LANGUAGE USE AND LANGUAGE BEHAVIOUR

OF

HONG KONG CHINESE STUDENTS IN TORONTO

EVELYN YEE-FUN MAN

A thesis submitted in conforrnity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Department of Education, University of Toronto

Copyright O Evelyn Yee-Fun Man 1997 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington Ottawa ON KI A ON4 OttawaON K1AON4 Canada Canada

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Eveiyo YecFun Man, OISE, Graduate Department of Education, Univenity of Toronto, Ph.D., 1997

This study examines the relationship between language use and behaviour and their broader sociolinguistic and sociocultural environment. It explores first language use and behaviour of

Hong Kong Chinese students in relation to the ethnolinguistic vitality of the Chinese comunity in

Toronto. The thesis presents a bilingual, bicultud Chinese Canadian's view of Linguistic changes and the effects on one of the kgest linguistic minority groups in Toronto; it relates students'

Iinguistic experiences to individual and social-environmental factors that affect the relationship between a minorïty and a majority group in a culhually diverse setting.

The midy seeks to iden* the relevant sociological, socio-psychologicd and psychological variables that facilitate students' first language use and behaviour. It looks at whether students' positive or negative perceptions of the ethnolinguistic vitality of their ethnic group, th& socio- psychological attitudes about the role and value of their language and culture, and their subjective etholinguistic vitality beliefs, are related to the variables.

A total of 1 15 Chinese students mostly of Hong Kong origin; median age 13 yean; 64% fernales; from two heritage language schools in different locations in Toronto, completed a questionnaire. in-depth follow-up interviews were mnducted with 12 students who volunteered.

Two theoretical models of ethnolinguistic vitality were appiied to the Chinese situation in

Toronto, iinlang sociosmictural variables wit h students' subjective perceptions and et hnolinguistic identity and betiefs. The study investigated the role and extent of the first language (Cantonese) in students' ddy Me, and found evidence that there were plentifid opportmities for first language use, close linguistic and cultural contact with Chinese speakers, strong contact with the Chinese media, high motivation to learn and use the first language, positive attitude towards heritage language and cultural maintenance, and high ethnolinguiaic vitality of the Chinese group. Since a myriad of factors are associated with minority shidents' fkst language use and behaviour in a multilingd and multiculturai environment, it was shown that Chinese students' positive attitude towards factors at the sociological, socio-psychologicai and psychological levels al1 help to facilitate students' first-language use and behaviour. Not only was the comrnunity vitdity of the

Chinese group in Toronto found to be hi& but students' individual perception of that vitality was also high, fostering high first language vitaiity. A majority of the students also showed a balanced bicultural identity, and viewed themselves as equaily Chinese and Canadian.

Given strong first language use and behaviour, favourable conditions for heritage language and cultural maintenance, and the growing economic and politid influence of the large Chinese minonty group, issues are raid about how this group fits into the pluralist Canadian rnosaic, and what present imergroup relations mean for rnultidturalism in Canada. Consideing the relationship between a minority and majority group of different and changing societal power relations, the author highlights implications for both the Chinese as well as the larger Canadian comrnunity . ACKNOWEDGEMENTS

My doctorate could not have been compleîed without the support and assistance of many people in mixent capacities, and I would W

It has been a privilege to work with Dr. Jim Cummhs, rny supervisor. Always helpfùl and understanding, he opened my eyes to a mdticuitural view of the world udamiliar to me before.

His ideas challenged my thinking and understanding of the world, and showed me what it meant to fight for those who rnay not have the means to fight for themselves. The knowledge and experience of other thesis cornmittee members also benefitted me greatiy. 1 am gratefid to Dr.

David Corson for his expert advice and insightful comrnents. He has been a source of intellectuai stimulation and has off& me many constructive suggestions. To Dr. Marcel Danesi, always generous in his warmth and encouragement, 1 also owe thanks. The experiise and guidance of my thesis cornmittee members throughout the dissertation process has been invaluable.

1 am gratefd to Angel Lin and Patricia Ong for assistance in school contacts. As mernbers of a cosy 'monthly discussion group', they have also been a great source of emotional and inteilectd strength, as have other members of the group: Shu-Yan Ma, Margaret Ting, Louise Tsang, Martin and Viggy Ho, Isaac and Angel Lam, Simon and Lily Wong, Lei Ying Duan and JO Chiu.

This study could not have been possible without the support of principals, teachers students and parents of the participating schools. The p~cipalswere particularly helpful. Students and teachers were very co-operative7and those who took part in the interviews opened tkhearts and shared with me their innerrnost thoughts and feelings, as did many parents who welcomed me into their homes. In this regard, I would like to thank especially Samrny and June Lee, Mr. and

Mn-Yu Nae-Wing, Maggie Li, Nancy Lo and Tsang Ka Tat. Alice Weinnb of the OISE Modem Langage Centre Library never hesitated to provide me references, and made what was the MLC library on the 10/F an UMting and cornfortable place for me. 1 thank her for making my rnany hours as a Graduate Assistant in the 10/F Iibrary an enjoyable experience, one which helped broaden my muid and gave me many fiends. Thanks also go to Mimi Ho of the OISE Main Library for her professional services.

Fellow-students at OISE informeci my thinking and supported me in countless ways, among them Katherine Tiede, Ryuko Kubota, Hitorni Oketani, Doris Au, Susanna Lo, Anthony Tong, and Junko Tanaka. Many other fiends also encouraged me in times of stress and distress, in particdar Diana Watt, Grace Ng, Jennie Li and Yee-Wang Fung.

1 thank Ng Shun hgfor helping me transcrïbe some of the tapes, May Lai for data entry, and

Hal White for overall proofreading. Ron Yeung assisteci greatly in statistical work, and the attractive tables and figures could not have been produced without his help. Board members of the Chinese Cultural Centre of Greater Toronto helped me understand the role and value of my own language and culture, and enabled me as a Chinese Canadian to contribute in a unique way to the society 1 now live in. Financial support is also greatiy appreciated, and 1 thank the Sir Robert

Black Scholarship Trust Fund in Hong Kong for sponsoring part of my studies.

1 am particularly indebted to KY.,whose unwavering support and practical assistance helped me greatly to complete this project, and taught me that all things are possible in this world.

To my parents, 1 shdl never be able to thank them enough. Their love and prayen have been a source of great strength and encouragement, enabhg me to pursue rny goals and redke my dreams. My brother and sisters, in particular Linda, gave me much support and tumed a difficult immigrant experience into a pleasant one. To thern all may 1 say a big thank you. CONTENTS

PAGE ABSTRACT 1 ... ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 111

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

LIST OF FIGWS ix

LIST OF TABLES X

1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. Background 1 1-2. Objectives 5 1.3. Significance 6

2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUMI 12 2.1. First Language Development, Bilingualism and Language Leamhg i 2 2.2. Cultural Interdependence Hypothesis 19 2.3. Etholinguistic Vitality, First Language Maintenance and 20 the Larger Society 2.4. Language Use 26 2.5. A Social Nerwork Perspective 29

3. LITERA'IWRE REVIEW 32 3.1. Fksî Language Development and Bilingual Proficiency 32 3.2. Atutudinal and Motiwtiond Factors in First Language Maintenance 37 3.3. Chùiese Language Use and Chinese Language Maintenance 44 3.4. Chinese Students and The Mdticultural Classroom 48 3.5. Et holinguistic Vit ality, Language Maintenance and SM 5 1 3.6. Etholinguistic Vtality Perspectives 55 3.7. Summary 57

4. SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS AFFECTCNG LANGUAGE USE AND 59 BEHAVIOUR -- ETHNOLINGUISTIC VITALITY OF THE CHlBESE 4.1. Demopphy 59 4.1.1 Size of Community and Relliforcement by Continued Immigration 59 4.1.2 Distinctiveness of the Gmup 62 4.2. Status 65 4.2.1 Language and Ethnic Identity 65 4.2.2 Status of the Group 67 4.2.3. Status of the Language 4.2.4. Relationship between Minority and Majority Group 4.3. Mtutional Support 4.3.1 Govefnment Policy 4.3 -2 Educational and Cultural Support 4.3-3 Media support

5. RESEARCH QUESTIONS 85

6. METHODOLOGY 6.1. Ove~ew 6.2. Background 6.3. Participants 6.4. Procedure 6.5. Instruments

7. RESULTS AND ANALYSES 7.1. Quantitative Approach 7.1.1. Students' Background 7.1.1.1. Personal 7.1.1.1.1 Age 7.1.1.1.2 Birt hplace 7.1.1.1-3 Age of Amval and Length of Residence in Canada 7.1.1.2. Fady 7.1.1.2.1 Family Unit 7.1.1.2.2 Ties with Homeland 7.1.1.2.3 Parents' Language Use With One Anot her 7.1.1.2.4 Parents' Educational bel 7.1.1.3. Students' Language Background 7.1.1.3.1 Students' General Language Background 7.1.1.3.2 Students' Self-rating Ability for English 7.1.1.3.3 Students' Self-rating Ability for Chinese

7.1-2. Students' Language Use and Behaviour 7.1.2.1 Frequency of Use of Chinese 7.1.2.2 Language Spoken by mers to Students and Language Students Use With Others 7.1.2.3 Behavioral Pattern with Respect to Chinese Media 7.1.2.3.1 Reading Chinese Materials 7.1.2.3-2 Watching Chinese TV/MoviesMdeos 7.1.2.3.3 Listening to Chinese Radio/Music 7.1.2.3-4 Singing 7.1.2.3.5 Writing 7.1.2.4 Ease of Using Chinese 126 7.1.2.5 Change in Lwel of Use of Chinese Over Time 13 I 7.1-2.6 Change in Level of Contact with Chinese Media mer Time 133

7.1-3. Socio-Psychological Factors 133 7.1.3.1 Interpersonal Contacts 133 7.1.3.1.1 Proportion of Chinese Speakers in Network 133 7.1.3.1.2 Frequency of Contact with Chinese Speakers 136 7.1.3.1.3 Quality ofContact with Chinese Speakers 138 7.1.3.1.4 Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers 139 7.1.3.1.5 Change in Number of Chinese Speakers in Contact 7.1.3.1.6 Relations between Proportion, Frequency, Quaiity and Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers 141

7.1-3 -2 Contact with the Chinese Media 144 7.1.3-2.1 Frequency of Contact with Chinese Media 144 7.1.3-2.2 Quality of Contact with Chinese Media 1 44 7.1.3-2.3 Proportion of Contact with Chinese Media 149 7.1-3.3 Educational Support - Chinese International Language Programs 150 7.1.3.3.1 Reasons for Attending Chinese Classes 150 7.1.3-3.2 Enjoyment ofChinese International Language Programs 7.1.3.3.3 Parents' Attitude Towards Leaming Chinese 7.1.3 -3-4 Length of Attendance at Chinese Classes 155 7.1.3.3.5 Age Fint Attend Chinese Classes 156 7.1l3.6 Change in Amount of The Spent on Chinese Class 157

7.1.4. Psychological Factors - Etholinguistic Identity and Beliefs 159 7.1 -4.1 Attitude towards Chinese Usage and Speakers 159 7.1.4.2 Belief in Strong Language/Cultural Heritage Maintenance 160 7.1.4.3 Belief in Strength and Future of Ethnic Group 162 7.1.4.4 Belief in Ethnic Group Separation fiom Dominant Society 164 7.1.4.5 Attitude towards Multiculturalism and Ethnic Identity 1 66

7.1-5. Relations between Language Use and Behaviour and Personal 169 Background and Socio-Psychological Factors 7.1.5.1 Personai Background Factors and Language Use and Behaviour 169 7.1.5.1.1 Tmvel to and Likelihood of Retuming to Homeland 169 and Language Use 7.1 .S. 1.2 Age, Length of Residence and Language Use and 1 70 Behaviour 7.1S. 1.3 Parents' Attitude and Child's Frequency of Speaking 17 1 Chinese 7.1.5.1.4 Parents' Educational Level and Child's Frequency of 172 speaking Chinese 7.1.5.2 Socio-psychological Factors and Language Use and Behaviour 7.1.5.2.1 Interpersonai Contact 7.1.5.2.2 Contact with the Media 7.1.5.2.3 Educational Support 7.1-5 -3 Psychological Factors - Vtality Beliefs and Language Use and Behaviour 7.2. Qualitative Approach 7.2.1 . Analyses of Inte~ews 7.2.1 -1 Attitude towards First Language Use and Chinese Speakers 7.2.1.2 Attitude towards LanguagelCultural Heritage Maintenance 7.2.1.3 Attitude towards Language Use For Future Generations 7.2.1.4 Attitude towardsChhese Classes 7.2.1.5 Attitude towards Ethnic Identity and Multiculturalism in Canada 7.3. summary

8. DISCUSSION

8.1. Personal Background Facton and Etholinguistic Vtality of the Chinese 8-2. Socio-psychological Facton 8.2.1. Social Networks and Interpersonal Contacts 8.2.2. Contact with Chinese Media 8.2.3. Educational Support 8.3. Psychological Factors - Identity and Vitality Beliefs 8.3.1. Attitude towards Chinese and Belief in LanguageKultud Maintenance 8.3.2. Multiculturalism and Ethnic Identity 202 8.4. Cultural Interdependence Hypot hais 204 8.5. Chinese Language Leamhg and Language Maintenance 206 8.6. Implications for Schools and Educators 209 8.7. Implications for Canadian Society and Social Policy 212

9. CONCLUSION 9.1. Limitations of the Study 9.2. Concluding Rernarks

REFERENCES 22 1

APPENDICES 237 Appendix A: Wntten Agreement Fom 23 7 Appendix B: Questionnaire for Socio-Psychological and Psychological Facton 238 Appendix C: Mer of Appreciation fiom a Shident &er completing Questionnaire LIST OF FIGURES

Macroscopic Mode1 of Determinants of Additive and Subtractive Bilingualism Sociostructurai Variables contniuting to Ethnolinguistic Vitality Age of Subjects Age of Arrivai Length of Stay in Canada Ties with Homeland Parents' Education Levels Self-rating Ability for English Seif-mting Ability for Chinese Frequency of Speaking Chinese Language Spoken by ûthers to Subject Language Subjects Use Language between Subjects and Elders Language between Subjects and Siblings Language between Subjects and Friends Language between Subjects and SiblingdFriends Frequency of Contact with Chinese Media Ease or Ditficulty in Speaking Chinese Ease ofusing Chinese Changes in Extent of Chinese Usage and Contact with Chinese Speakers and Chinese Media during Period of Residence in Canada Proportion of Chinese Speakers in Network Frequency of Contact with Chinese Speakers Quaiity of Contact with Chinese Speakers Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers Interpersonal Contact with Chinese Speakers Quaiity of Contact with Chinese Media Contact with Chinese Media - Frequency, Quality and Ease of Use Contact with Chinese Media - Receptive and Productive Skilis Proportion of Contact with Media Rasons for attending Chinese Classes What Subjects hope to do in Chinese Pleasantness in attending C hinese Classes Parents' Attitude towards Child Leamhg Chese Number of Years attending Chinese Classes in Canada Age first attend Chinese Schwl/Classes in Canada Attitude towards Chinese Usage and Speakers Belief in LanguagelCultural Heritage Maintenance Belief in Snength of Ethmc Group Belief in Ethnic Group Separation fiom Dominant Society Feeling of king Canadian or Chinese LIST OF TABLES

Ties witb Homeland Parentst Language Use with One Another Parents' Education Levels Students' SeKrating Ability for English Ability in English when compared to mers wah English as Mother Tongue Ability in English when compared to Other Immigrant Students Students' Self-rating Abifity for Chinese Frequency of Speaking Chinese Language Spoken by ûthers to Subject Language Subjects Use Friends with the Same Mother Tongue Language Subjects Speak to Schooi FriendsEriends outside School Language between Subjects ami Elders Language between Subjects and SiblUigs Language between Subjects and Friends Language beîween Subjects and SiblingdFnends Correlation between Language Used by Subjects and Language Spoken to Subjects Frequency of Contact with Chinese Media Ease or DBiculty in Speaking Chinese Ease of Using Chinese Most Cornfortable Situations when Using Chinese Most Uncornfortable Situations when Using Chinese Changes in Extent of Chinese Usage and Contact with Chinese Speakers and Chinese Media during Period of Residence in Canada Proportion of Chinese Speakers in Network Frequency of Contact with Chinese Speakers Quality of Contact with Chinese Speakers Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers Interpersonal Contact wit h Chinese Speakers Correlation between Proponioflrequency/Quali~/Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers Quality of Contact with Chinese Media Correlation beîween Frequency and Quaiity of Contact with Chinese Media Contact with Chinese Media - Frequency, Quality and Ease of Use Contact with Chinese Media - Receptive and Productive Skilis Reasons for anending Chinese Classes What Subjects Hope to Do in Chinese Amount of Time Spent on Chinese Class Attitude towards Chinese Usage and Speakers Beiief in LanguageKulturd Heritage Maintaiance Belief in whether People in Canada should take advantage of the Multicultural Policy and learn about their Language and Cultural Heritage Belief in Strength of Ethnic Group Belief in Ethnic Gmup Separation hmDominant Society Belief in Possibility of Losing Contact with Culture if do not Speak Chinese Belief in Whether Canadians Feel Positively about Chinese Language and Culture Belief in Whether Anending Intedonal Language Rograms Separate their Ethnic Peers from the Rest of Canadian Society Belief in Whether Leamkg an Ethnic Language may have Negative Effect on Leamhg English or French Correlation between Ties with Homeland and Contact with Chinese Media Correlation between Interpersonal Contact and Frequency of Speaking Chinese Correlation between Vitality Beliefs and Frequency of Use of Chinese Correlation between Vitality Beiiefs and Contact with Chinese Media 1.1. Background

The purpose of my study is to explore the relationship between language use and behaviour and their broder sociolinpuistic and sociodtural environment, in particular Chinese students' L 1 use and behaviour in relation to the ethnofinguistic vitaltty of the Chinese cornmunity in Toronto, Canada.

This t hesis presents a bilingual, biculturai Chinese Canadian's view of linguistic changes and the

&kts on one of the largest Iinguistic minority groups in Toronto. The study aims to relate students' linguistic experiences to individual and social-environmental factors that affect the relationship between a rninority and a majority culture in a multilingual and rnulticultural setting.

This study seeks to identify some of the relevant variables that facilitate students' first lanyage use and behaviow; and investigates to what extent Hong Kong Chinese students' perceptions of the ethnolinguistic vitality of their ethnic group are related to the variables. Questions are raised regarchg students' socio-psychological attitudes about the role of their ethnic language and culture, and betiefk regarding the value and use of the first language in the face of a strong major@ culture.

The study discusses to what degree an ethnic rninority group cm maintain its own language and culture in a culturally diverse environment, and how macro-social power relations can affect it.

Specifidy, the folowing variables d be explore. in relation to first language use and behaviour

I) personal background factors such as age, length of residence in a new country, ties to homeland, language background and so on; 2) sociological fmon that include dernographic, political, econornic and cultural capital; 3) socio-psychological factors such as interpersonai contacts, contact with the media and institutional support; and 4) psychological factors such as ethnolinguistic vitality beliefs regarding language and cultural maintenance, and ethnic identity. The Chinese students who took part in this study spoke Cantonese as their mother tonye, and most came from Hong Kong; a few were born in Canada.

Language use here is broadly defineci as the language used to spe* interact, communicate, and in the negotiating of identities. It covers the language students use with parents, sibiings, relatives and peers, the language they use in school and outside, when in contact with the media, when engaged in various daily activities, and in internationaheritage language classrooms. First language use and behaviour are investigated in relation both to the macro-level context of home and cornrnunity and the micro-level interactional context.

A person's well-developed, first-Ianguage abilities have been reported in many investigations to have positive effects on bilingualism, and is clearly necessasr for a child's bilinguai development

(Peal and Lambert, 1962; Lambert and Tucker, 1972; Genessee, 1987). But what opportunities do minority siudents have to develop their first-language abilities in a majority setting, and how much of the first language cm Chinese students redy use in Toronto? What are the social and linguistic mechanisms underlying the variations and change of students' first language use and related behaviour? Aspects such as the extent to which minority students can rnake use of the four skills of listening, speaking, reading and Wrifing in their L I in Toronto, the availability and access to various forms of Ll linguistic resources, the degree of parental encouragement and institutionai support that help facilitate students' first language use and behaviour, wiii be explored.

As many researchers have pointed out, language use is generaiiy the result of interaction among a myriad of linguistic, cognitive, comrnunity and educationai factors. Language use does not exist in a vacuum; the context with which it takes place gives it meaning and significance. Fishman (1 972), Paulston (1 988) and others have pointed out that language use for the individual bilingual is inevitably related to societal bïiingualism or mdtilingualism. Any dysisof individuals' communicative and interactive acts needs to be contextualiseci within an analysis of the communicative noms of the comrnuniîy in which these individuals live. It is thus important to look closely at these nomin the linguistic, psychological, sociocultural and educational contexts in which the child is situated and to examine how the immigrant child's language develops and changes as he or she responds to the new environment.

Landry, Allard and Théberge ( 199 1) have outlined a macroscopic theoretical mode1 of the detemiinants of additive and subtractive bilingualism which orighates in multidisciplinary approaches and identifies factors instrumental to a child's language development. The mode1 links

1) sociological variables such as ethnolinguistic vitality, with 2) socio-psychological variables such as hdividual network of linguistic contacts, with 3) psychological variables such as vitality beliefs that include a cognitive-affective disposition. Language use and behaviour is depicted as the combined result of the interaction of these sets of variables. Such language use also foms the backbone for analysis of the discourse used by minonty groups in their struggle for recognition, voice and power. The model will serve as the basis for the present examination of Chinese students' first language use and behaviour against the sociolinguistic and sociocultural background of Toronto. Though the model is not specificaiiy designed for immigrant students in a changing environment, it is helptlll in providing a hework for the present socio-psychological analytical mdy-

For a large number of immigrant families, language use and exposure patterns, language attitudes and language behaviour undergo varying degrees of change before and after emigration. These changes afFéct different fmily members in different ways as each of ?hem makes individual language choices, adapting to life in a new country. The amount of language exposure a person receives becornes one important factor in determining his or her level of linguistic skills and usage

(Harley et ai. 1990; Heath 1983; Dolson 1985; Foley 1987).

