Durham E-Theses Crisis and Prosperity: Status, Accountability and Time in Central Greece KNIGHT, DANIEL,MARTYN How to cite: KNIGHT, DANIEL,MARTYN (2011) Crisis and Prosperity: Status, Accountability and Time in Central Greece, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/896/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Abstract Crisis and Prosperity: Status, Accountability and Time in Central Greece Daniel Martyn Knight Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology Department of Anthropology Durham University This thesis is concerned with how people negotiate periods of socio-economic crisis and prosperity in the town of Trikala, Thessaly, central Greece. Localised understandings of the global economic crisis are analysed in relation to history, social status and concepts of time. The complex interaction between people within global and local economic networks is also emphasised. It is argued that certain historical periods are crucial to Trikalini conceptualisations of the current economic crisis. Specific past events significantly inform understandings of the present crisis through what is termed ‘cultural proximity’. This is the notion that previous times of social and economic turmoil, apparently distant points in time, are embodied within the context of the present. Some past epochs of prosperity and crisis have proved more significant than others in shaping contemporary crisis experience. As accounts of the Great Famine of 1941-1943 are brought to the fore by the current economic crisis, concepts of lineal time and the nationalisation of critical events must be interrogated. How economic crisis affects perceptions of social status, mobility and political accountability in Trikala are also explored. Such perceptions are further informed by the consequences of past local and national level crises and the uneven incorporation of capitalist trends in central Greece. Through the exploration of cultural economic patterns and the social significance of historical events, the impacts of economic crisis in Trikala are explored. By examining accounts of crisis in Trikala, the case is made for understanding crisis trends with global implications within the context of cultural repertoires and historical frameworks. Trikala thus becomes a microcosm through which to conceptualise the current economic crisis in Europe. 1 Crisis and Prosperity: Status, Accountability and Time in Central Greece Daniel Martyn Knight A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology Department of Anthropology Durham University Dr Stephen M. Lyon, Supervisor Dr Elisabeth Kirtsoglou, Supervisor January 2011 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements 7 Chapter One: Theoretical Overview 9 Economic Anthropology in Greece: why Trikala, why economics? 11 A Note on Theoretical Direction 15 The Current Greek Economic Crisis of 2008-present 18 Recurrent Themes of Analysis 23 Public Representation and Blame 23 Cultural Proximity 26 Patronage at Play: a Trikalini context 31 Social Change 38 Chapter Overview 47 Chapter Two: Introduction and Research Methods 52 Introduction: setting the research scene 52 A note on Trikala 52 Trikala: Getting Around 58 Spaces of Socialisation 60 A Note on Livadi 65 Livelihoods in Trikala 67 Cultural Identification in Trikala 71 Research Methods 74 Methods of Data Collection 77 Living with a Family in the Field 85 Informant Base: butcher, baker, candlestick maker 90 3 Chapter Three: A Brief History of Crisis in Thessaly since 1881, Part One: 1881-1950 92 Great Estates and a Change in Social Relations 94 Agrarian Reforms: 1917 onwards 102 The Impact of the Refugees on Land Reform 107 The Economic Crisis of 1929-1932 110 The Turmoil of the 1940s Part One: occupation and famine 115 The Turmoil of the 1940s Part Two: Civil War 121 Economic Ruins of the 1940s 131 Chapter Four: A Brief History of Crisis in Thessaly since 1881 Part Two: Post Civil War until the Present Day 135 The Military Junta 1967-1974 135 European Community Integration 137 The Liberal Spending of the 1990s: rise and fall of the Greek stock markets – Trikala, Greece, the World 143 Conclusions: History of Crisis 1881-2000 152 Chapter Five: Theorising Crisis 155 Placing Economic Crisis in a Theoretical Context 155 Opportunism at Times of Economic Crisis 160 Marxist Understandings of Crisis 166 Regional Crisis and Social Change 170 Local Reactions to the Regional Crisis of 2008-present 179 Chapter Six: Depictions of Crisis in the Public Sphere: Observable Phenomena 184 The Public Sphere 184 4 Escapism, Collective Suffering and Victimisation in the Public Sphere 199 Discussing Accountability and Blame in the Public Sphere 203 Representing and Evoking Crisis in the Public Sphere: how is it portrayed? 