins of the chapel indicate a modest building built of The final paper in this collection changes stone and wood. Adjacent to the chapel is the our focus from the island Départements of area believed to have been for the burial of Martinique and Guadeloupe to South baptized slaves. Excavations here showed America. Nathalie Croteau, in her article that the deceased were oriented with their “L’Habitation de Loyola: Un Rare Example heads to the east, and were buried in shrouds.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 8 Introduction Kelly

At the center of the plantation, to the west of enslaved. The industrial forms include sugar the religious complex, were the great house, forms and molasses drip jars, signifying the kitchen, and garden. The great house was importance of sugar on this estate. Iron placed to take advantage of breezes to temper objects recovered from adjacent to the forge the heat, and also to provide a view over the are primarily agricultural implements. fields. The house is an example of Creole style, built of wood and on stone footings. The results of this work show the The kitchen consisted of two rooms, one with importance and organization of the Loyola a hearth, bread oven, and cooking area for plantation. It is an unusual site in that the food preparation. Numerous culinary entire plantation production complex is well ceramics also confirm this function. The preserved and dates to such an early period. It other room in the building may have served as was a disappointment to the researchers that the hospital. Other outbuildings include the slave village was not found, and that the storerooms, and a forge with many discarded experiences of the enslaved workers could not iron objects, probably stockpiled for reuse. be addressed, other than through their industrial production of pottery and iron tools. Material culture recovered at Loyola is limited to non-organic objects. Nails, tiles, In summary, these five articles provide an bricks, and other objects are witness to the important introduction to historical construction techniques of the era. The archaeology in several regions of the French excavation of two midden areas near the Caribbean world. The breadth of research kitchen yielded a considerable quantity of presented in these papers, ranging from survey imported ceramics, including faience and to excavation data, and from Chinese porcelain that indicate the status of ethnoarchaeology, to industrial archaeology, the Jesuits, as well as the complexity of trade to plantation archaeology, and to relations that impacted Guyane. Most bioarchaeology, is encouraging. It is clear numerous however, are locally produced from the results presented here that historical ceramics. This is not surprising because the archaeological research has a great potential in Jesuits had a pottery on site, staffed by 14 the , and that the results of enslaved potters. Thirteen vessel forms have work undertaken in this area is bound to have been identified, broadly grouped into domestic substantial impacts on our understanding of and industrial classes. The domestic includes the complexity and diversity of experience in cooking pots and bowls, indicating liquid the colonial world of the Caribbean. based foodways. Many of the vessels are large, suggesting that cooking may have been References Cited centralized for the 400 enslaved workers of the estate. This suggests that the Jesuits may Agorsah, E. Kofi, ed. have been among the rare slaveowners who 1994 Maroon Heritage: Archaeological, Ethnographic, and Historical Perspectives. followed the dictates of the that Kingston, JA: Canoe Press. required the plantation to supply food for the Armstrong, Douglas V.

Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, Special Publication # 1, 2004 9 Introduction Kelly

1985 An Afro-Jamaican Slave Settlement: Higman, Barry W. Archaeological Investigations at Drax Hall. In The 1974 A Report on Excavations at Montpelier and Archaeology of Slavery Plantation Life. Theresa A. Roehampton. Jamaica Journal 8(1-2):40-45. Singleton, ed. Pp. 261-287. San Diego: Academic 1998 Montpelier, Jamaica: A Plantation Community Press. in Slavery and Freedom, 1739-1912. Kingston, 1990 The Old Village and the Great House: An Jamaica: The Press University of the West Indies. Archaeological and Historical Examination of Kelly, Kenneth G. Drax Hall Plantation, St. Ann's Bay, Jamaica. 2002 “African Diaspora Archaeology in Guadeloupe, Urbana: University of Illinois Press. French West Indies.” Antiquity, 76 June 2002:333- 2001 A Venue for Autonomy: Archaeology of a 334. Changing Cultural , the East End Kelly, Kenneth, and Douglas V. Armstrong Community, St. John, . In Island 1991 Archaeological Investigations of a 19th Century Lives: Historical Archaeologies of the Caribbean. Free Slave House, Seville Estate, St. Ann's, P. Farnsworth, ed. Pp. 142-164. Tuscaloosa: Jamaica. Proceedings of the Thirteenth University of Alabama Press. International Congress for Caribbean Barka, Norman F. Archaeology, 1991, pp. 429-435. 1996 Citizens of St. Eustatius, 1781: A Historical and Mathewson, R. Duncan Archaeological Study. In The Lesser Antilles in the 1972 Jamaican Ceramics: An Introduction to 18th Age of European Expansion. R.L. Paquette and Century Folk Pottery in West African Tradition. S.L. Engerman, eds. Pp. 223-238. Gainesville: Jamaica Journal 6(2):54-56. University Press of Florida. 1973 Archaeological Analysis of Material Culture as Deagan, Kathleen, ed. a Reflection of Sub-Cultural Differentiation in 18th 1995 Puerto Real: The Archaeology of a Sixteenth- Century Jamaica. Jamaica Journal 7(1-2):25 -29. Century Spanish Town in . Gainsville: Mayes, Philip1972 Port Royal Jamaica Excavations University Press of Florida. 1969-70. Kingston: Jamaica National Trust Delpuech, André Commission. 2001 Historical Archaeology in the French West Pulsipher, Lydia M. Indies: Recent Research in Guadeloupe. In Island 1991 Galways Plantation, Montserrat. In Seeds of Lives: Historical Archaeologies of the Caribbean. Change. H.J. Viola and C. Margolis, eds. Pp. 139- P. Farnsworth, ed. Pp. 21-59. Tuscaloosa: 159. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution University of Alabama Press. Press. Farnsworth, Paul, ed. Pulsipher, Lydia M., and Conrad "Mac" Goodwin 2001 Island Lives: Historical Archaeologies of the 2001 "Getting the Essence of It:" Galways Caribbean. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Plantation, Montserrat, West Indies. In Island Press. Lives: Historical Archaeologies of the Caribbean. Handler, Jerome S., and Frederick Lange P. Farnsworth, ed. Pp. 165-203. Tuscaloosa: 1978 Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An University of Alabama Press. Archaeological and Historical Investigation. Weik, Terry Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1997 The Archaeology of Maroon Societies in the Haviser, Jay B. Americas: Resistance, Cultural Continuity, and 1999 Identifying a Post-Emancipation (1863-1940) Transformation in the African Diaspora. Historical African-Curaçaoan Material Culture Assemblage. Archaeology 31(2):81-92. In African Sites Archaeology in the Caribbean. J.B. Haviser, ed. Pp. 221-263. Princeton, NJ: Markus Weiner Publishers. Haviser, Jay B., ed. 1999 African Sites: Archaeology in the Caribbean. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers.

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