There has been the suggestion that a child has the innate capacity to lem a language

(Chomsky, 1965); thus based on exposure, a child nodylearns the language of the cornmunity in which the child grows up . In a minority setting, exposure to the mother tongue is lirnited, and is mainly related to the home and the overail etholinguistic vitality of the ethnic community.

Immigrants, be they adults or children, are highly affected by such vitality as they rnake linguistic adjustments at the various Ievels of home, school, work and sucid environment. Students' language use in the different envkonments and theû subjective perceptions of such vitality warrant close examination as students adjust to a new context and a new country. Their strategies provide useful information through which language behaviour, beliefs and attitudes emerge and change.

Their language use and behaviour also provide a context for which projections cm be made of a goup's ethnolinguistic vitaiity growth and fiiture developrnent. No doubt, new immigrants' own language use and behaviour also help shape and contribute to the vitality.

Despite the fact that language practices are often regarded as symbols of group identities the social dimension of linguistic change and development has not often been systernatically addressed. The present socio-psychological study is intended to help fiU such a gap. In the rest of this introductory chapter, 1 shall give an account of what motivates this study, the objectives and the significance of the present investigation. Chapters following dlproceed according to this plan: Chapter 2 outlines the theoretical background related to the issues under discussion and places the mdy in the context of various language theones. Chapter 3 contains a selective literature review and looks at studies that have a bearing on the present research. Chapter 4 contains an examination of the sociological and çociostnictud factors that have contributed to the etholinguistic vitality of the Chinese people and which have affected their language use and behaviour. Chapter 5 outlines the research questions in the curent context, and Chapter 6 describes the methodology of the study. Chapter 7 is focussed on the main study; results and analyses of data are presented. Chapter 8 is a discussion of the significant findings, and the last chapter sets out the conclusions and implications of the study.

1.2. Objectives

In the present study, the author explores language use and behaviour of one of the largest immigrant groups presently residing in Toronto, the Hong Kong Chinese immigrants, and in particdar, the -dent population. The researcher investigates the nature and extent of their behaviour and focuses on factors as they relate to ethnolinguistic vitaiity of the group, first language maintenance and power relations issues in Toronto's mdticulniral environment. In

particuiar, socio-psychologicd factors are emphasized; the term " socio-psychologicai " is used here in a wide sense to indude Fdcton related to both sociology and psychology. Specificdy, the author focuses on the foUowing three factors considered most influential (Mard Bc Landry, 1992a and 1992b; Bourhis, Giles and Rosenthal, 198 1; Feuerverger, 199 1, Leets & mes, 1992; Hamers,

Blanc, Clément & Landry, 1984):

a. ethnohguistic identity and beliefs; b. social networks and interpersonal contacts; c- first language educationai support. These features change as time and milieu change. Having a direct bearing on language use

and behaviour, the features change reciprocally as the fkquency, quality and density of the mobile

social, cultural and psychological milieu of the students aiso change. Allard and Landry (1 990)

stress that the determinants of additive and subtractive bilinyalisrn which affect language use and behaviour rest on the interaction between factors at the sociological, the socio-psychological, and the psychological level, encompassing the above a, b, and c aspects. 1 shall focus on these aspects in the current study.

In sum, the author investigates

1. the nature and extent of first laoguage use and behaviour of students of the Chinese ethnic minonty group in the rnulticultural environment of Toronto;

2. the relationship between Ianguage use and behaviour and the sociological, socio-psychological and psychological factors such as et holinguistic vitality and beliefs, interpersonal contacts and institutional support which Uitluence them;

3. the relevance of the above against a changing sociolinguistic and sociocultural background and the implications for rnulticulturalism and other minonty cultures in Canada.

1.3. Significance

As a Chinese person from Hong Kong who came to do my doctoraîe in Canada in the early nineties, 1 have personally witnessed the strong growth and development of the Chinese comrnunity in Toronto. My first-hand experience as a participant observer in Toronto's growing

Chinese comrnunity and rny native competence in the Chinese language have given me special advantages in conducting a study that iooks at language change and language behaviour in a society based on immigration and a society now feeling the effects of its immigration policies.

A sîudy of sociolinguistic patterns of language use of Chinese comrnunities in Canada is a rich and important field which has yet to be systematidy explored. Any study into the internai

stnicturing and cultural noms and values of such communities must be sensitive to the social and

histoncal background of the people wncerned. As a fint step towards providing more accurate

information, 1 hope in this thesis to discuss the complexity of the Chinese community in Toronto as Chinese immigrants seek to come to terms with a new iife in Canada, and others come to terms with them. Generally speaking, societal-level census or suivey has provided the principal means for investîgating the extent of linguistic and cultural diversity in Canada. Though such information is unquestionably usefbl, it may not have much explanatory value. It fails to explain, for example, the internai stmcturing of particular communities, and the noms and values that are inherent within them. It aiso fails to explain the salience of language use in and between communities whose mother tongues are not Engiish. So far, few attempts have been made to go beyond the stereotype that the Chinese are hard-working, relatively self-contained, and stick to themselves. Accurate information about this group's linguistic behaviour is not readily available, a lack addressed in the preseat dissertation.

At a personal level, 1 have seen much language change take place in the ethnic community in which 1 am also part and parcel of the change. 1 have personally witnessed how various services? facilities and prograrns in Canada learn to cater specificaliy to the Asian market, employ people who can speak Chinese and produce abundant written information in that language. My own circle of fnends has included more and more Chinese-speaking penons as people from my hcmeland move to Canada. Many immigrants have now become regular customers of the Asian- theme mails that have flourished and which supply abundant Chinese audio and print materials. 1 have penonally known fiiends, Canadians as well as non-Cantonese-speaking Chinese, stniggle to leam the Chinese language, either Cantonese (the dialect spoken by people fiorn Hong Kong and south China) or Mandarin (the didect spoken by people from mainiand China) to reduce language barriers with their clients or friends. I am also made aware of how my own language behaviour has changed, as the need for exclusive use of English decreases and various provisions in the

Chinese language becorne more widespread.

My study therefore presents, fiom an insider point of view, some of the more recent linguistic changes and implications affkcting not just the Chinese community, but also the larger Canadian society. The bewildemnt, haration and alienation of the immigrant experience have not ofien been squarely conf?onted, and it is becoming increasingly clear that the immigrant expenence is an important point of departure for a jowney into multicdturai education and multiculturalism in our society. A study of the implications of linguistic and societai changes taking place as a result of immigration of the Hong Kong Chinese, currentiy the largest linguistic immigrant minority group in Canada, wiH also have implications for other ethnic groups for years to corne.

The linguistic situation of Chinese immigrants goes beyond a simple case of a minority language in a majority setting. There are similarities as weU as important differences between the

Chinese and other minority groups. As a group, the status of the Chinese people and the status of its language are undergoing many changes, not just in Toronto but also internationally, fuelled by a changing global economy. Projections and students' views regarding the Chinese people and their language now and in the future is of particular interest. How do Chinese students view their minority language and culture, when they feel that the majority culture is economically weak compared to their own? Perhaps for the first tirne in history, a minority language may well be useful for students entering into a global job market in fûture which wiil value their first language. One needs to look at students' attitudes with regard to a minority language and culture which is long-established and is spreadiog its innuence, and in the students' own very specific and Iited environment such language and culture operates for them like a majority culture. How does this affect their attitude to Canadian majority language and culture? To what extent does this have an effect on macro societal relations with oîher minorities and with the majority, and on the balance of power relations? By shariog a personal account of how a minority group gradudy gains power, and hds its own 'voice' (Walsh, 199 1), the author hopes to encourage dialogue and debate within the ducational community. As Canadians, we need to think critically on how each of us stands in relation to other members in the classroom, in the school, in the immediate cornmunit-, and in society. By showing a community's nch background and legacy of hopes and visions, it is hoped that the groundwork cm be laid for minority students to articulate their own voices and aspirations. By including pertinent information about an important cultural and linguistic group, giving expression to their experiences and the unique issues and challenges they face, this study attempts to illustrate one case with implications for other immigrant groups and for friture generations and is important &orn a s~ciolin~sticand sociocultural point of view.

Living as a minority in Canada, we of Chinese background are aware that the policy of multiculturalism, though fimiy embedded in legislation, is now being challenged. Anti-ethnic biases have grown amidst an unfavourable economic cîirnate, fueiied by the emergence of isolationist and conservative sentiments, particularly in western Canada. The Amencans for example, have used the French-English division in Canada as an argument to impiement a one- language policy. Quebec has advocated a French-only policy and sometimes appears to regard ethnic minorities as a threat to their language and culture. As ethnic minodies in Canada gain statu and as the financiai differentials between the Chinese and the locals gain attention, the issue

is raised of the value of rnulticulturalism and a multilingual policy, and whether such poticies

promote the overd good for the country. As I personaIly witness changes in the Chinese community, 1 am made al1 the more aware of how the wider Canadian community has accepteci or rejected these changes, particularly in periods of economic downtum. I have seen codicts between minority and majonty groups increase, and how various interest groups arive to resolve such connias. In the stniggle to "reclaim rnhorities' voices" (Frederickson., 1995) and to

"empower minority shidents" (Cummins, 1989), 1 hope that this study will cornribute to Canada's dwelopment as a diverse Society.

From a personal perspective, 1 find it very satisfjmg to share my views and gain students' understanding and insights into their Me at home, in school and in the community, and to enter into discussion of important linguistic and sociocuitural issues with cornmunity members. From the perspective of students and teachers taking part in the study, the opportunity to reflect on relevant issues in the current education and social context affecting what is lemed and tau& has been very worthwhile. A letter received frorn a shident &er cornplethg the questionnaire of this study states: "Filling in the questionnaire has given me a unique opportunity to think about issues that 1 have never thought of before" (Appendk C). Some teachers have also expressed the same opinion. This study thus hopes to encourage critical reflection of how different cultures operate, view and learn from each other, and show how they can M Canada's pluralism. As Skutnabb-

Kangas and Cummins (1 986) point out, "we are in the educaîionai part of the strugde ... the struggle has to be well-informed. It has to be based on an adquate description of the past and present ". This study, based on an intektual and emotional understanding of ongoing struggles and development in and outside a minonty community, with its limitations and successes, seeks to describe, analyze and record what happens to individuals, to one culture and to one country at a point in tirne.

The significance of the present study Lies in its attempt

1. to contribute to knowledge of the Hong Kong Chinese, currently the largest minonîy group in Canada, and to understand the effect of sociological, socio-psychological, and psychological factors on language use, language behaviour and language change in Canada's plufalistic context;

2. to provide a basis for e~chingminonty groups' first ianguage use and maintenance and identify factors affecting them under Canada's mu1tilingual and multicultural policy;

3. to help advance exisring theories and hypotheses related to minoiities' fïrst language development linked to ethnolinguistic vitality, socio-psychological factors, and the education of culturaiiy diverse students. CHAPTER 2 - TEEORETICAL BACKGROUND

2.1. Fint Lanpage Devdopment, Bilingudism and Language Leamimg

In this dissertation 1 look at students' first language because the role the first language plays

in a chiid's hguistic and bilingual development is widely-recognized (Lambert and Tucker, 1972;

Wells 198 1; Genessee, 1987). There has been rnuch progress since the kind of bilingual research

in the pre-1960s period which suggested that bilingual children perfod less well on verbal IQ

tests than monolingual children, that there was only limited space available in students' brains for

Ianguage. It was believed that if one divideci that space between two languages, neither language

would develop properly, and intellectual confusion would result. Today, research has show that

there are rnany positive aspects to biiingualism and that a strong first language can significantly

affect it (Peal and Lambert, 1962; Lambert and Tucker, 1972; Genessee, 1987). Bilingual

children with good first-language development are known to exhibit a geater sensitivity to

linguistic rneanings and can be more flexible in their thinking than are monolingual children

(Cummllis & Swain, 1986). Conceptual knowledge developed in one language helps to make

comprehensible the input in other languageq and having more than one language offers diverse

conceptual understanding.

Cummins' Cornmon Undedying Proficiency (CUP)Theory suggests that there is considerable overlap across languages at deeper levels of conceptual and academic fünctioning. His Linguistic

Interdependence Hypothesis (1 986) suggests that input from one language rather than impede, may actually promote, the proficiency of another. Collier (1989) also proposed that developing children's cognitive foundation in the first language wouid eventudly help the development of their second language academic skills. Ramirez (199 1) concludeci that first language development can positively influence the acquisition of second language English skills &er conducting a large- scale shidy of over 2,000 Latino elementary school children in the U.S. A number of studies conducted on French immersion programs that look at the effect and process of English-French bihgual education also strongly indicate that children in the programs can acquire high levels of

L2 skills at no cost to their development of L 1 or other academic skills (see reviews by Genesee,

1984; Swain, 1984). Studies involving bilingual education now cleady stress the importance of strong first language development for successful second language academic ledng (e.g.,

Skutnabb-Kangas & Toukomaa, 1976; Curnmins et al. 1986). A weII-developed first language proficiency is seen greatly to enhance cognitive, academic, literacy-related intellectual and linguistic skills (Wells, 198 1; Swain & Lapkin, 1982). At a very practical level, surveys also show that bilingualism brings materid advantages - that those who speak both English and French earn on average 2%-3% more than unilingual Canadians, and in Quebec, bilingual men eam 1û% more

(Toronto Smr, July 26, 1997).

Just as LI proficiency not impede the acquisition and development of second language proficiency, it can help the leaming of a third language (Hart, Swain & Lapkin, 1990). Minority children who have been encouraged to maintain their mother tongue have been found to rnake better social, emotional, and educational adjustments (Long & Padilta, 1970; Bhatnagar, 1980).

Mother-tongue loss, on the other hand, can lead to disastrous consequences for Ianguage development among minority children ofien resulting in academic f~lure(Cummins 198 1; Troike,

1983; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1988, Nieto, 1996). As Nieto (1 996) points out, "losing one's culture and language is an unnecessarily high price to pay for academic success and social acceptance"

(p.4). Not ody is academic progress affecteci, parent-child communication and relationships can s&er as well (Wong-Fillmore, 1992). Some previous investigators have argued that the

'linguistic mismatch' between home and school language has led to minority students' academic failure, and that a 'the-on-task' principle or 'maximum exposure' theory would ensure maximum language exposure of the dominant language for minority students. However, one notes that there is usually Iittle assistance or significant instruction available to minority chiidren to help them obtain academic cornpetence in the language of instruction (Cummins, 1991); it would in fact be necessary for "a range of contextual support and degree of cognitive involvement in communicative activities" (Cummins, 1984d, p. 12) to be present.

Lambert (1975) defined two types of bilingualism, "additiveNand "subtractive", and out that rnany ethnic minority groups experience a more subtractive fom of bilingualism because of national education policies and social pressures of various sorts, and are thus forced to put aside their ethnic language for a national language. "Their degree of bilinguality at any point in time would likely reflect some stage in the subtraction of the ethnic language and its replacement

Ath another. The important educationai task of the fiihire, it seems to me, is to transfonn the pressures on ethnic groups so that they cm profit from an additive fonn of bilingualism" (p. 67). cummins (1991) has stated, "trader is much more likely to occur from minority to majority language because of the pater exposure to literacy in the majority language outside schwl and the strong social pressure to lem it" (p. 167). Linguistic proficiency cm also be influenceci by high etholinguistic vitality of an ethnic group, which determines the quality and quantity of linguistic contacts of its community members (Foaer, 1993). Indeed, a social environment in which "a second language is being leamed by choice... and the first language is not threatened by acquisition of the second languagen should be developed (Genessee, 1987, p.4 1). Some minonty parents prefer their children to be fUy assimilated into the Canadian way of life and to speak oniy the language of the majority. Because immigrants in the past were ofien expected to assimilate into the new country, many parents and teachers in the old days would discourage students fiom using their first language, rather than English. Many students felt ashamed of their mother tongue and tried not to speak or leam it, and eventudy many lost it

(Cummuis and Danesi, 199 1). The present writer agrees with Ni~eto(1 996) that "culture and language help to define the very soul of a people, and to insist on wiping them out is both an unusually cruel strategy and7 in the end, a counterproductive one.. . native language and cultural maintenance have an important role in aiding shidents to kome successfbi and well-adjustecl leamen" (p. 4). Presently, it is not uncommon to find immigrant fàrnilies wanting to safeguard their own social and cultural institutions, with language being one of the most prominent pbols

(Wardhaugh, 1986). However, as Oketani (1996) pointed out, a concern to many immigrant parents is the issue of to what extent is it desirable for children to maintain a first laqyage at home which differs fiom the dominant language in their society; they ask whether maintahhg the first language retards the children's cognitive development and academic achievement.

It appears highly desirable that an "additive" fonn of bilingualism should be added to a child's repertory of skills since there is no cost to the development of his or her fkst language. Some have argued that this cm oniy be achieved provided that a certain threshold level of fim language proficiency is attained. The author hopes to examine to what extent the fkst language is used and can be maintained in a multilingual context and analyze what some of the factors are which may influence students to reach high bilingual cornpetence linguisticdy and academicdly and develop positive socio-psychologid attitudes in a culturdy diverse environment. While being bilingual is generaliy taken to mean "having native-like control of two languages"

(Bloomfield, 1935), Hamers and Blanc distinguish between bilzngua1l.y and btlinguaiism ( 1989).

BilinguaIliry is considered an individual state, and biiinguuilism is taken to be a social state. "The concept of biligualisrn... includes that of bilinguality (or individual bilingualism) but refers equaüy to the state of a linguistic comrnunity in which two languages are in contact with the result that two codes cm be used in the same interaction and that a number of individuais are bihgual

(societal bilingualism)" (Hamers and Blanc, 1989, p. 6). For minority students, "attainment of a high level of biiingual proficiency appears to depend on the extent to which the fmt language is developed. When concephial abilities in the htlanguage are not well-developed, many children will lack the foundation upon which to build adequate second-language conceptual abiiities.

Thus, it is extremely irnporîant for parents to reinforce the first language in the home if rninority children are to develop an additive fom of bilingualism" (Cummins and Danesi, 1990, p.70).

Bilingual education is thus sometimes associateci with language maintenance by both its proponents and its detractors. Language maintenance refers to the degree to which an individual or group cominues to use its language, often in a bilingual or rnultilingual setting and ofien in the face of competition fiom another language (Fishan, 1972; Dorian, 198 1 ; Saunden, 1982).

Shuy (198 1) prefers to talk about language learning and maintenance together because he feels that it would be "unnatural, if not impossible, to continue to use a language and not team it more"

(p. 19). In addition, "the better unit of analysis for assessing Ianguage maintenance at the individual level is that person's qualitative change and growth in the language in question rather than the quantitative use of that language by the larger language comrnunity" (Shuy quoted fi-om

Chan, 1989). Much evidence now shows that mother tongue maintenance is an important asset to the linguistic, intellectuai, and psychological development of the minority child, and to the relationships and social interaction within the minority famiy and outside. The question is how one cm best help the minonty child maintain his or her mother tongue (Chan, 1989) and develop high bilingual cornpetence.

Landry, AIlard & Théberge (1 99 1) maintain that biluigualism in fact has important sociocultural aspects that cannot and should not be neglected even when the intent is the study of the psychological aspects of bilingualism, since bilingualism is as much a çocietal as an individual phenomenon. They articulate a theoretical rnodel which onginates with multidisciplinary approaches and identifies factors which are instrumental in the development of additive or subtractive bilingualism. The rnodel links sociologicai and psychological variables, with the two sets of variables being mediated by the individual's network of linguistic contacts. Language use and behaviour is depicted as the combineci result of interaction of the sets of variables. The present study of Chiese students in Toronto is based on such a model. Taking the whole pichire into consideration, Landry (1 98 7) states,

"complete additive bilingualism shouid encompass: a) a high level of proficiency in both communicative and cognitive-academic aspects of L 1 and L2; b) maintenance of a strong ethnolinguistic identity and positive beliefs toward one's own language and culture while holding positive attitudes toward the second language; and c) the opportunity to use one's first language without diglossia, that is without one's language king used exclusively for less valued social roles or domains of activity" (p. 1 10).

2.2. Cultural interdependence HypothesU

One factor in motivating success in acquiring a second language is beiieved to be a person's positive attitude towards the target language and the language group. Gardner and Lambert

(1972) stated that "success in mastering a foreign language would depend [in part] ... on the leamer's perceptions of the other etholinguistic group involved, his attitudes towards representatives of that group, and his wiilingness to idente enough to adopt distinctive aspects of behaviour, iinguinic and nonluiguistic, that characterize the other group" (p. 132). Som researchen assert that if learners become a part of the target language group, there will be greater mastery of the language.

Schumann (1978) for example, advocated an uccriItura~ionmode! which supporied the necessity of integration with the target language community in order to master their language. He defined acculturation as "the social and psychological integration of the leamer with the target language group" and maimained that learners will acquire the language only to the degree that they acmhrule (p. 29). He included three integration strategies which indicate the possibilities open to immigrants in a new country (cited in Foley 1987, p. 13): mimilafion- lemers give up their own Iife-style and values and adopt those of the host community; preservation - they reject the host community's Mestyle and values; and dzptafzon- they adopt the host community's lifestyle and values but maintain their own for intragroup communication.