218 Conclusions 224 Chapter Seven: Time, Crisis and Social Memory (Cultural Proximity) 229 Crisis and Collective Memory 231 Michel Serres, Time and Cultural Proximity 237 Dimitris Psathas and Dimitra Papafotis 245 Food and Crisis in Trikala 254 Conclusion 258 Chapter Eight: Social Status and Mobility in Trikala 260 Perceptions of Social Status – prosperity and crisis 264 Brief Historical Notes 264 Introductory Notes 267 The Lower Section 270 The Upper Section 276 Theoretical Ponderings 282 „Show Me the Money‟: cars, clothes and holidays as social status 287 Status and Prestige through Generations, Reputation and Social Networks 300 A Further Note on Education 315 The Consequences of Crisis 320 Notes in Conclusion 328 Chapter Nine: Conclusions: Socio-Economic Patterns, Crisis and Proximity 329 Local Patterns, Global Crisis 333 „The Greek Crisis‟ as Political Trope 337 5 A Final Remark on Cultural Proximity and the Role of History 341 Bibliography 345 List of Illustrations Map.1. The location of Thessaly periphery and Trikala prefecture in Greece 54 Map.2. The four prefectures of Thessaly and their principle urban centres 54 Map.3. Trikala prefecture 55 Picture.1. Greek Orthodox Church and Ottoman Kursum Tzami 56 Picture.2. Setting up for another day‟s trade: early morning on Asklipiou 63 Picture.3. Monday market in central Trikala 63 Pictute.4. Examples of mid-summer sales on Asklipiou (1) 226 Picture.5. Examples of mid-summer sales on Asklipiou (2) 226 Statement of Copyright “The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without the prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged.” 6 Acknowledgements Many people have contributed to the successful completion of this thesis. Their influence has been both academic and personal, although the two can rarely be separated. My deepest appreciation goes to Stavroula Pipyrou who has been a constant source of strength and intellectual stimulation. Her unconditional care and support have contributed to an enjoyable writing up period. Her commitment and encouragement have been integral over the course of many years. On the academic front there are many people who have significantly contributed to the final outcome of this thesis. In Durham, my primary supervisor Dr Stephen M. Lyon has been a permanent source of personal motivation and intellectual support. His constant presence has reassured me at difficult times during the writing up process and his perpetual enthusiasm for my work has been priceless. For this I am forever indebted. Dr Elisabeth Kirtsoglou first introduced me to the discipline of social anthropology after I originally went to University of Wales, Lampeter to study archaeology. Within six months I was „converted‟ to anthropology in no small part due to the dedication of Dr Kirtsoglou. She has provided further support and encouragement in her role as supervisor at Durham. A special acknowledgment must also be given to Dr Àngels Trias i Valls who first introduced me to the wonderful world of economic anthropology whilst an undergraduate at University of Wales, Lampeter. Her enthusiasm for the subject was captivating and her guidance in all things economic has shaped my research ever since. Further gratitude must be extended to the Department of Anthropology at Durham University which has provided a stimulating and friendly environment in which to complete a Ph.D. Special thanks go to Dr Mark Jamieson for fruitful discussions concerning the development of certain aspects of this thesis, and to David Henig, Damien Boutillon, Julian Kotze and Gareth Hamilton for their 7 willingness to discuss my work over the course of many years. Their input has been invaluable through the sharing of a common life experience. I am obliged to Professor David Bennison for sharing his stories of research in western Thessaly and directing me towards some fascinating literature. I am also indebted to my Greek language teacher, Giorgos, who demonstrated great patience whilst providing an intensive course in preparation for fieldwork. Dr Colette Piault provided a tranquil haven in Paris at some crucial stages in the writing up process, and it was here that the final form of this thesis was cultivated. Sincere thanks go to my examiners, Professor Robert Layton and Professor Roger Just for their encouragement and detailed comments. Both have been inspirational figures in the development of my academic identity thus far. In the field, my deepest thanks go to the family of Eugenia and Giorgos in the village of Livadi with whom I resided during my fieldwork period and subsequent visits.