Acculturation alone forms only one afktive aspect influencing the leaming of a second language. As the immigrant child tries to fit into a new hoa country, his or her cultural identity is inevitably affecteci. Acknowledging the importance of identifjnng with the target language group,

Clément proposed that a lack of identification with the LI culture would be correlateci with a lack of identification with the L2 culture (1 984). In many ways, biiinguafs' perceptions, attitudes, behaviour and personality fom the affktive dimensions of a culturai identity. The development of dtural identity, a terni used here interchangeably with ethnic identity, is the result of psychological as welI as sociological, and socio-psychological, factors. Hamers and Blanc (1 989) proposed a Cultural lnterdependence Hypothesis which States that "in order to identie w*ththe cultural group spealang the other language as LI (a condition necessary to attain native-like abilities in L2), a person mua first identie with his LI group in a strong enough way" (p. 127).

They argued that the relationship between bilinguality and cultural identity is reciprocal: bilinguality influences the development of cultural identity, which in tum influences the developrnent of bilinguality. They maintained that "it is important to keep in mind that a bilingual child does not develop two cultural identities but inteptes both his cultures into one unique identity" (p. 128). The Chinese minority children's cultural identity will be here investigated in relation to the majority group and the overall ethnolinguistic identity and vitafity of their own gr0UP-

2.3. Ethnolinguistic Vitality, First Laaguage Maintenance and the Larger Society

Looking at the broader societai picture affécting language use and behaviour, it mus be recognised that the nature of the comrnunity and the context within which the minority language exists is extrernely importam. The Chinese cornmunity is undergoing rapid change in Toronto, and provides a special backdrop with which to examine issues of language change and Ianguage use in the multicultural settuig of Canada. Perhaps more than any other country, Canada's multicuItura1 policy provides unique opporiunities for minoris, groups to have a nght to linguistic and cultural self-determination and to retain and use their ethnic language. While previous immigration policies have stresseci assimilation with mainstream society, Canada's 'cultural mosaic' recognizes the importance and rights of minority culture and language (Ministry of Education,

1987). In fact, Churchill (1 986) maintained that there is now an international climate of opinion favouring the more open and tolerant treatment of minorities, and that racist attitudes have become socially unacceptable. There is no doubt that the sociopolitical clirnate in Toronto now provides a very conducive environment for immigrants to adapt to Canadian society over a relatively short period of tirne, and siiultaneously provides plentiful opporhrnities for first language use, and for ali children to learn the languages of both the minority and the rnajority culture-

The concept of ethnolinguistic vitnlity has been developed as a fiamework for the sociotinguistic and social-psychological analysis of kter-ethnic and, at a broader level of analysis, inter-group relations, and refen in part to the extent of ethnic identity and cui~raisotidiwity among members of a group, as weU as their efforts to maintain culture and language. Giles,

Bourhis and Taylor (1977) define the vitality of an ethnolinguistic group as "that which makes a group likely to behave as a distinctive and active collective entity in inter-group situations"

(p.308), conceptuaiising it as based upon a fùnction of three independent but related aspects or dimensions of sociostructural variables: those of demography, status and institutional support.

DEerent variables will have varying importance in terms of overall vitality, depending on the particular ethnolinguistic group, the relation of the group to its outgroups, and the sociocultural and histoncai context in which the group exists (Johnson, Giles & Bourhiq 1983). Harwood,

Giles & Bourhis argued that it is the strength of the overall vitality of a group that makes the group, and its language, more likely to survive.

Vitality SupE ort Language Population Mass Media Group Birth rate Schools Wealth Int er-marriage Government Immigration Cultural activities FinanciaVpolitical control

Emigration Religion Concentration Proportion

Fie. 2.3. Suçiostructural variables coniriiutiq to etbnolinpidc vitality (after Borrriiis et ai., 1981)

The more the variables are positive, the greater tikeiihood a language wiil be maintained and survive. Landry and Allard ( 1993) indicated that the ethnolinguistic vitality of a community detennines the quality and quantity of linguistic contacts with one's own linguistic group and with other linguistic groups, which in tum arongiy influence liaguistic proficiency, ethnolinguistic identity and desire to integrate fïrst language and second language cornmunities. Indeed, the effkcts of bilingual education cannot be understood without taking acwunt of the strong infiuences of the midents' sociohguistic environment.

Considering that high ethnohguistic vitality of a group is iikely to lead to strong language maintenance of that group, 1 shall now look at some variables which are associated with both ethnolinguistic vitality and language maintenance. Cohen ( 1975) drew on the work of Gaardner

(1971) and Wei~ch(1953) and Listed a series of factors that affecteci language maintenance or shif? within a community. These factors include (Cohen cited fkom Ovando & Collier, 1984, p.

1. Size and homogeneity of the bilingual group, 2. Access to renewal fiom homeland, 3. Reinforcement by in-migration and immigration, 4. Relative proficiency in both languages, 5. Modes of use (reading, &in& listening, speaking), 6. Specialized use by domain and interlocutor, 7. Status of the billngual groups, 8. Attitudes toward each language, 9. Function of each language in social advance.

Romaine (1 989) summarized in more specific ternis the factors that are significant in various studies of language maintenance, shif? and death:

"numencal strength of the group in relation to other minonties and majorities, social class, religious and educational background, sedement patterns, ties with the homeland, degree of sidarity between the minonty and majority language, extent of exogamous mamage, attitudes of majority and minonty, governrnent policy towards language and education of minorities, and patterns of language use." (p. 39)

The above lists reveal the complexity of the interaction of factors that gives rise to patterns of language use and language maintenance within a bilingual or mdtilingual community. Some of the factors affecthg first language maintenance above overlap the socio-structural variables of ethnolinguistic vitality in Fig. 2.3, and they ail point to three main areas that need to be taken into accomt when considering these issues: conceptual, social and anihidmal variables (Shuy, 1981).

The variables as listed above clearly demonstrate the power of sociological forces, social impact and demography in language use and language choice. As factors impacthg on language maintenance are ofien related to sociologicai or demographic conditions, it is not surprishg to fïnd that researchers talk not only about Linguistic analyses of individuals or the comrnunity, but also about sociolinguistic analyses (Fisban, 1972). When lwbg at specific individual factors, certain questions corne into play. For example, does the number of speakers of a language per se tell us enough about the abiiity of a group to maintain its language, or is it more important to ask who speaks a language rather than how many speak it? Citing Ambrose and Williams (1 98 1 ),

Romaine (1989) pointed out that Welsh is not 'de' even in places where over 80% of the people speak it, nor is dl lost where oniy 10% do so. Other factors like spatial distribution, geographic location, and migration are also insufficient as measures of strength or vitality if we have no information as to factors like opportunities for language use or the status of those speaking the language. If group members do not have to interact with members of the dominant language group, such a condition may favour LI maintenance. Each of the above factors is directly relevant to the changing conditions of the Chinese comrnunity in Toronto, details of which are to be elaborated later.

In examining issues of language use, behaviour and attitudes of the Chinese population in

Toronto, given the existing changing context of the Chinese cornmunity, it would seem that

'ethnoiinguistic vitality' within the Chinese comrnunity has never been as high as it is now, and that conditions for maintaining the Chinese Ianyage are more favourable now than ever before. This argument is based on the following assurnptions:

1. the tremendous growth in numbers and concentration of Chinese speakers; 2. the ernerging status of Chinese speakers; 3. a growing and prornising ethnic economy; 4. the increasing importance of China on the wodd stage and the use of the Chinese language as a valuabte asset globally for international trade and commerce; 5. the increasing social networks and interpersonal contact of the Chinese in Toronto; 6. the increasing influence of the Chinese population in econornic and political spheres.

One important point is that broader societal power relations can also afféct the language use, language maintenance and interactions that occur between midents, families and comrnunities.

The higher a minority group's vitality, the more confident its members operate within and outside the group, and the less threatened they feel about the power of the dominant or majority group.

A rninority group that strongiy maintains its own identity, quickly accumulates different foms of capital (demographic, econornic, political or cultural), and firmly grows and develops, can easily be Mewed as a threat to existing societal power relations. Yet Cummins (1995) has pointed out that "power is not a fixeci, predetermined quantity but rather cmbe generuted in interpersonal and intergroup relations" (p. 145). What is important, as Curnmins stressed, is to develop

"collaborative" rather than "coercive" relations of power between the dominant and the subordmate group so that "participants in the relationship are empowered t hrough t heir collaboration such that each is more &%meci in his or her identity and has a greater sense of efficacy to create change in his or her Life or social situation. Thus, power is created in the relationship and shared among participants" (p. 145). It is hoped that oppominities for Chinese first language use and maintenance of the minority mother tongue in the fdy,in school and in the wider community, can be viewed in this broader context in Canada.

In helping minority students to maintain th& own language and culture, one also hopes that

"students can become critical thinkers capable of, and responsible for, creating change through action both in their own lives and in the broader society" (Nieto, 1996:xvii), and devote their tirne and energy to aid those less fortunate than themselves. Wthin the school context in particular,

25 empowering minority students cm be an important goal. Interactions between audents and educators should provide opportunities "to coiiaborate across cultural and linguistic boundaries in the generation, interpretation, and application of knowledge", with a curriculum "that orients students toward critical reflection on issues of social justice and of identity (both personal and collective)" (p. xvii). It is hoped that

"the image of students and society implied in educational interactions is an image of individuals who have developed respect both for their own cultural identity and for the identities of others; who are capable of collaborathg with others in the democratic pursuit of social justice; and who see themselves as members of a global community with shared econornic, scienafic and environmental interestsM(p. xvü).

As the development of bilingual and biculhiral individuals is fostered, there are benefits both to them and the larger society.

LA. Language Use

Fishan (1972) stated that except for the case of the balanced bilingual, the languages of the bilinguai generally develop patterns of dominance or strength, usualiy in relation to the domains in which the languages are used. That is, not al1 the languages known to the bilingual can be said to have qua1 strength in ail contexts of language use. Domain reiationships of the ianguages can change such that the first language is weakened by the increasing fiequency of use and fiction of the second language (Seliger & Vago, 1991). The diminished role of L 1 in essential fiuictions is one of the significant sociolinguistic variables in the advent and continuance of first language attrition (Sharwood Smith and van Buren, 1991). Other factors in the affective domains of language, such as prestige, social status, attitude, and degrees of acculturatiorq dso influence L 1 use and attrition, especiaiiy in a L1 minority situation. Where first language use in the minonty context is concerned, -dents usuaiiy have limited access to a variety of social contexts where the use of the mother tongue is convention& and so it should be noted that mino* students may not have many opporhuiities for L 1 use nor do they have much oppominity to master the varieties of the language with a restricted L 1 use.

As rnentioned in previous sections, identification with a language and positive attitude towards it can help the learning of a language. But as Romaine (1989) has stated, that does not necessarily guarantee its maintenance. For exarnple in Ireland, the necessity of using English overpowered antipathy towards Engiish and Irish speakers. The adoption of English by the Irish is a case of language shifi not accornpanied by favourable attitudes towards English (Romaine,

1989). It would seem that an instrumental and practicai, e.g., focussïng on survival, as well as an integrative orientation, are both important in detemu'ning the speakers' language choice and language use. This view encompasses a much wider scope thaî what Gardner and Lambert

(1972) suggested: that when speakers want to lem a language for integrative reasons, e-g., because they want to interact with speakers of that language and share in their culture, that they would be more successful than if their motives are merely instrumental, Le., motivated only by factors such as the utility of the language.

One basic assumption about a bilingual's language use is that what language is used depends upon a person's language ability. As Spolsky (1988) suggested, speakers nodyprefer to use the language they know better for a particular communicative task. While language abiiity does not offer a complete explanation of language choice, it can nevertheles illuminate the pattern of whatever language shifl may be taking place in the comrnunity. In some of the published literature on language choice and language shift in linguistic minority commwiities, bilingual speakers' ability to use the written language has not been subjected to the sarne vigorous and systematic examination as theu ability to use the spoken language. Bilinguals, especidly young bilinguals, can very often speak two languages with sunilar degree of fluency while being literate only in one, usually the language they lem in school. This is a common phenornenon for many rninonty children as they try to balance theû own and the majority cuiture and language. I shall examine to what extent that occurs for the Cantonese-speakuig minority students in Toronto and how far the speakers' abilities in Chinese and,or English are adequate for various communicative purposes.

Scotton (1988) stated that, although the tendency is for speakers to use the language with which they feel more cornfortable, they are also generally aware of the sets of rights and obligations involved in the ongoing exchange and choose the form of their conversational contribution appropriate to that set, even though it may sometimes rnean that speakers have to use a language which they know less well. Any move that is inappropriate to this rnatrix of mutual rights and obligations may be interpreted by the participants as deliberate and poses a potential threat to social interaction. Indeed, different backgrounds and experiences are reflected in the different language choice patterns, in school as weIl as outside it (Heller and Barker, 1988).

The role of the interlocutor also plays a significant part in the language used. When one looks at the child's active role in communication, one can see that at a more interactional level, other peoples' input greatly affect it. At home, the complexity of parental input to the child is usually quite finely tuned to the child's current level of performance. Thus parents' use of the mother tongue in the home depends to a certain extent on the child's level of performance in that are* either promoting or decreasing the use of the mother tongue as it facilitates communication. Parents' contributions are ofien contingently responsive to the child's communicative intentions.

To varyhg degrees, the child dso piays a significant role in eliciting conversationai contributions

fkom others that are tuned to his or her developmental needs. We can see that dserences

between children in their rate of development are quite strongly predicted by the quality of the

conversational interactions in which they participate (Wells. 1996).

2.5. A Social Nehvork Perspective

The importance of a social network approach is reflected in the views cf Li (1994), who

hdicated that the research design of many projects depends to a large extent on the assumption that Iinguistic changes take place in speech communities against a background of language maintenance, and that the extent to which such changes are successful depends on the interplay of two sets of social influences: those that encourage maintenance or stability, on the one hand; and those that encourage change or divergence on the other.

"Perspectives on bilingualism and language choice are usually characterised by their respective views on the relationship between social structures and the individual's linguistic practices. The rnacro-societal perspective regards language behaviour of the individual as conditioned by predefined societal amingernents, while the micro- interactional perspective stresses individuals' capacity to make their own choices" (p.35).

To address the question of relations between social structures on the one hand and individuals' language use on the other, Li advocated a perspective which employs the notion of social networks which is capable of bridging the rnacro- and micro- approaches and can account for the interrelation between them. By focusing on the observable language behaviour of the speaker and his or her social relations, the social network perspective enables the analyst to investigate systernaticdy the processes through which speakers in interaction utilize the resources of linguistic variability available to them and exercise influence and wntrol over othen' and their own language behaviow (Li, 1994).

Where hguage maintenance is concerne& Li proposed that network ties, especialiy strong ones, cm act as "a nom maintenance mechanism", whereas weak ties facilitate linguistic change because they reguiariy provide bridges beiween Herent groups through which innovation and influence are ditfused. The Chinese Mysystem, whether nuclear or extended, the authority structure of the family, inter-familial organisations and communify language schools ail play an important pan in the social networks and social iife of Chinese people. The relationships that evolve between students and those around them in culturally diverse settings are thus critical for students' willingness to becorne engaged in the use of their rnother tongue.

Romaine (1984) found that the distribution of linguistic and social resources is not aiways equal with respect to ail individuals in a given community. Language users are not "free agents" and "they are constrained by the expressive resources available in the language(s) to which they have access and by the conventions which apply to their use" (p. 37). Because speakers usually design their speech accorâing to their audience (Bell, 1984). and one's interpersonal contacts provide access and opportunities for relevant first and second language use, a social network perspective is very usehl and will be used in the current context.

Not only does the social network approach examine the speaker's own identity, it also examines the identities of the people with whom the speaker reguiarly interacts. The approach assumes that "there is a dialectic relationship between speakers' linguistic behaviours and interpersonal relations; Le. speakers' language use is influenceci and shaped by the types of social contact they have, and in the meantirne it actively contributes to the social relations which speakers maintain" (Li, 1994, p. 23). Instead of focusing on sorne ad hoc categonsation of speakers, this approach starts with observable behaviours of individual speakers and investigates how speakers develop their social identities through interaction and negotiation.

According to Li, where there are longstanding network ties with people who also know one another, the networks are said to be dense; and when networks are dense, role relationships can be user multiple, Le., individuals interact with each other in more than one capacity. "Density and multiplexity pertain to the structure and content of the network respectively and so aspects such as anchorage, reachability and range of the social network are important" (p. 30). It would be dificult to separate the shape and pattern of the network from the intensity, frequency and durability of a relationship, the latter aspects being 'interactionai' features. Milroy (1 987) stated that one's personal network structure can be of great importance in predicting language use: "that a dense, multiplex network structure predicts relative closeness to vemacular nomN(p. 160), and that there is a tink between the structure and content of network ties.

In fact, members of a given network will intentionally or unintentiondy develop distinctive patterns of behaviour and wiil corne to expect one another to conforni to these patterns.

Members also actively contribute to the constitution of socid relations and social structure through their interactive behaviour. As pointed out by Giles (1977), speakers adjust their behaviour to express aspiration towards and identification with a particular social group. The social network approach offen a framework in which the social and stytistic dimensions of

Linguistic variation can be systematically investigated and interpreted, thus capable of building a coherent mode1 of bilingual language choice which accounts for both interactional behaviours of individual speakers and the broder questions of social relations and social organization. CHAPTER 3 - LITERATURE REVEW

Various studies have looked at language use and behaviour of different ethnic groups within a rnulticultural society. Such use has been viewed fiorn many perspectives: ethnolinguistic vitality, development of biiingual proficiency, language choice, the academic success or failure of rninority groups, or the sociocultural bilingual Me of -dents. A few studies have focussed specificaily on the Chinese comrnunity. 1 shd examine some of these in relation to the issues being discussed.

3.1. Fint Laaguage Development and Büinpal Proficieacy

The importance of a weli-developed first language to the general language development and bilingual literacy of the child has been pointed out by many researchers (Lambert and Tucker,

1972; Wells, 198 1 ;Cummins, 1983). As mentioned before, ernpirical tindings suggest that instruction in a rninonty language, usually the minority's home language, bas no adverse consequence to the development of a second language. In fact, many shidies show that developrnent of mother-tongue proficiency cm positively influence the leanllng of additional languages. In a study by Cummins and Mulcahy (1978) which Iooked at the metalinguistic development of Grade 1 and 3 students in a Ukra.nian-English bilingual program in Edmonton, resdts indicated that students relatively fluent in Llkranian, their home language, were significantly better able to detect arnbiguities in English sentence structures than children who came fiom homes which predominady or only spoke English. A variety of studies have supporteci the concept that provision in children's home language is crucial for linguistic development and for continued communication between parents and children in that language, particularly during the early school and adolescent years. Language use and exposure pattems play an important part in a child's development of sound first-language and bilingual proficiency. One cornprehensive, ethnolinguistic study wtuch investigated the relationship between language use pattems, language attitudes, fdy background variables and language proficiency in second language acquisition, is the large-sale study of 19 1 Grade 7 Poriuguese-Canadian students conducted by Cummuis, Lopes and Kuig in

1987. The study looked at the relationship between individuai and social-environmental factors and the development of bilingual proficiency in both rnajority and muiority language leaming contexts and explored the interactive roles of age, exposure, and use of the second language to examine the influence of sociohguistic and attitudinal variables in the language acquisition process.

Two surveys were conducted: 1) to investigate the students' patterns of their first language and

English use, 2) to investigate the students' attitudes to these languages. Participants were tested on various aspects of spoken and written proficiency in their first language, Le. Pomiguese, and

English. Statistical analyses were pefiormed to idenethe relationship between students' language attitudes and language use patterns and speciiïc aspects of their language proficiency.

Practical issues relating to the interaction between home and school variables in affecthg the extent to which minority students were successful academically were afso explored. Researchers sought to answer the following main questions: How is proficiency influenceci by the leamers' exposure to the L2, indicated by for example, their length of residence in the L2 community, and by their age? Results show that the Gmeral English Proficiency Factor was strongly &ected by length of residence, and moderateiy by age. Cognitive development, as indicated by age, appeared to be a less important but substantial detenniner of L2 skills in cognitively-demanding tasks but not in undemanding conversational tasks. Nonlinguistic aspects of performance on L2 tests, however, as indicated by the Communicative Style Factor, were not related to L2 exposure or cognitive develo pment .

Resuits of the Portuguese-Canadian study indicated that whereas Portuguese, the students' first language, was used mostiy in the home with parents and relatives, English was used rnostly for higher-status functions associateci with school- and work-related activities outside the home.

Furthennore, whereas Portuguese was viewed as more important for ingroup activities related to the home, English was viewed as the language of economic and social advancement in the domulant outgroup world. Students themselves attached great value to bilingual proficiency

(Bourhis 1987, 1990), as is often the case for many heritage language speakers in Canada.

Cummins et al. (1987) indicated that Portuguese-Canadians were members of a low status group whose job mobility was relatively limited and whose socio-economic standing remaineci largely working-class within the social structure. This situation is rather different fiom that of Hong

Kong immigrants now in Toronto, who ofter. corne from the middle class and are professionals or entrepreneurs. They have developed a farly strong ethnic economy within their own comrnunity, and so perception of their own language and their groups's vitality might be dserent from that of the Pomiguese, resulting in different language use and exposure patterns.

In a study of Japanese Canadian immigrant students, Harley et al. (1990) found that "length of residence was strongly predictive, and age moderately predictive, of performance on a general proficiency factor composed rnainly of academic types of tasks and the story narrative'' (p. 13 1).

Advantages were found for older immigrant children in academic types of second language skills, particuiarly in reading. A study designed to generate hypoiheses conceming the influence of first language use and exposure patterns on language development in multicu1tural Canada was that of Foley's (1 987).

This study lwked at Spanish first language children in Canada and examined the innuence of sociolinguistic and attitudinal variables in first language maintenance; it confirmed that Hispanic children who were encourageci by their parents to use the first Ianguage Spanish and who used

Spanish in various situations, developed better second language literacy skills than those who lacked such encouragement and who used Spanish in a Limiteci number of types of situations.

Especiaily where language exposure was concerned, Hispanic children who were exposed to more of their mother tongue developed better second language Literacy skills than those with limited

SpMsh exposure, the main exposure being Spanish iïteracy activities at home. Extensive exposure to the mother tongue and to English literacy were also related to strong, English oral- language development .

Research into French immersion prograrns also stressed that literacy skills attainment is an important common Eictor in French immersion and heritage language leaming outcornes.

Although these skills are developed through the second language by majority anglophones, they are established in the home language in the case of heritage ianguage students (Lapkin, Swain and

Shapson, 1990; Danesi 1989).

Swain and Lapkin's ( 199 1) study of immersion students' French proficiency reported that

Grade 8 students from heritage Ianguage backgrounds outperformed the Angfo group on a variety of grammatical masures of French, though not on rneasures of lexical knowledge, and that there was a sipificant positive correlation between the number of years in heritage language classes and indices of French proficiency. There was aiso evidence of highly sigrilficant differences in favour of students with heritage language literacy skiils on both oral and written meaSuTes of French,

leading the researchers to conclude that "there is transfer of knowledge and leamhg processes

across languages, and developrnent of &st language literacy entails concrete benefits for students'

acquisition of subsequent languages" (p. 63 9).

In a study of post-war second-generation Japanese Canadian youths, Oketani ( 1996) found that the youths rnmaged to mintain oral Iapanese very strongly, and that a arong relationship

existed between Japanese oral and reading skills, with both related to a variety of ethnolinguistic vitahy and interpersonai contact variables. Also, Japanese reading scores positively predicted both English reading and academic achievement performance, features which were again consistent with the linguistic interdependence or common underlying proficiency construct.

Findings consistently suppon the view that there is interdependence of literacy-related skills across languages (Cummins 1983) and that there is a strong relationship between the oral and written proficiency of first and second languages. Research into heritage language instruction indicates that there is no academic loss to students' rogress in the majority language. In fact, heritage language leamhg tends to facilitate students' acquisition and communicative proticiency in the societally-dominant language, enhance children's cognitive development and academic performance, and promote respect for the ethnoculturd background of self and others.

Developing a strong first language foms an important bais for what Lambert ternis "additive bilingualism".

Wong-Fillmore (1992) cautioned that leaming a second language veiy eady can result in losing the first. In her investigation into the linguistic and academic adaptation of children fiom over

1,000 fhliesof Asian and Latino backgrounds, she voiced concem that rnany children were fast loshg their native language as they started school and leamed English very eariy- This can seriously affect parent-child communication in hmiIies where the parents' English proficiency was low. She found that "the younger the children were when they began to leam English, the more rapidly and completely they gave up using their native language" (p. 6). A clear home-language policy is therefore of crucial importance for mother-tongue language use. She stated that for the minority mother tongue to be maintained in a multicuitural environment, well-developed hentage

Ianguage prograrns with teacher involvement, heterogeneous groupings, appropriate program content, plenty of supported first-language practice and much corrective feedback were necessary

(Wong-Fillmore, 1989).

3.2. Attitudioal and Motivationai Factors in First Language Maintenance

A variety of factors affect language use and first language maintenance in the home. As previously mentioned, for a strong first language to develop, home language use and the attitude of parents play an important part. Foley's (1987) study showed that Hispanic chiidren who had parents who regarded themselves as their children's principal teacher, who actively participateci in the children's learning and who had high expectations for their children's academic performance, were more likely to develop strong second-language literacy skiils than children whose parents played a passive role in their children's education.

The role and attitude of parents in home language behaviour was also documented in Chd-

Horbatsch's (1984) study in which she examined the home language behaviour of ten Ukranian families dose philosophy was to preserve the Ukranian language in their homes. She examined language and interaction between parents and thek children and found that mothers' language behaviours were Merent wïth pre-school and school-aged children, as evidenced in the mothers' attitude and response to children's English usage at home. She concluded that mothers transmitted an emotive attitude towards the Ulwnian language and an instrumental attitude towards the English language to the children. For the latter, tirne spent in conversation with the mother in the home undoubtedly helped facilitate the learning and mastery of the Ukranian language. Students themselves though, were aware of the status differential between English and their heritage language fiom exposure to the dominant language in the environment. Given the existing environment, the researcher concluded ththe outlook for the continuation of the

Ukranian language in Toronto was rather negative.

The wider environment here covers sociolinguistic and socioculhiral factors that may have a bearing on the language use and behaviour of mînority groups. Feuerverger (1982), concemed with the relationship between ethnolinguistic vitality, first language maintenance and enrolment in

French immersion prograrns, illustratecl in her study the Lmk between cultural identity and linguistic ability through exploring the language use and develo pment of Italian-Canadian students enroiid in a French-English-Italian trilingual program. Nothg that these students tended to use more Italian out of school and showed significantly more positive attitudes towards both

English and French than Italian-background students not in the French-English bilingual program, she concluded that students who had more positive ethnohguistic vitality scores showed greater first language maintenance and participated more in extensive heritage language programs. Her findings suggest that the success experienced by students in leaming languages in the context of bilingual or trilingual programs leads to greater motivation to develop and maintah Linguistic skills. The importance of attïtudinal and motivational hctors is dso explored in Ws(1992) study which looked at the maintenance of Korean among Korean Canadian children in Toronto. His results showed that students' own attitudes and motivations were significantly associated with their Korean language use pattern and the degree of Korean proficiency attained. Also, their attitude was indirectly related to parental attitudes; their motivation to leaming and rnaintaining their first language was also closely related to their perception of the vitality of the Korean community.

With regard to the attitude and motivation of members of the Lao community, Lerthhnwong-

Diong (1989) found in her study very positive attitudes of Lao refigee speakers in Canada towards the leaming and use of English. This vastly helped them to achieve a hi& level of ove& adjustment to a totally new sociocultural environment. In examining the Lao-speaking community as a linguistic and ethnic minority group in Toronto, the researcher focused on three domains of language use in language maintenance: the religious, intrinsic and secular domains, each of which she felt was affecteci by a unitary rather than a constellation of factors. That unitary contributhg factor, which was also the predictor of Ianguage choice in each dom* was the interlocutor, or other communicative instruments like books. She found that in the case of parents, the fitianguage, Lao. was the preferred language in all three dornains, with the secular domain containing the highest content of English and the religious domain the lowest. In both the int~sicand secular domains, English was the preferred language, with the intrinsic domain displaying a slightly higher level of English content than the secular domain.

It came as no surprise that the age of the Lao children strongly iduenced the language-use pattern in parent-child conversation at home. Parents spoke increasingly more English to children that were younger rnauily because the latter spoke littie Lao and because some parents consciously wanted to encourage more use of English among their school-age chilcira. The children's choice of language at home followed a predictable pattern, witb English beiog the certain choice when speaking to sibhgs and Lao used with parents only in situations where they absolutely could not communicate m English.

In relation to language attitudes of the Lao community, the researcher ahexamuied social identity, i.e., the desire to retain their unique identiiy as a Laotian people through the practice of their culture and the use of their language. This couid Uifluence them to resist language shifi. but it had to be balanceci against the practicality issue in a society pressuring them to shifi to English.

The two opposing forces of influence resulted in a dilemma whereby a low-prestige language yielded to a hi&-prestige language. Her findings revealed that it was the case not jua with children, but also with parents, that practicality had the upper hand over identity. Children displayed an inferionty complex with regard to their ethnicity and saw iittie practical value of speaking Lao in society, reflecting fairly advanced stages of language shift. Since the attitudinal profile of the community determines its language destiny, the researcher concluded that the Lao language in Toronto will fast become a dying language should the shift already in progress remains unchecked. Such a language situation is again very different from the Chinese language situation we have in Toronto today, details of which wiii be elaborated later.

The importance of school, fdyand societal factors is further dustrated in a study by

Landry, Allard and Theberge (1 993) which investigated fiancophone Western Canadians and looked at the relative contributions of the school and of the fàmily to the bilingual development of francophone minorïty group shidents in Western Canada. Data f?om grade 12 students were analyred fkom the perspective of a macroscopic mode1 of the detenninants of additive and subtractive bilingualism. Students were categorked into three groups: low, medium and high

French ambiance schools. These groups were fùrther ciassified according to the degree of French ambiance in the family, low versus high ambience. Findings indicated a subtractive type of bilingualism for most of the -dents living in western Canada. Most students felt that their second language English was more dominant. French scores were higher in groups that came fiom high French ambiance schools and high French ambiance homes. The Linguistic cornpetence in English did not seem to be negatively affecteci by the higher French ambiance in the home or in the school. French ambiance scores were aiso positively related to the strength of personal beliefs of the students in the vitality of their language and also to the strength of their etholinguistic identity.

Language attitudes, social factors, language ideology and domains of language use were analyzed in Homberger's (1 988) study of Quechua-speaking communities and schools in Peru.

She indicated that factors involved in Quechua language maintenance were related to another important variable, that of language and education policies. She used a conceptual framework drawn from culniral anthropology, educational policy studies and sociolinguisticq and investigated how Quechua and Spanish were used, valued and influenced in school and community, and how they could be affecteci by language and educational planning. Her study is ethnographie in its approach and in its attention to language in cultural context; it is also mciolinguistic in its consideration of bilingual education in the context of language planning and language maintenance. Her research concentrated on education and language in a particular cultural context, with important implications for language planning and maintenance. Her perspective is greatly affecteci by ber view that "the things outside the schools rnatter even more than the things inside the schoois" (1988, p. 18). By focusing on bilinguai education in the context of Perds education refom and on Quechua ianguage maintenance in a context of histo~caloppression, the study sought to contribute to knowledge on social change and provided insights to inforni bilingual education and language policy decisions.

Students' language use is ofien affected and motivated by their identity choices, and this is explored in Heller's ethnographie sociolinguistic study ( 1983, 1984) in a Toronto French-language school. The goal was to discover the social factors that infiuence language choice and language use at school, and at the sarne time to discover what those language patterns were and what their me-g was. Language choice in interaction with pers and teachers was seen as contributhg to the formation of a chiid's social identity. The project was based on the hypothesis that language use in social interaction is a process of creating and exploiting linguistic resources in order to make sense of experience, and this includes the management of interpersonal relations and the accomplishrnent of tasks.

Ln the study, the topics included in interviews were as follows: 1. patterns of language use by family members at home and in activities outside home and school; 2. participation by family members in social or cultural organizations; 3. social networks of fady members; 4. motivations for choice of schools; 5. views on French-ianguage education in Toronto in general and impressions of the school taking part in the study in particular. The researcher proposed that

"social meaning is related to language proficiency in three ways: 1. it reflects the sheer possibilities of access to the second language, and more importantly, to usefiii second language input, and it points to the social orgariizational reasons for the existing stmctures of access; 2. it explains motivational reasons for embracing or resisting the second language; 3. it explains observed pattemc of language use in tenns of the way linguistic resources are exploited to make sense of daily experience, and in tmsof the social constitution of linguistic conventions" (HeUer quoted from Harley et al., 1987, p. 385).

As stated by Heller, the motivational factors in language choice accounting for the presence of a diverse population arc varied, but change predictably according to the extent to which the

French Ianguage is associateci with one's own cultural identity, with that of others, andor with instrumentai advantages. The other major factor concerns the degree of felt need for the protection of French language and identity and of imegrative motivation.

To idene social determinants of language choice across a variety of situations, McGregor and Li (1 99 1) conducted a study among the Chinese to see how such determinants dkcted language use. Questionnaires were given to 150 university students to hdout the relationship between Ianguage choice and various situational factors, in particular conversational topics, physical sdngs and interlocutors. The two analytic models of "domain analysis" (Fishrnan,

1972) and "audience design" (Bell, 1984) were used, and the researchers found that where conversational topics were concemed, Chinese was the most frequently-used language and dm the most Wely choice, whether for personal, domestic, leisure and entertainment, academic, religious or political topics. The choice rate for Engissh was generally low for conversational topics. On the whole, McGregor and Li concluded that Chinese (in this case Cantonese) was the most frequently chosen Ianguage in al1 but one situation, Le., in the presence of a third Party, and

Chinese (Cantonese) was most frequentiy used when the interIonitor is a "local" Chinese of senior age. The choice of either Chinese or Enghsh was strongly influenceci by presence of a third Party.

This seems to suggest that mWng of the language is primanty related to in-group interactionai noms. Results showed that dflerent types of interlocutors clearly cded for particular choices of language, and that the most salient influence on the linguistic behaviour of the speaker came from the identity of the "audience". Non-audience factors such as topic and setthg were subse~entto particular audience types, which is consistent with Bell's "audience design" theory.

3-3. Chinese Language Use and Cbinese Language Maintenance

One recognizes that attitudinal and motivational factun of students, parents and teachers toward the leaming and maintenance of a heritage language make a Merence to the pattern of first language use and proficiency of the students. Chan (1989) studied the language use of six

Chinese-speaking adolescents to examine the conceptual, social and attitudinal variables of language maintenance. Four perspectives of first language maintenance were explored: 1) the educationd perspective, relating bilingual programs heritage laaguage programs, the Common

Underlying Proficiency theory, the age of arriva1 and length of residence of students with mother tongue maintenance; 2) the sociological perspective, in which aspects such as ethnicity, inter- ethnic relations, population ratio, inter-mmiage and the family are anaiyzed; 3) the linguistic perspective, where the acquisition of a second language, codeswitching of the bilingual child and language planning and first language maintenance are discussed; and 4) the psychological perspective, in which aspects nich as bilingual proficiency and self-esteem, individuai differences, attitudes and psychological consequences of fust language maintenance were investigated. Her research codimed earlier rmarch findings that a variety of factors, including the perception of the language in the community and in the home, students' length of stay in a new country, the individuai's attitude and motivation etc. aii affecteci the process and continual use of the mother- tongue.

The effect of parents on Chinese mother-tongue maintenance was again emphasized in Cheung's (1981) study of children in five Chinese wmunities in urban Canada. He found that

Chinese parents' direct promotion of the ethnic language accounted for 44% of the total variance of the children's language retenti04 reinforcing once again the point that the famiIy is an important language retahing agent.

The Chinese comrnunity also served as the important background for Guthne's (1 985) detailed ethnographie study in "A Schwl Divzdecf'. Through focussing on a Chinese bilingual education program in a public school at the heart of the Chinatown community in California, the researcher examined the perceptions and attitudes of a particular ethnic group in the school and the comrnwity towards bihgual education programs. The author stated expiicitly the two purposes of the research: 1) to provide insight into the life and aspirations of Chinatown Chinese-

Amencans, a segment of society hitheno little studied or understood, 2) to provide insight into how a bilingual education program was actually initiateci, implemented, and perceived in a

Chinese community. She gave an account of the language and education of a group of Chinese-

Amencan bilingual children, detailing what happened in the bilingual classrooms, how the classes and programs were organized and conducted, and how students, teachers, parents and the community reacted to them.

Guthrie's study, a multiievel ethnography, was " neither confined to the classroom, the school, nor the broder community, but cuts through and links al1 three levels" (p. 14). Through an integrated view of bilingual education in the Chinese cornrnunity, the author captured the structural relationships within and outside the program and the community, and enabled the reader to see the various forces at work innuencing the effectiveness of the program and the leaming of students. Logging systematic record of obsewation notes and interviews, and keeping ngour in her methodology, the researcher covered in great detail topics such as what made up the community, the school, the program, the community and school interaction, the education system, and the wider community. The study helped us to understand how micro processes were related to larger macro issues of culture and social organization, how the context infiuenced the patterns and rules of interpersonal interaction, and how various factors, through interplay, influenceci

Chinese and bilingual language use and maintenance.

The nch and vivid account of Guthrie's helped us to better understand a mùiorïty group's point of view and people's different concems, attitudes and behaviour. The author stresseci that any 'setting' had severai components: physical properties, hwnan componemts and programs, objective and subjective aspects of the enwonment and the individual's ernotional reaction to it.

As a 'holistic ethnographer', the author described and analyzed part of the culture or community by describing the beliefs and practices of the group studied, showing how the various parts contributed to the culture as a unifieci, consistent whole. Overall, she provided a comprehensive description of the total culture of the cornmunity, presenting it as seen not just by the participants in that culture but also in her role as a participant-observer-researcher who shed light on the issues discussed. It is hoped this dissertation can do the same.

The Chinese community is one which has had a long tradition of embracing language maintenance, and programs that work towards the goal of maintenance are usuaily very welcome.

Positive attitude and motivation by themselves however, are not enough; they need to be complemented by a conscious effort in language planning and policy to ensure mong maintenance. The existence of internationaihentage language programs in Canada is one important vehicle for this goal. Yet how far can such progams really maintain the heritage language? Au's (1995) research exarnined the existing practices, challenges and expectations of

Cantonese teachers in the implernentation of the International Languages Program (Chinese) for primary-age students in Toronto and related that to language maintenance. Her research is an ethnographie study of three Cantonese teachers of primary classes in which the investigator conducted weekly classrmm observations, exchanged joumals and dialogues with the teachers and carrieci out interviews, home visits and parent inte~ewswith three children selected to represent the broad categories of students who fomed the rnajority of the Chinese student population.

To assess the effect of the international laquages pro- (Chinese), information was elicited fiom Cantonese heritage-language teachers of primary school boards on cumculum design, teaching materials, pedagogy and instructional strategies. it was found that if the program was ro succeed and heip maintain the Chinese language for the young, instnictors must remedy the following deficiencies and hindrances: 1) the structure and format of the program to provide adequate lming time and an ideal learning environment to students; 2) there was a lack of suitable instructional materials; 3) there was a wide range of abilities of students in each class; 4) there was a lack of research and knowledge about Chinese heritage language cumicdum and teaching; 5) there were very diversifiecf parental expectations and support; 6) the status of the program in the overall school curriculum was insigrilficant; and 7) there was inadquate communication between School Board administrators and teachers. A comrnon concern of teachers was the absence of standards and direction Born the Ministry of Education and Tr-g in the Chinese program, and the inability of administrators to provide professional guidance apart fiom the generic variety. Unless the above challenges were met, it would be difficult to achieve success in Chinese language leamhg and maintenance. Au (1995) found that international/ heritage language teachers really wanted to do their work weii and there was now a definite attitude of opemess for pragmatic ideas and a willingness to improve on the design and implernentation of the international languages program. Such oppomuiities must surely not be missed.

3.4. Cbinese Students and the Multiculturd Classroom

As a minonty group, Chinese students are not traditiody associated with academic failure, though many of them may not reaiiy be d that academicdy successfùl in reality. Goldaein

(19%) studied the bilingual life of Cantonese and non-Cantonese speaking students in a multilingual high school classroorn in Toronto, and found that Cantonese students made use of their fira language to express a 'voice' and 'power' al1 their own. She outlined in her study the different linguistic strategies that Hong Kong students use in achieving academic and success, and found that Cantonese-speaking students chose "to create an alternative Cantonese world to manage leamhg and living conditions at school". One important reason for doing so was to gain access to fnendship and assistance th& was needed to achieve high marks. Using

Cantonese with their school &ends was not just easier and more cordortable for these students, it was also associated with achieving both social success and academic success; the use of English was nsky as it could jeopardize their access to fnendship and assistance. Usùig English was perceiveci as "showing off' because English was regarde. as the language of dominance and power.

Corson (1 993) argued that language is essentiaily powerless on its own. Rather, "it is people who have the power to use language in various ways; it is people who give discourse its form and make judgments about the status of various texts; and it is the situations in which people have power and are using language to serve some potent purpose which give language a power that it lacks when it is without such precise contexts" (p.3). in Goldstein's study, Chinese students and the use of their first language in the classroom represent a form "symbolic power". The students speak in a language that belongs only to an in-group, out of reach of persons of authonty such as teachers or p~cipals;and the language is used to help the ingroup in social and academic success.

The work of Goldstein also brings to one's attention how the teacher can rnake use of multilingual teac hing practices working wit h the students to accommodate their linguistic strategy for learning and set them up for success, allowing the use of students' mother-tongue in the classroorn. The teacher saw the encouragement of multilingualism in group work as a way to encourage positive contribution from ESL students, enhance their social skills and promote mutual respect and self-worth that in mm,can enhance "responsible participation" and "racial harmony" in the multilingud classroorn (p. 14).

Chinese children's success in school is also the central focus of Siu and Feldman's investigation

(1 995) of 10 Chinese Arnerican famiiies with various socio-economic and educational backgrounds. The aim was to exanilne how the families fostered their children's success in school through personai, family, ethnic comunity and mainstream community resources. The study found both differences and umilarities between the attitudes, beliefs and practices of three different kinds of family: "Type 1" in which at least one parent was boni in the United States and had gone through the American educational system; "Type II" in which both parents were immigrants and did not attend school in the States, and Type UI in which both parents were

Unmigrants who had received some schoohg in the States although their earlier schooling was completed overseas. The study showed how these fdeseffectively negotiated the two western and eastern cultures, how they ensured that a continuity existeci between school success and life success, and the unlimited opportunities the families provided for enrichhg experiences for the children.

For the Chinese, it appears that the parents and the family play a crucial role in educational success whether it be academic, linguistic or life success. When one asks 'what is success?', one also asks: 'what is the parents' role in the children's education'? Siu and Feldman's report concluded that if parents were there for the children, they provided social and emotional support, they "kept them on the proper path" to success and they gave them guidance. Ln turn, the families expected the children to attend weii-respected schools, graduate fiom college, have practical areers, become professionals and preferably not artists. The study dso examineci sllnilarities and differences in each family's concepts of cultural identity, attention to the children's social and emotionai development, chiid-reg practices, school involvement and parent assertiveness, and other beliefs and practices, and found that the children are generally secure in their social and cultural identity.

Wang (1991) identified five types of Chinese Amencan identities: the sojoumer, the accornmodator, the assimilator, the ethnically proud and the uprooted (p. 2 1). They all dealt with their immigrant experience and language situation in different ways. Yet Siu and Feldman pointed out that irrespective of how long families had lived in the States or how they felt, the type of ide* or mentality of the parents strongly influenced the children's approach to education. There was the intense effort of parents to keep their children on the "correct path to success", a central part of their familial relationships. In most cases, there was a heavy ernphasis on achieving, on the value of children hahg interests and becoming weti-rounded, and different chiidren would respond to dinerent motivational strategies adopted by the parents.

3.5. Ethnolinguirtic Vitality, Language Maintenance and Shift

Many çtudies look specifically at the ethnolinguistic vitality of puticular ethnic groups.

Gibbons and Ashcroft (1 995) conducteci research into the Italian and Greek community in

Australia in an attempt to explain the cornparatively more rapid language shifi in the Italian versus the Greek community. They proposed that the exphnation lies in perceptions of etholinguistic vitality. Their research cornpared Subjective Vitality Questiomake (SVQ) results for standard

Italian and standard Greek in Australia in order to determine whether the substantial relative difference in vitality between these two languages was refiected in the perceived Mtality as measured by the SVQ. They also attempted to find out whether the perceptions of language vitality of subjects who were not members of the SVQ target-language communities differed fiom those of the SVQ target-language communities, and concluded that differences in perceptions were not as great as the real ciifference. Moreover, there were substantial differences between items that exarnined community vitality versus language vitality. They found that speakers of other minority languages saw Italian as more vital than do Anglo-Australians, and subjects with a higher proficiency perceived ltalian as having higher vitality. Also, Itaiian dialects were perceived as having a much lower vitaiity than standard Itdian. There was no doubt that perceptions of ethnolinguistic vitality afkted the maintenance and shift of the ethnic languages. In the same veh, Wdemyns et al. (1993) conducted a study to examine the perceived vitality of Vietnamese and Engiish in Australia. The study exploreci the goodoess of fit between theoreticai models proposed by ethnoiinguistic vitality thevry and data derived f?om a study of the perceived ethnolinguistic vitality of Anglo-Austraiian and Vietnamese-Australian ethnic groups in

Brisbane. The study was conducted to test the viability of vitality as a unidimensional construct, and to test the viabiiity of the three proposed underlying factors of status, dernographics and institutional support, as measured by the SVQ. Their findings supporied the appiicability of the

SVQ to both high and low vitality groups.

The question is raised as to whether there is a 'threshold', Le., whether there is a point of no retum in language maintenance and shift. Grin (1 993) in his paper "Thresholds in Language

Maintenance and SM"proposed a formai mode1 of language vitaiity as a function of preferences for conducting activities in one or the other language, noting the percentage of minority language speakers, and expectations-based adjustment to the observeci change h language vitality. fis study showed that long-temi survival of certain languages, even with low demolinguistic figures, is possible if they are compensated for by a clear preference for rninority-language activities; that insufficient preferences still allow for sustainable vitality if the public can be persuadeci that language authorities are strongfy cornmitted to the protection of the language. Thus, the concept of threshold is relevant to the analysis of language survival, but that it must be seen as a function of severai variables rather than some unidimensional value. Bearing this in mind, the concept of threshold can then be used to propose guidelines for policy measures aimed at reversing language shift.

Li's (1994) socioiinguistic study of "Three Generations, Two Languages, One Fdy"looked closely at language choice and language shift in a Chinese communïty in Bntain and focused specifically on the relations between social structures on the one hand and language use on the other. It adopted a social network perspective which bridged a macro approach that regarded language behaviour of the individual as conditioned by predehed societal arrangements, with a micro approach which stresseci individuals' capacity to make their own choices, and accounted for the interrelation between them. As was expected with rnany minority languages in a multilingual and cultural environment, the minority language shifted with each generation and the first language was maintained less and less as the generations passe. on.

The investigation looked at the language choice patterns of 58 speakers f?om ten Chinese families in both intra-speaker and inter-speaker variations. For the latter, a number of variables were examineci, including speaker age, sex, and length of residence. It was found that an age- related language shifl fiom Chinese monolingualism to English-dominant bilingualism, through various degrees of bilingualism, was taking place across three generations within the Chinese

British comrnunity he was examining.

As was to be expected, those who maintained a Chinese-dominant language choice pattern and who had the least knowledge of English forged strong exchange ties with other Chinese in the community, even though they had plenty of oppomuiities to interact with nonChinese people, and their 'passive' networks were entirely Chinese. Speakers who adopted the English-dominant

Ianguage choice patterns and who had a better wmmand of English on the other hand, developed non-Chinese, peer-group-based ties. The correlation between language us4anguage ability and social network structure was consistent at both generation and individual levels; Le., rnernbers of the grandparent generation generdy had the strongest ethnic-based ties and used Chinese most often, but those of the parent generation contractai sorne non-Chinese ties and acquired limited

Enghsh. The British-boni child generation, in contrast, developed their network ties mainiy with non-Chinese peers and used Engiish much more often and with greater ease than their parents and grandparents. To what extent this pattern can be applied to the Chinese population in Toronto is discussed later.

Li concluded that an important point emerging f'rom his anaiysis was that social networks affect and are affecteci by their members' language behaviour. On the one han4 social networks of individual speakers constrain their oppominities to leam and use particular languages or language varieties; on the other, use of certain language or language variety can contribute to the development of network contacts of individual speakers. Other speaker variables such as age and sex apparently do not have similar diaiectic relationships with language, although they are associated in various ways with speakers' hguage choice and Ianguage ability. Li advocated working towards a coherent social and integrated mode1 which can account for the relationship between community-level language choice and interactionai-level code-switching, and for the relationship of both to the broader social, economic and political context.

The ethnohguistic vitaiity of the ChUiese people in Toronto is, to a certain extent, refiected in research by CuTnming and Hart (1 996) in a folow-up study of graduates of the LINC (Language

Instruction for Newcomers to Canada) program. The study sought to find out how weil immigrants have integrated or adapted to Canadian society and are able to pursue their own personal goals in terms of obtaining goods and services, education and training, engaging in social, community and leisure activities, jobs and so on. Adult immigrants' adaptation in societal domains included their interpersonal interactions, their uses of and attitudes towards leamhg English and the facilitating and constraining facton present in the pursuit of their future goals.

Preiiminary findings seem to indicate that Cant onese-speaking immigrants, compared to ot her ethnic groups nich as Arabs, Tamils or Poles, are fgirly se~-sufficientand rely less on English whether in shopping or in obtaining goods and services such as medical, financial or real estate services. Media consurnption in their own language is high, with most of them reading Chinese newspapers and watching Chinese TV. Overail, they are quite positive about the LiNC program, and very much appreciate the way LiNC has helped them, especially in dealing with socid agencies and govemment se~cesand in their employment situation. The fact that the Chinese, when compared to other ethnic groups, tend to rely more on their individual, or their ethnic group's resources in ddy life reflects the high ethnolinguistic vitality within its own community.

3.6. Ethodinguistic Vitaiity Perspectives

In this and previous chapters I have elaborated on vitality issues and have used as my basis two theoreticai models of ethnolinguistic vitaiity previously developed by Landry et al. and Bourhis et al. (Fig.2.1, p.18 and Fig. 2.3, p.22). Both perspectives have been helpfid in providhg frameworks for the examination of different variables contributing to ethnolinguistic vitality. The three main sociostxucturd variables of Bourhis et d.'smode1 (Fig. 2.3), namely demography, status and institutional support, have proven a usehl starting point from which to discuss the

Chinese situation in Toronto. The strengîh of this perspective lies in the hct that the variables and parameters are clear, weil-define-,easy to undentand and take a variety of sociostmctud facton into consideration. Some have argueci that certain variables identifiecl as salient are arnbiguous, that they do not allow for inter-relathess or diversity of speech communities, and that the approach typifies a domuiant-centric perspective and are thus inexact tools of analysis in their application (Husband and Khan, 1982). But as Johnson, Giles and Bourhis (1983) have argued, "it is simpler to propose a certain degree of orthogonality between vitality items and between dimensions until spec~jiclinks can be made on the basis of ernpirical studies" (p.257).

They Merpoint out that some of the criticisms do not necessarily undermine the usefulness of identitjiuig salient elements in an interaction spirai, and that until there are better constructs and better tools available, investigations theoretically and empirically will continue to be made based on those variables. The inclusion of perceived vitality dimensions is of particular relevance.

Objective assessments need to be complernented with subjective Mews and experiences, as sociostructural variables alone, however important, are inadequate in accounting for the cornplexhies of analysis of ethnolinguistic vitality.

Some vaxiables shown in the present study, such as ties to homeland, actual contact with the media, sociai networks parental influence, or relationship with and attitude of the majority group, can also be quite important. Different variables, of course, carry dBerent weight and will impact on etholinguistic vitdity in different ways.

The strength of Landry et ahmodel (Fig. 2.1) is preciseiy that it coven a much broader range of variables, includes individual perceptions and incorporates objective as well as subjective vitality variables. Its focus on demographic, political, economic and cultural capital highlights the relationship between the individual's interaction with the sociocultud environment. The model brings together sociologicai, socio- psychologicai and psychological aspects in a mu1 tidisci piinary approach which to a large extent forms the bais of the present study. In conducting the present study, I am made very much aware of ail foms of changes that cm take place with every vm-able at any pariicdar point in the; it is sometimes the pattern of interaction among the different variables and the interdependence that gives us a more complete picture of overall effect. For example, a combination of demographic and economic capital is Uely to give poiitical capital greater significance. Neither Landry et. ai's or Bourhis et d.'s perspective seems to have taken the change element sufficiently into consideration. If future models can include the element of change as weU as clearer indicators of interaction, then they might be better able to account for the complexities of muhicu1tural situations.

3.7. Summary

In this chapter I have highiighted various studies that bear relevance to the issues under discussion. The studies looked at individual and social-environmental factors that affectai

Ianguage use, language choice and language behaviour and the relationship between them. Some of the factors included aninidinal and motivational ones, language development and proficiency, first language maintenance and shift, ethn~lin~sticvitality, ethnic identity and so on. The importance of parental aîtitude, age, length of residence, peer interaction, cultural identity, linguistic ability, language networks, success in Ieaming, school and family and social environment al1 play an important part in students' first language exposure, language use and behaviour. To what extent the above variables cm be apptied to the Chinese situation in Toronto is to be elaborated.

In the immediately foiiowing chapters, 1 shall deal specfically with different sets of variables as they relate to the language use and behaviour of the Chinese population in Toronto. The sociological variables will be dealt with 6rst, to be followed by socio-psychologicai and psychological variables in subsequent chapters. The sociological variables are very much tied to the objective vitalxty of the Chinese group in Toronto now, the subject of which is found in the next chapter. CHAPTER 4 - SOCIOLOGICAL FACTORS AF'FECTING LANGUAGE USE AND BEHAVIOUR - ETKNOLINGUISTIC VJTALITY OF THE CHINESE

The Chinese community in Toronto today has been desm'bed as "a community that has really

corne of age" (TorontoStar, February, 19, 1996). It has undergone very rapid change in the last

few years, in Toronto as well as in other parts of Canada, significantly affecting the ethnolinguistic

vitaiity of the group and its relationship with the majority culture. An application of the theoreticai models related to ethnolinguistic vit* as mentioned by Landry et al. (Fig. 2.1) and

Bourhis et al. (Fig. 2.3) are elaborated in this chapter with regard to the Chinese comunity.

Noting that the three main dimensions aEecting ethnolinguistic viteare demograpby, status and iostitutiond support (see Fig. 2.3), there seems plenty of evidence at the sociological level to show that changes are taking place in these areas at present. The Chinese group diEers from other muionty groups in some ways, yet at the sarne time share fundamental characteristics with other rninority groups, details of which will be elaborated Iater. Regarding the ethnolinguistic vitality of the Chinese and its effect on language use and behaviour, what then are some of the characteristics of Toronto, Chinese people at the sociologicai, socio-psychological and psychological levels? How do the characteristics relate to students' identity and ethnolinguistic beliefs, and in what way do they affect students' language use and behaviour and attitude towards mother-tongue maintenance? Let us examine some of the relevant issues.

4.1. Demography

4.1.1. Size of Cbinese Community and Reinforcement by Continued Immigration

Toronto's Chinese population foms one of the largest ethnic cornmunities of the city today. In ment years, immigrants fiom Hong Kong, Taiwan and China have made the Chinese one of the fastest growing ethnic groups in Canada. One out of four immigrants to Toronto in 1992 was

Chinese and originated fiom Hong Kong, Taiwan or mainland China. Two out of every five people of Chinese ongui in Canada now iive in the Greater Toronto Area, representing 7% of the population. Immigration from Hong Kong rose substantiaiiy in five years - nom 20,000 per year in the late eighties to 29,000 per year in 1 993 (Toronto Star, Dec. 19, 1995). This is due largely to the fact that Hong Kong was to revert fiom British to Chinese dein July, 1997 and people were apprehensive of the poiitical and social situation there. ui fact, Hong Kong has become the largest single source of immigrants to Canada, especially in the 'independent' and 'entrepreneurid' immigrant categones, in 199 1 and 1992.

In addition, immigration from mainland China rose from 2,000 per year in the rnid- 1980s to

9,000 in 1993. The biggest surge was in 1990 and 199 1 foliowing the 1989 prodemocracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Immigration officiais aiso reported that due to tensions between China and Taiwan, applications from Taiwanese to emigrate and to visit Canada were dso up significantly, representing an 80% increase in 1995 over the previous year for both

Canadian visitors' visas and permanent residence (Toronto Star, March 13, 1996). AIthough 20 years ago there were about 1O0,OOO people in Greater Toronto claiming Chinese ongin, today the figure is almost 360,000 from al1 corners of the world. It is estimated that by 2001, the Chinese will be the largest visible minority group in Canada, with over a million people (Ming Pao, 26

February, 1 997).

Current figures dready indicate that the Chinese language is now the fastest growing non- official language in Canada as a direct result of the nurnber of immigrants in the last ten years. As was reported in the 199 1 Census, Chinese has already replaced Itaiian as Canada's third most cornmon language spoken at home, afler English and French. The number of people speaking

Chinese increased six times in Canada corn 1982 to 199 1 to ahost 430,000, with the greatest concentration in Ontario. On an international level, one in five of the world population speaks

Chinese and the language provides communication access to a comtly 4th a population forty times that of Canada. In Toronto, the number of people reporting Chinese as their mother-tongue increased 15 7% between 198 1 and 199 1, ffom 68,000 to 1 75,000 (Metropo1ita.n Toronto

Business and Market Guide 1994: 12 1). Even many non-Chinese, due to the fast-growing economy in Asia-Pacific and the need to maintain a cornpetitive edge in the global market, are starting to recognize the value of Chinese and learn the language.

Unlike other Asian groups such as the Japanese, who tend to be "quite scattered [in Toronto] ... with no Japanese comrnunity, but just a conglomeration of small groups" (Oketani, 1995), or the

Koreans, who are not so great in nurnber in Toronto (Kim, 1993), the Chinese tend to congregate in certain geographic regions and form their own distinct comunities. Geographic concentration is regarded as an important variable in a group's ability to maintain its own language. By dint of numeaical strength and concentration, a large minority group is usually in a better position to make itself'prorninent and to mobilize itselfin support of its language. Li (1 982) found that third- generation C hinese-Arnericans residing in Chinatowns s hifted less towards English than t heir agernates who resided outside Chinatowns. In the Greater Toronto Area, over 350,000 Chinese congregate in six different 'pockets':downtown Toronto, Scarborough, North York, Markham,

Richmond Hill and Mississauga. Such nurnbers and intense concentration are having an increasing impact on the Canadian education system, economy and Society (Canada & Hong Kong Project, 1992). At the tirne of writing, Canada's immigration policy also means that the numbers, and very iikely the concentration, will continue to inmease in the corning years, given the politicai uncertainty in Hong Kong, Taiwan and China.

It is only natural for recent immigrants to concentrate in certain geographic areas where their own kiz~dsof restaurants, supermarkets, theatres, stores, have grown and thq can have easy access to them. More and more however, rather than sticking to traditional inner cit~downtown

Chinatown areas, new Unmigrants with wealth and status are moving to midde-class suburbs traditiondy occupied by Caucasians. The wave of Chinese immigration is indeed changing the face of rnany communities across the country. The proportion of the Chinese people in Markhan, for example, has grown fiom a meagre 2% in 1990 to 1 5% in 1995. The large mimber of Chinese speakers densely congregated in certain areas with plentifid local comrnunity support can sornetimes iead to tension and problems, for example the Marktiam incident in 1995 which will be elaborated later. The strong ethnic economy of the Chinese has led to investments in real estate, insurance, finance, and various forms of services. Even "mainstream"seMces do what they cm to cater to the Chinese market. This involves hiring Chinese in se~ceindustries that have a strong Chinese clientele, marketing and promothg products and services in the Chinese language, using ethnic advertisers who understand the Chinese market, setting up Chinese hotlines for inquiries, and sponsoring major Chinese festivals and functions.

4.13. Distindiveness of the Gmop

The above highlights some of the features that make the Chinese people in Toronto different hmother minority groups, i.e., their size, their concentration, their self-reliance, their growing economy, their hiaory and tradition, theû values and ethics. Despite the fact that Hong Kong has

previously bencoloniseci, that many Chinese over the centuries have been forced to scatter to aiI

parts of the world, and that they have endured much hardship and discrimination, this minonty

group has not, in gened, devalued its own schools and language and been ashamed of itself and

its culture due to intemaking the critical or sconiful views of the major@ group. The Chinese

have traditionally been widely regardeci as a highly segregated group (Guthrie, 1986; Chow,

1990) who easily promote cohesiveness among themselves. In most major cities of the world

there are identifiable Chinatowns where the Chinese people congregate and form their own

dynarnic comrnunities. Ahhough mked marriages with non-Chinese do exist, the numbers,

particularly for first generation immigrants, are relatively srnall. The Chinese have aiso been well-

known throughout hiaory for their strong maintenance of cultural traditions and heritage. It is

generally reco&ed that Chinese immigrants have very favourable amtudes towards heritage

laquage programs and drst language maintenance (Chan, 1989).

It should be noted however, that the Chinese in Toronto do not form a homogenous group.

They corne from mainly three different places - Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainiand China. The

specific background of these immigrants obviously Vary, with the Hong Kong group forming a

distinctly Cantonese-speaking linguistic group as opposed to the Mandarin-speakers fiom China

and Taiwan. The dflerence is not just linguistic, but sometimes socio-economic, or even

'cultural'. For example, there are hardly any refugees fiom Hong Kong or Taiwan, as compared to those fiom China. The Hong Kong group, as well as the Taiwan group, tend to be from the

'independent' or 'entrepreneur' Unmigrant categories with a minimum education and professional background. They emigrate through qualifjing a tough 'points' system set up by Immigration Canada that scrutinizes their language, education, profession and financial status.

They also often sponsor their older or younger famïiy memben fiorn thek homeland to corne to

Canada for famiy reunion, through meeting the specined hanciai requirements stipulateci by the

Canadian govemment. For those fiom mainland China, there are many restrictions from their own country with regard to their application for emigration or the movement of assets, and so immigration figures for this group is at the moment not as hi& though definitely on the increase.

As the number of immigrants from Hong Kong far outweighs those f?om Taiwan or China at present, Cantonese is now the main spoken language in the Toronto Chinese comrnunity. My study in this dissertation will also be focushg on the Cantonese student population-

The unique cultural background of Hong Kong being a former British colony also means that

Hong Kong people have been exposed to a bilinguai and bicultural enwonment fkom very early on. They are certainly exposed to English more so than those fiom China or Taiwan. The language use of some students before coming to Canada, particularly those fiom educationdly elite schools, involves much code-switching and code-mking of English and Chinese (Johnson,

1986; Gibbons, 1988). For many students, there are dso distinct domains of language use for school, work and home (Richards, 1982). To some degree this Muences their integration and adaptation into Canadian mainstream culture and society, and aiso affects their language attitudes and first language maintenance.

At a student Ievel, while students fiom some rninority groups e.g. Latino, Afncan-Arnerican, or first nations, have niffered academic Mure within the educational system, those with a Chinese background have not generally failed in schools. On the contrary, they have been perceived as hard-working and many excel in scientific and technicd subjects. In many cases they are even branded as 'academic successes' by teachers who have high expectations of them, çornetirnes arousing the resentment of other students (Goldstein, 1996, Guthrie 1985). With increasing numben of Chese -dents in Canadian schools, it is more and more O bvious that not al1 Chinese students are good academicdy. In fact, the author knows fiom personal expenence that quite a few are academic fdures; some suffer f?om subtraaive biiinpuaiism and feel alienated and segregated fiom western society .

Despite their distinctiveness, the Chinese, as a group, is just another minority group in

Canada, sharing the same characteristics as many other rninority groups. They derisolation and discrimination in work places, in the school system, in certain professions, in job promotion, or in areas of political and econornic influence. They have to work doubly hard to strive to where they are today. In some schools, the relationship between the Chinese and other groups is not always srnooth (Goldstein, 1996). The struggles for the Chinese have not aiways been easy, and they are ofien treated no better and no worse than any other minority group in Canada.

4.2. Status

4.2.1. Language and Ethnic Identity

hguage and ethnic identity stress mots that have a direct bearing on attitudes towards fist language maintenance. The Chinese have always been driva by a justifiable pride in a culture that has evolved and has been refined over several thousand years. Speakmg their own language is associated with intense feelings of nationdism. Being under British colonial de, as Hong

Kong was for 99 years, is not something the Hong Kong Chinese are particularly proud of Many emigrate to Canada for fwof China's rule in 1997, which they feel to be worse than under a colonial mle7 despite a "one country two systernsn policy assured by the Cbese govemment. To many, migration means an ethnic identity undergohg severe Nain and conflict - choosing to live in a foreign country rather than be dedwith people of the same ethnic ongin. What's more, many have emigrated at great economic sacrifice and are certauily extremely reluctant to leave their homeland, especially since economic growth in Asia in recent years has fàr surpasseci that of North Amenca. One wonders to what extent they are 'voluntary immigrants' under Ogbu's

( 1 987) classification.

Indeed, gening a Canadian passport is regardeci by some as an "insurance policy" which aliows the Hong Kong immigrant the option of retuming to their homeland after 1997 if conditions are tolerabie. Perhaps more than any other immigrant group, the concept of 'sojouming' (Wang7

1990) is widespread among the Hong Kong Chinese; there is a growing distinct possibility of retuming to their homeland sometime in the fiiture. The phenornena of the 'astronaut', Le. the father who works in Hong Kong and leaves his wife and children in Canada but travels back and forth regularly to visit theq is fairly commonplace (Toronio Star, 15 May, 1993). Many go back and forth for trade, commerce, business, or just to visit one another to keep up close family ties.

We find many Chinese parents keenly supportive of the heritage language programs in Canada

(Chan, 1986; Au, 1995) in the hope that their children cm maintain and not forget the very

'dBcultl Chinese language. If one takes 'access to renewal of homeland' and oppominities for retuming to the homeland as relevant factors for language maintenance, then the nature and extent of ties that Hong Kong Chinese have with their homeland would make the average Hong Kong

Mymuch more willing than many other ethnic groups to keep and use their mother tongue. 4.2.2. Status of the Croup

One sociostructurd variable which enhances status and vkhyof a group refers to a group's wdth (Bourhis et al., 198 1 ) . When the Chinese first emigrated to Canada over a hundred yean ago, many came as labourers working for the railroads and had very little to their name. They were known as Wah Gung, i.e., Chinese worken, or Wah Qiao, i.e., those of Chinese ethnic origin (Wang, 199 1). In their attempt to make a new life in Canada, many took on jobs such as restaurant or laundry workers, cooks or factory hands. They were subjected to a heavy head tax in order to become Canadian citizens and were victims of much racism and intolerance. They stmggled and surviveci however, working extrernely hard, some capitalising on their entrepreneurid spirit and operating their own restaurants and laundromats, making great sacrifices to be self-reliant. It was not uncoinmon for many children of these traditional first-generation immigrants to be asharned not ody of their parents' low socio-economic status, but of their own culture and language (Huang, 1992). Some early immigrants regret having lost their first language, redizuig that knowledge of their first language was definitely an asset because "dthe moa interesting things hap pen at the intersections of cultures" (Toronto Star, Feb. 1 0, 1996).

Those immigrants are quite distinct £tom the kind of Hong Kong immigrants that have been amWig in Canada today. "They've gone fkorn railway workers to railway ownen, from boat people to yacht club members, fiom being unwanted and despised to being welcomed as the avatars of success" (Toronto Star, Feb. 19, 1996). Today, Canada welcomes many immigrants with a good education and relevant work skiiis that match the country'sjob market. More and more the Canadian governrnent asks that they dso have excellent language skius, be able to speak both French and Englisû, so that language se~cesrequired for settlement and adjustment are reduced. Immigrants are aiso required to be financialiy self-reliant to show that they would not have to depend on any social assistance. In particular, many Hong Kong immigrants come to

Canada as investors or entrepreneurs, and hgmoney with them to settle and to invest. For applications under the 'family reunion' classification, principal immigrant applicants need to have a steady job and a reasonable amount of money before they can sponsor their Miesor relatives to come over. Statistics Canada's CdimSuciai TrenrLF reports that Chinese addts are better educated and hold more professional jobs than the Canadian population as a whole (nie

Fimcial Post. Nov. 24, 1995).

From a sociohistoricai perspective the present-day Chinese in Toronto can be said to have a fairly high status. Thek language and culture have been well-preserved through many centuries, and the Chinese people rernain a distinct group with a strong history, culture, tradition, values and beliefs. The language has surviveci through thousands of years despite the fact that it is often regardeci as a 'difficult' one to Iearn.

In a survey done by Ming Pao, a Ieading Chinese newspaper in Toronto, Vancouver and

Hong Kong, findings show that their readers "have an average family income of more than

%57,000. 60% of the readers own their homes and 65% have a University education". One must however be cautious with such figures: not ail Chinese immigrants are weaithy. It is not uncornmon in Chinese custom that family memben would rally round to make enonnous sacrifices or to raise sufficient funds for one person to setîle remnably comfortably first, and then have other farnily members follow. Many in fact work earemely hard and make great sacrifices to be where they are today.

The economy in the Asia-Pacific region has also grown steadily in the past few years, outperforming the Canadian economy in many respects. The annual economic growth in Hong

Kong has continueci at a steady 56% and the unemployment rate was ody 1% in the early nllieties, rising to an unprecedented 3% m 1995, the worst it has ever experienced. The economy in China is reported to have been growing at an astounding rate of 10% or more a year. In

Canada by contrast, there has been an almost two-digit unemployment rate in the last few years.

The importance of the Pacfic is underscored by the fact that the Pacific is already the source of nearly 30% of global trade, and Canada's trade with the Pacitic is bigger than with the European contiwnt by 50%. In 1995, the economic growth of China, Hong Kong and Taiwan combined follow only the United States, Japan, Gemyand France. Projections from the United Nations suggest that by 200 1, the GDP of Chi- Hong Kong and Taiwan combked will exceed that of

Amerka and Japan and be number one in the world, making the next century a China-dominant one (Ming Pao, July 28, 1997). The Canadian Government acknowledges that the Asia-Pacific region will becorne more and more important for Canada (Toronto Stm, Nov. 16, 1999, so much so that 1 997 has been named by the Canadian Govemment as Canade's Year of Asia-Pacific

(CYAP),with the Prime Minister of Canada forrning a 'Team Canada' with al1 provincial premiers and leading huge trade delegations to Asia to promote business and trade. The strong Asian cultural ties in Canada are also seen as important links with the east. "Canada must rhink globally and act globally as weU if it is to compete seriously in the Asian market" said Canada's ambassador to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Developrnent (Toronto Star,

Aug. 9, 1997). Those who cm speak the Asian language are seen as valuables assets in important economic links with Asia.

Many principal immigrants, usually fathers, niU work and reside in Hong Kong, while their families are ui Canada. This means that rnoney earned elsewhere is sent to Canada to support people living there. Real estate developers and major corporations like banks, retail stores, telephone wrnpsnies or car dealers, have dweloped strategic plans to target the lucrative Asian market, whom they believe can &ord to buy houses and rnany other consumer products at a time when the economy of Canada is at an d-time low (at tune of writing) and government cutbacks are al1 too common. In certain geographic areas the Chinese are said to have driven up house pnces because of their congregation in those areas. From an advertising point of view, products sel1 better if the advertising is done in the Ianguage and cultural style thaî appeals to Chinese consumers. That partly explains the tremendous growth of ail kinds of Chinese-Ianguage media and advertising, which is seen as jua another exampte of smart, market segmentation.

It is therefore more and more the case that a new Hong Kong immigrant needs not speak a word of English as he or she now gets all forms of seMces in the Chinese language; Chinese sales agents help buy houses, cars, air tickets, insurance or furnittire, or in visiting the bank, the doctor, the lawyer or the accountant. The Chinese community is becoming more and more self-contained and self-reliant, and with weaith and a strong ethnic economy cornes a higher stat~~sand a seemingly greater dependence on their own ethnic contacts rather than reaching out to integrate with mainstream society. How do children of these fist-generation immigrants perceive and ded whh this phenornenon? The present study hopes to address some of the above issues. Indeed, whether such strong dependence on ethnic contacts is in fact a positive or negative thgis clearly debatable, but it certainly highlights the fact that the current etholinguistic vitdity within the

Chinese comrnunity is very hi@.

With the growing economic strength and statu of the Chinese, there is also room for the flnctioning of the Chinese language in social advancement within the Chinese community.

Paulston (1988) poimed out that there are two major kinds of incentives for language maintenance: 1) economic advantage, primarily in the fonn of source of income, and 2) social prestige. In the present econornic recession, there are job opportunities still available within the

Chinese cornrnunity and the ethnic economy. Even in some se~ceindustries in mainsveam society, appiicants are known to be asked whether they cm speak Chinese, which is regarded as an asset. Without rewards, language Iearning is not salient; and Chinese is developing into a language of econornic and social advancement, even in Canada.

It must, bowever, be recognized that in the whole of Canada, the stanis or prestige of the

Chinese people and its language is by no means high, with Chinese language use still limited largely to the home and the ethnic comunity. The Chinese have very linle iduence or control in govemment, political or even economic spheres and many Chinese people recognke that it will still take quite a long the to gain politicai strength or have power in areas that matter. However, acadernics suggest that such a situation is a transitional and an inevitable phase as immigrants sale in a new country, and that given time and chmging conditions, the fùture of the Canadian

Chinese in politicai and econornic spheres wili be bright.

4.2.3. Status of the Language

Chinese is a language with a long history and because of the growing numbers now speaking it in Canada, the language itseE has gradually asswned a higher status. As previously mentioned,

Chinese is now the language spoken by the most nurnber of unmigrants in Canada. This is in stark contrast to the languages of some other ethnic groups which may not have such a strong status or prestige nor such strong school or media support. Kim (1 992) in discussing Korean, Diong

(1989) in discussing Lao, and Oketani (1995) in discussing lapanese, al1 indicate that their home languages are relatively weaker languages in relation to English, the dominant Ianguage in

Canada; these mother tongues face a fairly rapid and serious threat of speakers' swing to

Engiish, especially the younger generation growing up in Canada. As Diong (1989) stated, there is an 'identity' vernis a 'practicality' issue for the language of many minority groups in Canada.

The Chinese language, by conmut, is currently assuming increasing importance in Canada's trade relations with Asia as well as in the growing intemal Asian and global economy generally. The fact remains that Chinese is stiU strong in many domains of use within the Chinese community, including the religious, ùnrinsic and secular domains. Overall, there is a strong and positive comrnunity and individual attitude towards maintenance of the Chinese language in Canada today.

If one considers the Canadian context as a whole however, clearly there is stdi a long way to go before the Chinese language will achieve any form of ugruficaat social, political or economic stahis. Unless and until the language is used in goverment, in political, economic and ducational spheres, its use will be lirnited to the home and within the ethnic community.

However, the fact that it is well-supported in the home, in the cornrnunity and tikely globally, wiU already go a long way towards enniring its survival. To what extent it will really flourish will then depend on how serious the cornmitment is and how many resources are put into maintainhg and prornoting the Ianguage.

4.2.4. Relationship Between Minority and Majority Group

It should be recognized that the language use and behaviour of rnembers of a minority group can be affecteci by the minority group's rdationship with the majority group. A smwth relatioaship facilitates better integration with the larger community, and the use of the mother tongue and the majority language will occur naturally in contexts where such relationship is not threat end.

To ernigrate 6om a country involves voluntarily relinquishing part of one's previous identity.

That is an inescapabte reaiity which should be squarely confionted. Immigration involves making a new life for oneself and one's family, putting down new roots and making a cornmitment to

Canadian citizenship; many seek to gain a sense of belonging as quickiy and Myas possible. To a certain extent, immigrants are somehow psychologicaiiy prepared to use less of their mother tongue as they recognize that the domains for such use become more Limiteci. Many dso recognize that citizenship is a process that involves contact and engagement with other Canadians whether native-boni or othenvise. It is this involvement with others that will ultimately clanS> and define what Canadian citizenship is and dlhopemly act as the glue that holds together

Canadians of al1 backgrounds. Without intimate engagement with other Canadians, cultural conflicts are lïkely to occur.

It is not uncornmon to find that difrent cultures have different ideas about the integrity and integration of their own group in relation to other groups. For example, some anglophones and francophones are less than positive about the inclusion of heritage languages in the regular school program. Often, first language educational support such as heritage language programs tend to be the first casualîy in the face of massive goverrunent cuts, the fint areas to be sacrificed. Even private institutions that promote first language study suffer when there is a general weakness in the economy. The growing vitaiity of the Chinese, generaîly accepted by the majority of the population, has dso been regarded as a threat by some community members.

This wi be reflected in incidents such as the "W5"TV program in the Iate seventies which suggested that Chinese students in Vancouver took up more than their fair share of university places traditionaliy held by Caucasians. This caused mch a backlash among the community that for the first time, the Chinese gathered themselves together to maintain a united stand against what they perceiveci as racial discrimination. It propeiied a minority group to stand together for their own rights in an organised fashion against a powerful majority group.

A more recent example of the stress and tension that cm arise when a majority group feels threatened by a minority group with difirent cultural values and when the situation is not handled appropriateiy is "the Markham incident' of September 1995. What happened was that Carole

Bell Deputy Mayor of Markham, stated that the growing concentration of Chinese-Canadians in

Markham was causing long-time rnainstream residents to feel unwelcome and to move out of the area. People of Chinese ethnicity now make up an estimated 15% of the town's 160,000 population, a tremendous increase in the last few years. In particular, Bell was not happy with the language use and behaviour of the Chinese group. She charged that there was an absence of

English signs and English language at many Chinese businesses, and that some property developments were being marketed exclusively to the Chinese, citing the huge scale of two, planned Asian-theme rnails. She remarked that the evident absence of linle English was a concem to many long-time residents. This language issue soon boiled over to a polmcal issue. Bell's statement that a "growing concentration of ethnic groups is causing social contlict" and her subsequent refusal to apologize ftelled a public outcry and forced the formation of a special cornmittee to look into race relations in Markham. It is evident that the Chinese people in Markare now seen as a threat. In the past, Chinese were fiom lower social classes and had settled in the hercity of old Chinatown; but when the present fluent and educated population moved to the suburbs, there were signs of mainstrearn lack of tolerance for the Chinese language and culture.

The speed with which Bell was denounceci by rnany Meiro-area rnayors and other comrnunity leaders was heartening and certainly positive for racial harmony. A 14-member cornmittee made up of town counciliors as well as citizens fkom a range of backgrounds was soon appointai by the council of Markharn to look into ways of healùig a rift with the town's Chinese community.

Among key issues of concern identified were:

demographic changes - rapid growth of the Chinese cornmunity that has other long-time residents concerneci about becoming the minority; a non-English signage - use of Chinese-only signs on area businesses and restaurants; a cultural integration - ditncutties in assimilating Chinese immigrants into Canadian culture; communications and cultural sensitivity - the need to heal misunderstandings and rnisinterpretation of alleged "racisrn"and a "them versus us" mentality

An ovemdiig question was whether the instances of racial dishamony in Markharn were related to language and culture or to problems of rapid urban growth and raciai discrimination.

The issues of managing comrnunity gram the roles various governrnent levels and the education system can play, were raised. How cm residents, the conmittee asked, in the manifestation of their language use and behaviour as well as in other ways, become involved in promoting harmony at the neighbourhood level? Issues of a Iack of cultural sensithity and of practising genuine muIticu1turalism arise. Perhaps we should take particular note of what Cummins (1 995) said in the education of culturaIiy diverse students - that "real change... requires a fimdamental shift fiom coercive to coliaborative relations of power" (p. 145). In fact, he had stated, "the structure of rnacro- and micro-interactions needs to SMso that these interactions generate power for al1 participants rather than increase the disparities of power" (p. 145).

In fact, the Chinese population of Markham dlincrease whether people like it or not. It has become a fact of lie. What is needed is to investigate ways to prornote racial hmony and to work together to solve the problem. As the representative of the Chinese Canadian Polmcal

Action Cornmittee said, "ChineseCanadians have a proven and successful tmck record of integrating into and becoming significant contributors to Canada's social, culhirai, political and economic sectors... there is no question that new amivals need to adjust, but it is equally important that members of established communities make necessary and sufficient adaptations and adjustments so as to make contributions to the birth of a multicultural society and a new Canadian identity" (Toronto Staq January 25, 1996). Many note that what Markis going through is no different than what has happened in Toronto, Scarborough and Vancouver. It was felt necessary to set up race relations awareness programs for tom staff, politicians and community groups and to create a plan to deal with disputes when they arise. The Chinese community was also made aware of the importance of integrating and establishg good relations with the majority group, and to recognize that language plays a pivotal role in the whole process. By February 1996,

University of Toronto President Robert Ptitchard was quoted as saying: "Bell has become a forgettable, irrelevant sideshow" (Toronto &zr, Febmary 19, 1996).

One must acknowledge that the relationship between the minority and the majority group is delicate and can easily tum negative. The Chinese community itself is also fractured and at times bitterly divided over politicai and geographic lines, its own members sometimes unable to find common ground over issues ranghg fiom a head tax refund to setting up nursuig homes for Chinese eiders. If relations with the majority group are welideveloped, however, such diversity

can be positive for ethnohguistic vitality and first-language maintenance.

The debate ova the Markharn incident may have awakened the Chinese people of Toronto to

consider integrating more with the mainstream instead offorming their own Mecommunities.

Such incidents may have served to bring the cornmunity together in a positive way. Indeed, the

issue managed to unite the Chinese more than ever before. Som urged that they should stand united and gain political control if they want to exert any influence and not be subjected to any form of racial discrimination. The incident, on a positive note, managed to foster pride back in

Chinese language, tradition and cuiture.

4*3. Institotiond Support

Various forms of institutional support affect language exposure, language use and language attitudes within the cornmunity, and these include support in the form of govemment policy, educational, culîurd and media support. Ethnicity by itself, however strong, will not maintain a language in a multilingual setting (Paulston, 1988). Cohen ( 1 985) has stated that whether the language is used in govemment, in the media, in religion, in education and in other areas will determine to what degree the language is used and rnaintained. Participation in social institutions, travel including trade, commerce or specific occupations, is also supportive of language maintenance (Paulston, 1988).

4.3.1. Government Policy

Canada is committed to a policy of multicuhuralism. In 197 1 an official policy of "muiticulturalism within a bilingual hmework" was declared. English and French are the officiai

languages and used in goverment, but other languages are aiiowed to prosper. It would of

course take a long the for ethnic languages to achieve the kind of status enjoyed by French in

Quebec or English in the rest of Canada, in the regions in which one of them is the predominant

langauge, or to be weil-represented in government services and in political and financiai spheres,

but in advocating rnulticulturai and multilingual education, the successive governments in Ontario

have allowed schools to play a dennite role in the preservation of an ethnic group's kst language

so fàr. In fact, the number of children coming from homes where the first language spoken is neither French nor Engiish has increased very rapidly in the last 15 to 20 years.

Ontario Regulation 154 requires school boards and minority language sections to provide instruction in a language other than English or French when written requests are received f?om parents on behalf of 25 or more qualified persons of that school board or minority language section (Canadian Educational Associatioh 1 99 1 ). Funding for these classes is provided by the

Ontario Ministry of Education as part of the Contuiuing Education Grants to school boards and minority language sections. Heritage language programs and classes are aiiowed to develop and the school boards have the responsibility to provide staff, as well as design and implement the curriculum of these programs. Under the Ontario Hentage Languages Program, classes can be offered after school or on a non-school da5 where enrolments just& the five-hour school day is extended by 30 minutes. School boards and rninority language sections accept fidl responsibility for the statf; cumculum and supervision of these classes. That these classes are dowed to exist and encouragecl to flourish is seen as a positive act of support hmthe govemment.

The term 'heritage language' was originally used by the Ontario Miniary of Education and Training to refer to any modem language other than the two officiai languages of Canada, English

and French. Language teachers understand it as the language of origin, the fkst language, the

language of one's parents or ancestors, the ethnic or minority language in society. It is also

known as 'wmrnunity language', 'ancestral language', and 'mother-tongue teachuig' (Curnmins &

Danesi, 1990) in other countries. As time went on, the term was seen as problematic. Since

students of any ethnic background were entitled to enrol in any hentage language class, and in keeping with the spirit of equal opportunity in education, the Ontario Ministry of Education and

Training in 1994 changed the narne of the program officidy to International Languages Progm

(M.E.T.Heritage Languages Program Report, Nov. 10, 1993) "to dispel the negative connotation associated with the term and to emphasize the importance of language in today's world" (Goosen,

The Ontario Ministry of Education emphasizes the enrichment potential of the program, and the Guideline gives the aims of the program, di designed to improve language use of students and in particular, foster heritage language use. It is believed that the opportwiity to develop hentage laquage speaking, reading and writing skills (from Ontario Ministiy of Education, 1990)

O enhance students' concept of themselves and their heritage rn improve communication skills - prepare students to use heritage languages in the Canadian context 9 aDow -dents to use skills and concepts they already possess - provide experiences in leaniing that may prove to be a valuable basis for credit courses at the high school level - encourage all students to dewelop new language sWs that will help them to function more effectively in Canada's multicultural environment as well as in the international community 0 enable students to develop a sensitivity to Canadian and other cultures and peoples and a critical awareness of their own culture. 4.3.2. Educational and Cultural Support

The role of the schwl in supporting or represing minority languages has been discussed by many researchers (Dorian, 1978; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1984; Corson, 1 993; Cummuis, 1995). As

Cummins has pointed out, often "societai macro-interactions give nse to particular foms of educational structures that are designed to reproduce the relations of power in the broader society"(p. 149). Thus programs such as the international languages program were seldom given top priority. In fact, the organization and implementation of heritage language programs in

Toronto have been fraught with problerns, e.g., inter-and intra-group confiict, administrative barriers, a lack of suitable teaching materials and teachers, and continuing decrease in funding

(Cummins & Danesi, 1990; Au 1995). However, Canada, in some juridictions by action, and in others on paper, is at least better than many other countiies for its recognition of an official multicultural policy and acknowledgement of the contribution, culture and language of its citizens and immigrants.

Current enrolments for heritage language classes stand at over 120,000 students being taught two and a half hours per week in Ontario - a total of 80 hours a year. Ntogether 68 school boards and minority language sections provide more than 4,500 heritage language classes in 62 different languages. Italian, Portuguese and Cantonese account for approximatety 50% of total enrolments (Canadian Educational Association, 199 1), and some programs are int egrated wit hin the regular credit school curriculum (Danesi, 1990). In the particular case of Chinese, there is in addition a large number of 'private' Chinese schools that provide Chmese language classes for schooi-age children. Many religious or community groups also operate non-formal first language classes for its mernbers. Au (1995) found that Chinese is quickly assuming an important role in the school and university cumcuia. Chinese has been approved as an Ontario Academic Credit for university admission purposes, and the Education Testhg Se~cein U.S.A. has also announced in 1994 that

Chinese would be one of the foreign languages in the battery of Scholastic Aptitude Tests

(S-AT). All these render essential support for the maintenance of the Chinese language.

At the tertiary education levei, the increase in Canada's Asian-Canadian population and the growing importance of China in the global economy are having a direct impact on such areas as recniitment practices, curriculum, and international activities for many institutions in Canada. In

1995-96. Hong Kong students represented the largest number of international students at both the

University of Toronto (htemationaI Student Cerrîre NausIetter, Jmuary 1996) and York

University. In fact, some 8,000 students at the University of Toronto are of Chinese descent.

Besides immigrant students f?om Hong Kong, there are also many f?om China and Taiwan.

Chinese students are now the largest ethnic studem group at the universities of Toronto, York,

Waterloo and Western Ontario. This has resulted in a variety of collaborative VenNeS with an

Asian emphasis, e.g., the setting up of the University of TorontoNork University Joint Centre for

Asia-Pacific Studies, funded by the Hongkong Bank of Canada, and the creation of the Canada-

Hong Kong Resource Centre in 1994 to focus on deveiopment in Hong Kong and immigrant comrnunities in Canada. Joint research projects have been initiated de-gwith social, health, educational, scientific or econornic issues relevant to Toronto's Chinese-Canadian cornmunity; courses and programs have been established that focus on greater understanding of the two continents, and faculty and student exchanges have begun between the universities in Asia as wel1 as in Canada. University of Toronto President Robert Pritchard has acknowledged that "Much of the university's vitality cornes fiom Chinese Canadians. They have contriiuted mapficently"

(TorontoStar, Feb. 19, 1996). Given so many minority students in the education system, role

definitions of educaton is somethg that needs to be re-examineci (Cunrmuis, 1995): issues

include mediating macro-and micro-interactions and reconsidering the extent to which "minority

students' language and culture are inwrporated into the education program", and "minority

community participation is encouraged as an integral component of students' education" (p. 15 1).

One notes that cultural activities and religion are also sociostmcturd variables that contribute to etholinguistic Mtality (see Fig. 2.3). Cultural support cornes in the form of the existence of numerous cultural groups of Chinese artists, dancers, painters, calligraphers, kung-fu masters or media personnel, who hold a large number of exhibitions and performances throughout the year.

Chinese f@ Chinese festivals, lion dances and dragon boat races are ail enjoyed by both Chinese and non-Chinese alike, and have become an inseparable part of the Canadian way of life. In addition, constniction is already under way in conjunction with the City of Scarborough to bdd a

Chinese Cultural Centre which wüi have a beautiful Chinese garden and will be the largest and most ambitious cultural centre in North America "as a symbol of pride, of who we are" (Ming

Pao,Nov. 19, 1996). Not only will it serve as a focal point for cuttural and business activities of the Chinese community, it aiso aïms to be a bridge linking the Chinese with the rest of the larger community. The project is supported generously by the different levels of federal, provincial and municipal governmentS.

Where religious support is concernecl, many immigrants who never go to church before ernigration now attend church and take part in church-related activities to find solace and a sense of belonging among people of similar linguistic and culturd backgrounds. A large rnajority would go to ethnic churches where their own language is spoken, where they sing hymns and reaâ the

Bible in their own language, where their experiences and problems are discussed and where they can make new fXends. The Christian church acts as a focal point for many Chinese, and helps to develop and maintain certain linguistic and culhird traditions. New immigrants easily find sociai, educational, cultural and religious support within their own community to ease the tniuma of the immigrant experience, and ianguage maintenance is strengthened.

4.3.3. Medh Support

In Toronto, community support for the continued use of the Chinese language has becorne increasingiy strong in ment years. First language media support, both in the p~tand electronic media, has gained considerable strength. In an era when many newspapers are stmggluig to survive, there are three thrivùig Chinese-language dailies easily available at major subway stations, restaurants and supermarkets. There are also five weekly newspapers and a number of weekiy magazines, plus numerous Chinese books, novels films and videos readily available for rent or for sale to the general public. Ln public libraries that stock non-English books, Chinese books rank only second to those in Italian. It is dso no coincidence that mauistrearn publications such as

Muciem1s and Toronto Li$e have joined with major Chinese newspapers to produce a Chinese edition of their magazines, promising a profitable new niche for advertisers and Chinese-Canadian readers. The magazines not only provide Chinese readers with Asian news and views, but also gives the cultural, historical and social background of Canada and its place in the world, "so readers can understand why we [Chinese-Canadians]are where we are" (FinanciaiPost, Nov. 24,

1995). The magazines also aim to help Chinese readers integrate into the mainstream by showhg them what the city and country is about. Even the Yellow Pages have corne out with a Chinese version listing Chinese retail and businesses, a project sponsored by a leading Chinese newspaper

Big corporations, be they telephone companies, banks and investment institutions, department stores, car dealers or airiines, advertise heavily in the Chinese language in ethnic publications.

HaWig Chinese advertisements and Chinese editions of mainstream publications is not just a means of tapping into the lucrative Chinese market, "ethnic preference and language ability are reasons ... a 1994 survey showed close to 70% of ChLrese-Canadians had a good comrnand of

English, but more than 60% preferred to read in Chinese" (nie Finmrciui Post, Nov. 24, 1995).

The multiculhiral TV Channel 47 (CFMT)carries a prime-time one-hour news broadcast in

Cantonese every day, wiîh added Cantonese programs at weekends. In addition, there is a

Cantonese pay-TV charnel which broadcôsts news footage and stock market resuits in both

Cantonese and Mandarin taken directly fiom Hong Kong, Taiwan and China every day. The TV stations also irnport the latest Chinese language soap operas and entertainment programs from abroad. The cable TV broadcasting license itself has been the subject of much cornpetition, power and stniggle among the Chinese. As many as four Chinese radio stations are dso now in operation, al1 with connections and hancial backing from Hong Kong or Taiwan. The fact that a

Chinese population of ody 360,000 can support three newspapers, four radio stations, two TV stations and numerous Chinese publications and businesses is evidence that contact with the

Chuiese media and language is hi&. The large number of Chinese restaurants, supermarkets, travel agencies, theatres, vide0 shops and stores al1 helps to sustain strong Chinese culture and language within the community. CHAPTER 5 - RESEARCE QUESTIONS

Given the framework of ethnolinguimc vitality in previous chapters (Fig. 2.1 on p. 18 and

Fig. 2.3 on p. 22), the categorization of variables according to sociological, social-psychological, and psychological levels, and the background suppliai for the Chinese people of Toronto and

Canada, the foliowing research questions are addressed:

For the sarnple of Hong Kong Chinese primary and secondary school students in Toronto,

1. What are the sociological variables that faciiitate students' first language use and related behaviour? Such variables are related to population, demographics, economic capital, and so on. Are the students' positivehegative perceptions of the ethnolinguistic vitaiity of the Chinese group related to these variables?

2. What are the socio-psychologid variables that facilitate students' fkst language use and related behaviour? Such variables inciude the extent of individual networks of linguistic contacts, contact with the Chinese media, and educational support. Are students' positive/negative sucio- psychological attitudes about the role of Chinese language and culture related to such variables?

3. What are the psychological variables that facilitate students' first language use and related behaviour? Such variables include beiiefs about the vhabty of Chinese language and culture, beliefs about the present and funire strength and infiuence of the Chinese minority group in Canada, and beliefis about ethnic ide-. Are shidents' individual vitality beliefs regarding the value of their own use of Chinese and their ethnolinguistic identity related to such variables? CHAPTER 6 - METHODOLOGY

6.1 Ovewiew

This study focuses on variables of ethnolinguistic vitality at the sociologicai, socio-

psychologicd and psychological levels and was carried out fist by quantitative approaches and

then by quahative approaches to fiirther investigate the issues. The research examineci language

use, language behaviour and language beliefs of a group of Chinese (Cantonese) mother-tongue

community of leamers attending the international languages program (Chinese- Cautonese) in

Toronto. Students' ethnolinguistic identity, Mtality beliefs and perceptions towards est language

use were examined in the home, the school and the community7 and withùi the present

sociolinguistic and sociocultural Canadian context.

The researcher was very much a participant observer in the Chinese cornmunity. Because of

the researcher's commiaed and long-standing involvement in the Chinese community, there was

no problem gaining access to schools and families. Details regarding various aspects of the participant observation were carefiill y recorded. Somethes, the researcher would just act strictly as an observer. She also shared the sarne linguistic background as the subjects. When the linguistic cornpetence of the fieldworker is compatible with that of the people being studied, cleariy fieldwork is smoother and more succ~ssful,as was the case in this study. The bilingual cornpetence of the researcher was helpfiil in investigating into some of the more minute linguistic and cultural details of the study.

The subject sample was drawn fiom students of two schools which oEered international languages program (Chinese) and used Cantonese as the speakùig medium. The investigator met the principals, teachers and -dents of the two schools and had no problern enlisting their support. School personnel were eager to participate in the study and to fhd out how shidents really felt about the topics under investigation. Students first completed a questionnaire and 100/o of students who completed the questionnaire, a total of 12 student volunteers, were followed up in more in-depth interviews. There was an attempt to include various times of arrivais to Canada.

Three main areas were investigated:

1. etholinguistic vitality and beliefs, 2. interpersonal networks, 3. first language support.

6.2. Background

Of the two Chinese schools offiring Cantonese language prograrns in the present study, one is located in Markham and the other in Scarborough, both areas with a big concentration of ethnic

Chinese. The schools also take mdents fiom outside their area. The schools are regular high schools during the week, but are used for the international languages program (Chinese) at the weekends.

The Chinese school in Markharn is fliated to a Chinese Christian church situated in the vicinity. The principal, teaching staff as well as many students and students' parents are members of that church. The school however, is open to all and attracts students who are non-church goers as weH as those who go to other churches. The principal and teachers are aii very helpful, and many teachers used class time to make sure that students cornpleted the questionnaire of this study .

Scarborough has been a very popular area for the early wave of Hong Kong immigrants Ui the late eighties and early nùieties, but some of the recent and more afnuent Unmigrants have tended to concentnite in the more subuhan areas of Markharn and Richmond Hill. Comrnunity &ce

87 agencies have developed significantly in these areas which presently house many Chinese shops, restaurants and facilities. Schools and community colieges in Scarborough, e-g., the University of

Toronto Scarborough campus and Centennial College, actively market among the Chinese population.

The Chinese international language school located in Scarborough has a long and well- established history and an excellent reputation withUi the Chinese cornrnunity. It is weil-known for treating C hinese heritage language seriously, provides good academic and literary training, has weii-qualifieci teachers and an extensive extra-curricular program. It is perceived as a school capable of meeting the many pedagogical challenges in teaching Chinese, and has an advanced and demanding curriculum. Many parents, even though they may live quite far fiom the school, are willing to take their children to this particular school to leam Chinese (Cantonese) because of its good reputation. The school also has branch schools in North York and Etobicoke. Enfolment in the Scarborough branch has increased significantly in the last few y-.

The Chinese classes in both schools take place 3 hours a week on Saturday mornings. In the

Scarborough school, there are a total of 33 classes, ranging fiom Grade 1 to Grade 12 and with varying nurnbers of students fiom 10 to 30, in each class. The school in Markham has fewer ciasses, but also covers a wide range. Many Chinese-related activities such as debates, drarna or story-teiling, are organized by the staff in both schools, though the Scarborough school is much more active. As stated in the Scarborough school prospectus, the aims of the school are (p. 1):

a. To teach the students to speak, read, and write Chinese; b To introduce the students to Chinese dhire; c. To give the students an understanding of their cultural heritage in order to enable them to lead a haxmonious lite with their fellow citizens in the multicufturai society of Canada.

With these objectives in minci, both academic and social fùnctions are emphasized, particulady

88 in the Scarborougb school. Academic activities include Cantonese pronunciation, Chinese calligraphy, sentence construction, singing and etiquette for junior classes, and simple essay and letter dg,literature, geography and histoiy for senior classes. In addition to text books, supplementary teaching materials prepared by teachers are provided. Chinese books borrowed nom public iibrarïes are on loan to students as extra-curricuiar reading materiais.

In addition to being in classrooms, students have also been taken to the Chinese collection at the Royal Ontario Museum. Social functions include a Christmas party, Chinese New Year celeb rat ions, and an end-Of-sc hool-year ceremony where students perfonn Chinese songs and dances and read plays and poetry. These functions give students oppodties to demonstrate what they have learned and provide them the experience to perform in their mother tongue before a Chinese audience.

6.3. Participants

The total school population in the two schools exceeds 250, but students in lower grades who were under nine yean old did not take part in the present study as they would have difficdty completing the questionnaire. Students were mainly Hong Kong immigrants; a minority were bom in Canada and may have English as their mother tongue (see 7.1.1.1.2 and 7.1.1 -3.1)- Some of the older students had midieci in the sarne school for a number of years.

A total of 1 15 students from dEerent heritage language classes and grades took part in the shidy. Their ages ranged f?om 9 to 18, median 13 years, and there was a good mk of male and fernale students, and of immigrant and local-bom students. For the in-depth qualitative interviews, students volunteered, and 12 of varying ages and difrent times of arrivd in Canada were chosen for the interviews. Further information relating to the uiteniews is given in sections

6.4.3. and 6.5.2.

6.4. Procedure

6.4.1. Solicitation of Support

The investigator first solicited the support of the school principals of the Chinese schools and explaineci the study to them, visiting them at the schools. A letter outlining the purpose of the study, the responsibility of the researcher and conditions for participation in the study was given.

A sarnple of the questionnaire was aiso enclosed. The hvestigator had no pmblem enlisting the help of principals, teachers and students, and consent was readily given (Appendix A). The investigator was aiso able to meet some teachers who showed keen interest and support for the study.

6.4.2. Questionnaire For Students

With the help of the teachers, questionnaires were distributed to students in their classes

(Appendix B). The investigator was present when the questionnaires were distributed and assisted sîudents who had questions complethg the questionnaire. Some teachers, esepcially those teaching the lower grades, had the students complete the questionnaire during class tirne, while some, especially those teaching the higher grades, suggested that students HI in the questionnaire at home and mail them io the investigator. About 80% of the questionnaires were collected at the end of the school day; the rest were received by mail. 6.4.3. Tape-morded Interviews With Students

A total of 12 students volunteered for the interviews. There were 8 fémale and 4 male students. They were fkom 3 dioerent age groups: age 9- 1 1 (N=4); age 12- 14 (N=5); age 1 5- 18

(N=3) and had differeat lengths of stay in Canada: 14years (N=5); 5-8 years (N=5); 9 years or more (N=2). The irrteniews of about 45 minutes to an hour each were conducted in whichever language the students felt more cornfortable. They were conducted mostly in the students' own homes in a relaxed and fiiendly manner, with the opportunity of meeting the students' farniiy members as well.

To ensure anonymity of the participants and to protect them from any possible evaluation by teachers of the school, the Uiformation on the questionnaires and interviews were kept entirely confidentid. All proper names and identifjing details relating to the subjects were changed in the field notes, interview transcripts and interpretive acwunts. All data were kept by the investigator and used entirely for the purposes of the research only.

Students were givm a choice as to which main language to use for the inte~ew.Most of them did not mind using either language. In fact, al1 students said they would have their inte~ewsmainly in Cantonese, supplemented by Enghsh whenever neceswy, inciuding two midents who emigrated here when they were oniy four years old and even one who was

Canadian-bom. The researcher stressed that the interviews would be conducted Uifomally, and mixed-code was accepted. As it turned out, the inte~ewswere conducted mostly in Cantonese, although students used English for specinc vocabulary items or when the flow of conversation warranted. The interviewer tned to use Cantonese as fàr as possible, recogniPng that the language of the interlocutor and the language used in turn-tsking wodd affect the language choice and language use of subjects. The purpose was also to assess the level of spoken Chinese language of the students, though English was used whenever the occasion warranteci for maximum information and interaction, along with a fair amount of mixed-code.

The interviews were very usefül in obtaining accounts of the midents' beliefk, feelings and aspirations. The strengths of tnangulation were evident as students elaborated on many aspects of the questionnaire. Participants were given an expressive voice to engage in issues and interactions that they nodyhad few opportunities of sharing. Silent stones were given fom to embody personal reflections, "reflections seen in windows of the self and expressed in personal growth moments" (Groux 1988, p. 122). The researcher felt responsible for protecting and ensuring that these voices be heard for the purpose of enhancing a general understanding of the challenges confronthg these students and sharing part of their views and personal growth.

6-4.4. School And Classroom Observation

The investigator visited the schools not just to meet the principals and teachers to distribute questionnaires, but also to familiarise herself with the language use and behaviour of students along corridors, in playgrounds, inside and outside the classroom, and to observe their interaction with other students teachers and their own parents. With the help of a few teachers, the investigator was also able to observe some Chinese classes in action and assisteci in extra- curricular activities. Careful records were kept of the content and processes in school and in the classrwms . 6.5. Instruments

6.5.1. The Questionnaire

The main instrument was a questionnaire for &dents (Appendix B) which was adapted from various language use and behaviour sources, e.g. the reports of Cohen (1 975) and Mille ( 198 1), hguage use questionnaires developed by Mougeon (Mougeon et al. 1982), Cummins et al.

(1 984), Curtis (1986), Foley (1986) and Harley et al. (1 989), ethnocufturaf questionnaires by

Feuerverger ( 1986), Landry and Ailard ( 1987), and subjective vitaiity questionnaires developed by

Bourhis, Giles & Rosenthal(l98 1).

The assumption was that the questionnaire, essentidy a subjective one, would contain items that would include indicators of an overall vitality factor. Together with the objective Mtdity description in Chapter 4, it was hoped that a more complete picture of the ethnolinguistic vitafity of the Chinese population in Toronto could be presented.

Willnnyns (1 993) pointed out that ernpirical support for the viability of subjective or perceived ethnolinguistic vitality can be a usefid conceptual tool in researching ethnic relations and inter- group processes. "Perceived vitality was supported as a uni-dimensional construct, as well as one consisting of the three aspects of status, demogniphy and institutionai support, as onginally proposed by Giies et al. (1977). Such a tool wouid be applicable to both low and high vitam groups, and for perceptions about the present time and the future as well as giving an understanding into perceptions by the ingroup and the other group(s)" (Willemyns, 1993, p. 494).

As the Subjective Vitality Questionnaire (SVQ) has been regarded as a usefiil research tool in inter-ethnic and inter-group processes, it has often been adapted for customised use, with items added, deleted and modified to suit the particular context of the study, as in the present case. Mard and Lancixy caution that certain variables would Wely be more pertinent or appropriate than others in the study of a group's vitality, and this caution has been taken into consideration in the design ofthis questionnaire.

The distinction made btween objective vitaihy and subjective vitality as wggested by Giles,

Boumis and Taylor (1977) helps refine the concept of etholuiguistic vitaiity. The SVQ developed by Bourhis, Giles & Rosenthal(l98 1 ), seen as a means of measuring group members' assessments of their own and their outgroupstvitality, can also give us tremendous insights Uito

"the social-psychological processes underlying inter-group relations that measures of objective vitality aime couid not have provideci" (W.idlemyns et ai., 1 993), despite the fact that indMduals may not dways perceive the group's vitahty accurately. From a social-psychological point of view, subjective assessments of vitaiity could be more revealing than objective assessments, as individuals often behave in response to their perceptions of reality, rather than to 'objective' reality .

Wlemyns (1993) also cautioned about debate regarding the stnicnire of the underlying factors of status, demography and institutional support even though perceived vitality as measured through the SVQ has proven to be a usefil tool. Curie & Hogg note that though the intemal reliability of subjective vitality seems to be quite good, exploratory factor analysis may yield fbctors that do not closely reflect the dimensions originaily proposed by Bourhis et al. (1 98 1 ), nameiy 'political and economic vitality', 'language vitality', and 'cultural and religious vitality'. The structure of the SVQ is also questioned by Allard & Landry who suggest that subjective etholinguistic vitality would be better concepnialisecf as havhg a much broader structure than the three dimensions proposed by Giles (1977) and Bourhis et al. (1 98 1). They conceptualise etholinguistic vitality as consisting of a complex set of beliefk, including general beliefs nom

variables in the SVQ, Le., a demographic factor, then economic, political and cultural factors which together represent a more elaborated fom of the Giles et al. institutional support factor, taking into account a broader range of perceptions and making it a better predictor of language use and behaviour.

Taking the above points into consideration, the questions in the present questionnaire are organized in the following manner and rdtswould be analyzed according to the following headings: 1 ). the -dent's personal background; 2) indicaton of Chùiese language use and behaviour; 3) socio-psychological facton; 4) psychological factors - ethno~inguiaicidemity and beliefs, and 5) relations between language use and bebaviour and personal background, socio- psychological and psychologicd factors. Achial questions wouid centre around the foilowing

1. Questions on personal particulars eg., - participant's age and number of siblings - participant's fàmily background, eg., whether nuclear, extendeci or "astronaut" families - parents' occupations and educational level - age of amval and participant's previous language and educational experience

2. Questions on attitude and availability of ktlanguage support, e.g. regarding contact with Chinese newspapers or magazines, TV, radio, books, videos, frequency and Iength of visits to homeland, attendance at international language prograrns.

3. Questions on participant's family, school and social networks - proportion of Chinese speakers in their network, frequency of contact with Chinese and nomchinese speakers, quality and stability of such contact; what kind of language is used with which interiocutors; which language does the participant feel most cornfortable using with which interlocutors, to what degree does he or she rnix with non-Chinese. 4. Questions on attitudes, motivation and perceptions towards their fhtand second languages, towards first language maintenance, hentage language programs etc.

5. Questions on the participant's social and cultural identity - does the participant feel Chinese, or Canadian? What is the understanding of being Chinese Canadian? What is his or her understanding of and views towards rnulticuhuralism?

6. Questions on the participant's perception of ethnoiinguistic vitality and fiiture projections e.g., what language would be used with one's own chiidren? How strong and active does the participant feel his or her own ethnic group is at present? And, how strong and active do they feel their group will be 20 to 30 years f?om now? What are the priorities in language use and language choice? How does he or she see the development of the Chinese language in Toronto and Canada in the foreseeable future?

6.5.2. The Interviews A total of 12 sudems of different ages and lengths of stay in Canada were inteMewed (6.4.3 ). The inte~ewsfollowed a structured format which probed at a socio-psychologicd and psychological level topics in greater detail than the written questionnaire. Students were first requested to elaborate on the answers they gave in the written questionnaire. Because of the mass of information, the interviews concentrated on questions of subjective ethnolinguistic identity and vitality beliefs, in particular those that are related to the "1" section of the written questionnaire (Appendix B). The inte~ewquestions were designed to be open-ended and flexible enough to allow midents much freedom in expressing their opinions. They were grouped into five main areas on etholinguistic identity and vitality beliefs related to the themes of the written questionnaire as follows:

1 . Attitude towards first language use and Chinese speakers - how does the participant see his or her own linguistic and ethnic group - high or low vitality? - with regard to language use and behaviour in school and with fiiends how far does he or she think other people are accepting? - how does he or she thuik other people in society accept the Chinese ethnic group and heritage language use and behaviour? - what differences if any, are there between using Chinese at home, in school and with fnends outside home and school? - has he or she expenenced any change in own language usehehaviour and why? 2. Attitude towards maintainhg the language/culturai heritage - how strong and active does the participant see his or her linguistic and cultural group? - is it important to maùitain the languagdcuIîural hentage and why? - how best to maintain or not to maintain it?

3. Attitude towards language use for fimire generations - how strong and active does the participant see the Chinese ethnie group 20 yrs fiorn now? - is it important for fiiture generations to howtheir own language and culture? - what support is needed to ensure the fùture of the ethnic language and culture?

4. Attitude towards anendmg Chinese classes - why go to Chinese classes? - is he or she satisfied with the Chinese classes? - what factors would affect attending or not attending Chinese classes? - how does he or she see Chinese classes fit or not fit into the current educaîion sy stem? - how does he or she see the development of the Chinese language in Canada?

5. Attitude towards one's own ethnic identity and multiculturalism in Canada - how does the participant see his or her ethnic identity -- Chinese, Canadian, Chinese-Canadian? - what are the general views towards multiculturalisrn? - what are the good points of the mdticultural society? - what are the problematic points of the multicuhural society?

As far as possible, it was hoped that the interview questions would complement the information supplied in the written questionnaire. All interviews were tape-recorded and transcript s carefully prepared to tie in with the thernes of the written questionnaire. CaAPTER 7 - RESULTS AND ANALYSES

7.1. Quantitative Appmach

In this section, I shd give the rdtsto the questionnaire in Appendix B. As mentioned before, the results are related to: i . the students' background;

2. students' language use and behaviour, e.g., their ffequency of use of Chinese (Cantonese), the language they speak, their behavioural pattern with respect to the Chinese media, their experiences over tirne and so on;

3. socio-psychological factors affecting language use and behaviour, e.g., interpersonal contact, contact with the Chinese media and first language educational support;

4. psychological factors outlining students' etholinguistic iddty and beliefs;

5. relations between language use and behaviour and personal background, socio-psychological and psychologid factors.

For some of the results, both a table and afigure are presented. The table presents detailed percentages and breakdown of information, and the figure gives a generai impression and pattern of the data for easy reference and cornparison.

7.1.1. Students' Background

7.1.1.1 Personal

A total of 1 15 students responded to the survey, with fdes(63.5%) outnumb&g males

(36.5%) by about two to one.

7.1.1.1.1 Age

The age range was quite wide, from 9 to 18 years old, with the highest percemage in the 13 year old category (1 7.4%). For details, see Fig. 7.1.1.1.1 below. Fig. 7.1.1.1.1. Age of Subjects

7.1.12. Birthplace

The majorhy of the subjects were bom in Hong Kong (69.3%), but 27.2% were bom in

Canada, and 3 -5% in other places.

7.1.1.1.3. Age of Amval and Lengtb of Residence

There was a wide distribution of subjects' age at arrivai, from 1 to 14 years old (see Fig.

7.1.1.1.3.a). The largest group came to Canada when they were 5 to 8 years old.

There was also a wide distribution in length of residence in Canada (Fig. 7.1.1.1.3.b), ranging from less than one year (3.6%) to a maximum of 15 years in Canada (1 -2%). The highest group comprised immigrants who have been in Canada for 8 years. Most had been here 2 to 8 years. Fig. 7.1.1.1.3.b.Length ofStay in Canada

7.1.1.2 Famity

7.1.1.2.1 Famiïy Unit

Much has been &d in sociological studies of Hong Kong "astronaut"famiiies whose parents? in particular the father, do@) not live in Canada with the children but instead travel back and forth for business and econornic reasons between Canada and the homeland. In this sample,

82.6% of students stated that their father lived with them, i.e., 17.4% did not have their father living with them. 95.7% of the mothers lived with the children.

7.1.1.2.2 Ties With Homeland

Students' physicd ties with their homeland or, for those bom in Canada, with their parents' homeland, remaineci fallly strong; about 2 1% visited t heir homeland once per year or more;

37.7% visiteci it 'occasionaliy', i.e., once every few years. The total of all the above represented

58%, Le., over haif' of the subjects rnaintained fairly close physical ties with th& homeland. Only

1% had never visited their or their ancestors' homeland. For details, see Table 7.1.1.2.2. Frequency Likely to of travel to woMie in Percentages homeland homeland in future NeverMot Likely at al1 202 16.8 RareIyMot very likely 21.1 38.3 Occasionaliy/SO% chance 37.7 32.7 About once a year/Quite likeiy 15.8 9.3 FrequentlyNery Ekely 5.3 2.8

Table 7.1 -122. Ties with Homeland

Ties with Homdand

Fig. 7 Ï -1-2.2. Ties with Homeland

When asked how iikely it was for them to go back to their homeland or their parents' homeland to work or tive, nedy haK the total (45%) did not say that was Iikely. Those who were likely to go back amounted to about 12%, and dmoa a third (32.7%) said that there was 'a 50% chance' of their going back (see Fig. 7.1-1 -2.2). Overail, the number of young people who felt that they would remain in Canada was considerabiy more than those who felt that they were likely to return to their homeland, though the '50/50i likelihood group was quite hi&.

Frequent travel to the homeland was found to be positively correlated to students' likelihood of going back to their homeland to work or live (F. 19, p<0.05), Le., the more fiequently they visited their homeland, the more likely it was for them to go back to work or live.

Was students' desire of going to work or live in their homeland related to age or length of residence? Data showed no statistical significance relating age to their Wrelihood of retuniing to the homeland to work or Live, but there was statistical signifieance in the correlation of length of residence and likelihood of rehirning to the homeland (r=.3 1, p<0.01). It was found that the longer the period of residence, the less likely the person wanted to return to his or her homeland, probably because students had identified with Canada more and had assumeci a more Canadian than a Chinese identity.

7.1.1.2.3 Parents' Language Use with One Aaother

Students were asked which language parents spoke to each other to see if that affected the students' use of Chinese at home and outside the home (see Table 7.1.1-2.3). Almost 9% either

'always' or 'usually' spoke Chinese with one another, and the percentage for 'udyusing English' was very smaü, only 0.9%. This indicates clearly that for most fadies, Chinese is veiy much the dominant 1angua.eat home and English played a very smd part in the parents' communication in the home. Table 7.1 -12.3. Parents' Language Use with One Another

Count Percent Always Chinese 65 56.5 Usually Chinese 35 30.4 Chinese 8 English equafly 14 122 Usually English 1 0.9 Aiways Englisti O 0.0 115 100.0

7.1.1.2.4 Parents' Educationai Levels

Findings show (Table 7.1.1.W) that the parents of these participants were a weii-educated group. 43% of fathers and 33% of mothers were univerçity or post-university graduates. The percentage of those with primary schooling was very srnail. This is likely a reflection of the high educational criteria set by the Canadian governent for new immigrants. It should howwer be noted that about one-third of the participants did not know the educatiod lwel of their parents(see Fig. 7.1.1.2.4).

Table 7.1 -12.4. Parents' Educational Levels

Father's Mothefs Percentages education education level level 13.6 20.9 secondary school 21.1 30.9 primary school 1-8 3.6 no schooling 0.0 0.9 don? know 32.1 -30.0 100.0 100.0 - -- - - .. ------Fig. -7.1.1.2.4. Parents' Educational Levels

7.1.1.3. Students' Language Background

7.1.1.3.1 Students' Geneml Langage Background

An overwhelming 94% said that Chinese (Cantonese) was their mother tongue, and only 5.4%

said Enghsh, despite the fact that as many as 27% of the participants were born in Canada. This suggests that the dominant Ianguage in many of the homes is Chinese, even in families with children bom in Canada. Children themselves readily identifid Cbinese (Cantonese) as their mother tongue.

Apart from their mother tongue and English, as many as 85.5% of -dents stated that they also knew French, though most said that th& French was ody 'average' rather than good. 7.1.1 .3.2 Students' Seif-ratiog Abüity for Engiish

In their self-rating ability for English, students generaliy felt good about their English standard, despite the fact that for many of them, Engiish was a second language. The majonty stated that their English was 'average' to 'very satisfactory' (see Fig. 7.1.1.3 -2.a). With regard to the four skills, they were moa satisfied with their iistening ability, and least satisfied with their writing abiiity. Table 7.1 -1-3.2. a. gives more detailed percentage breakdowns regardmg the four skills:

Use of Englkh Read Listen Speak Write

v. unsarisfadory 0.9 1.8 1.8 0.9 2.7 2.7 2.7 6.3 average 22.1 16.1 20.7 21 -4 28.3 25.9 28.8 29.5 v.satisfact0r-y 46.0 53.6 45.9 42.0

Table 7.1.1 -32.a. Students' Self-rating Ability for English

Ability to use Engtish (af-Rating)

------Fig. 7.1.1.3.2.a.Self-rating ability for English

Comparing themselves to people who spoke English as their mother tongue, the rnajority felt

105 that their English ability was about the sarne as them, though a third said it was a little worse

(Table 7.1.1 -3.2.b). When compared to other immigrant students who were leaming English most felt that their English was in fact better than them (Table 7.1.1.3.2.c), reflecting that students on the whole felt quite cornfortable about their abitity in English.

Comparing yourself to people who speak English as their

mother tongue, how wdl do you think you speak English

(Question D3)

Count Percent About the same 76 67.9 A little worse 34 30.4 Much worse 2 1.8

fable 7.1.1.3.2.b. Ability in Englkh when compared to others wiai English as mdher tongue

Comparing yourself to other immigrant students you know who

are learning English, how well do yau think you speak English?

(Question 04)

Count Percent - - Much better Bette? About the same A iittle worse Much worse Total 112 100.0

Table 7.1.1 -3.2.~.Abili in English Men compared to Mer immigrant students 7.1.133 Self-rating Abüity for Cbinese

Contrastai with their d-rating ability of English, -dents did not seem to be so confident with Chinese, despite its being their mother tongue and the dominant language used in many homes. With regard to the four sMs, there was a wide distribution in their degree of satisfaction over both productive and receptive sMls. Details are given in Fig. 7.1.1.3.3.

Students seemed to be the most satisfied with their listhg and speabg sHsin Chinese.

Responses were generaily positive and very similar for the woskills (see Table 7.1.1.3 -3). Only

7% felt that their listening and speaking ability was 'very unsatisfàctov.

The situation was quite different for reading and writing. Though they felt their ability was average for both reading and writing, the percentages for iinsaùsfhctory' increased considerably.

The iinsatisfactory' figures for writing were even higher. It seemed that shidents very much believed that their reading and writing skiils could be better. The difference in degree of satisfaction was not drawn so much between productive versus receptive skilis; rather it was between oraVaudio versus the written language.

Use of Chinese Read Listen Speak Write

v.unsatisfactory 17.5 7.0 7.9 20.2 18.4 0.9 4.4 21.9 average 38.6 21 .l 21 -1 36.0 15.8 29.8 30.7 14.9 v.satisfactory 9.6 41 2 36.0 7.0

TaMe 7.1-1.3.3. Students' Self-rating Abilrty for Chinese Ability to use Chine- (SeW-R.üng)

Fig. 7.1 -1-3.3. Self-rating ability for Chinese

7.1.2. Students' Lanpage Use and Behaviour

7.1.2.1. Frequency of Use of Chinese

Students were asked how frequently they spoke Chinese in three different envkomnents - at home, at school and outside home and school. Findings show that most students spoke a lot of

Chinese at home. Up to 73.4% said they spoke Chinese very oflen at home, i.e., many times a day. Only 2.8% said they use. it rady at home, i.e., less than once a week. Fig. 7.1-2.1 shows vmy clearly the predorninant pattern of the home language.

Not surprisingly, the situation became very different with regard to the frequency of speaking

Chinese in school. The distribution was spread quite evenly, and students seemed to speak

Chuiese in schwl also (see Table 7.1 2.1)- though about a third did say that they 'rardy' spoke

Chinese in school. Regarding speaking Chinese to tiiends outside home and school, over 40% said that they spoke Chinese 'oftent to 'very ofken'. This indicates that many of them in Canada do have a large number of Chinese fiiends and speak a fair amount of Chhese outside home and school. There were however a total of 45% who spoke less Chinese than the combineci group who spoke more

Chinese (Table 7.1.2.1).

TaMe 7.1 2.1. Frequency of Speaking Chinese

Percentages At home very often 73.4 often 6.4 sometimes 8.3 occasionally 9.2 rarely 2.8 100.0

! f Frequency of Spealong Chinese !

------Fig. 7.1.2.1. Frequency of Speaking Chinese 7.1.2.2. LPnguage Spoken %y Othem To Studeots & Laoguage Studcnts Use With Others

Students were asked in which language other people speak to them and which language they used to speak to other peuple. Cornparison figures were then made (see Table and Fïg. 7.1-2.2.a and 7.1.2.2.b.).

It came as no surprise that parents and gura@urents were the groups that used the most

Chinese with the students. In fact well over halfthe parents 'aiways use Chinese' with them. Few parents used much English with the students, though a smail percentage did 'use Chinese and

English equally'. The largest group thaî always used Chinese with the students was, no surprise, the grar@rents (93%). Over 40% of relatives du, dways use Chinese. The pattern is evident as show in Fig. 7.1-2.2.a. This general pattern reflects that a) it is the older people who use much more Chinese than English with the students; b) the fdynetwork is of crucial importance in the use and maintenance of the first language.

Percentages By father 6y mother By grand- By rela- 8y older By Young- By friends parents tives siblings er siblings ahysChinese 59.1 54.5 93.3 40.9 22.8 19.7 7.3 usually Chinese 25.5 29.1 5.8 36.4 17.5 15.5 17.3 Chinese & English equally 13.6 16.4 0 .O 19.1 22.8 31 .O 19.1 usually English 1.8 0.0 1.O 2.7 14.0 19.7 24.5 ahysEnglish 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.9 22.8 14.1 31 -8 100.0 100.0 100.0 160.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

1able 7.t 22.a. Language Spoken by Metsto Students i 1 I Language Spoken by Othe= to Subject 1

1 1 - Fig. 7.1.2.2.a. Language Spoken by ûthers to Students

One sees from the above figure that the percentages for using English change with regard to groups of the same age range as the subjects. A lot more Enghsh was spoken by siblings than by parents, grandparents or relatives. Theirfnfnendrand peers also spoke more English to them than

Family members. Over 24% of fiends Isually' spoke English and 3 1% 'always' spoke Engiish, with fiiends representing the largest group that used Engiish among ail the groups. The language used by -dents with other people are shown in the following Table 7.1 -2.2.b.

Table 7.1 22.b. tanguage Subjects Use

To father To rnother TO grand- Torela- Toolder Toyoung- Tofriends parents tives siblings er siblings always Chinese 48.6 45.9 88.3 42.6 20.0 18.1 62 usually Chinese 26.1 31 -5 7.8 34.3 15.0 13.9 14.5 Chinese & English equaliy 21 -6 18.0 1.O 17.6 30.0 37.5 21 -7 usually English 2.7 3.6 2.9 5.6 13.3 15.3 27.5 always English 0.9 0.9 0.0 0.0 21 -7 15.3 302 100.0 100.0 -Ioo.o 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Language Subjects Use

Fig. 7.1.2.2.b.Language Subjects Use Students also used a great deal of Chinese with their parents, grandparents and relatives.

When asked which language students actudly used to speak to theirparents, the score for

Chinese was the highest. Nearly halfaiways spoke Chinese to their rnother and their father, with percentages decreasing with regard to the amount of English spoken (see Table 7.1-2.2.b). Only a very smail percentage always used English with their parents. With this group of students being children of maidy first generation immigrants, not that many 'use Chinese and English equally' with th& father or with their mother.

Sirnilar to the pattern in Fig. 7.1.2.2.a.,students spoke the most Chinese with gran@en~s, as shown clearly in Fig. 7.1.2.2.b. Only 1%, a very srna11 percentage, said they 'use Chinese and

English equally' with them. The Ianguage with relatives also tended to be predominantly Chinese.

There was a greater tendency to use more English with sibiings. the figure behg slightly higher for younger brothers and sisters. The percentages for those using Chinese with their sibbgs, totalling almost 35%, was about the sarne as those using English (34%).

With regard tofiiends. resuits show (Table 7.1.2.2.c)that students did have many fnends who had the same mother tongue. However, they made fiiends not just with those havhg the same mother tongue, but aiso with many others who had a different mother tongue. Only 3% said they did not have any Wends with the same mother tongue. The kind of school and the kind of fnends they, or perhaps more importantly, their fmilies associate-with, vev tikely bore a direct relationship to the network of Chinese speakers they came in contact with and the arnount of

Chinese they did speak. Count Percent ------AIrnost al! Most About half Sorne None Total 113 100.0

Table 7.1 2.2.c. Friends with the same mother tongue

The school was the place where the most English was spoken. Over 61% either 'always' used

English or iisually' used English with their school f5ends. However, Chinese still seemed to be quite widely spoken even in school as 22.5% said they used Chinese and Engltsh equally.

Count Percent Always Chinese 5 4.5 Usualiy Chinese 12 10.8 Ch 8 Eng equally 25 22.5 Usuaiiy English 35 31.5 Always English 34 30.6 Tdal 111 100.0

Table 7.1 22.d. Language Subjects Speak to School Friends Count Percent AIways Chinese 9 82 Usually Chinese 20 182 Ch & Eng equally 22 20.0 Usually English 26 23.6 AIways English 33 30.0 Totaf 110 100.0

Table 7.1 22.d. Language Subjects Speak to Friends Ouiside School

With fnends outside schooi, data show that students tended to use more English than Chinese, though many still used a fair bit of Chinese. Percentages decreased steadily with the amount of

Chinese used compared to English, ranging fiom 30% who 'always use English' with their fnends to only 6.2% who 'always use Chinese'.

Table 7.1.2.2.e. gives the language spoken between students and their eiders, which inciude father, mother, grandparents and relatives. It compares what language is spoken by the different groups with what language snidents use 10 the different groups. The language used by othen matches fairly well with the language students use to others, Le., if Chinese was used when students were spoken to, Chinese was also used in reply. Generally speaking however, the pmcentages for the language spoken by the groups were slightly higher than the lmguage used to the group (consider Fig. 7.1.2.2.e).AIthough 59% of fathm 'always use Chinese' to the childm only 48.6% of the students replied in Chinese; although 93.3% of grandparents spoke Chinese, ody 88% of shidents used Chinese to speak to them. The use of Chinese among fdymernbers far outweighed the use of English, and we cm say that the level of use of Chinese diminishes in ail the groups with older fdyrnembers, Le., father, mother, grandparents and relatives, showing a

distinctively declining pattern as show in Fig. 7.1-2.2.e.

Percentages To faaier By MerTo mottier By rnoaier To grand- By grand- To rela- By rela- parents parents tives tives always Chinese 48.6 59.1 45.9 S4.5 88.3 93.3 42.6 40.9 usually Chinese 26.1 25.5 31.5 29.1 7.8 5.8 34.3 36.4 Ch. & Eng. qually 21 -6 13.6 18.0 16.4 1.O 0.0 17.6 19.1 usually English 2.7 1 -8 3 -6 0.0 2.9 1.O 5.6 2.7 always English 0.9 0.0 0.9 0.0 0.0 O .O 0.0 O .9 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 300.0 100.0

Table 7.1 2.2.e. Language beiween subjecti and elders

The pattern is very different with regard to sibiings and fkiends, i-e.,those of the same age range as the studems. The use of Chinese and English was much more evdy distributed

(7.1 -2.2.h). With siblings, we find t hat the highest range was in the use of "Chinese and English equally", with the highest percentage (37.5%) of such usage spoken &y or to younger siblings

(Table 7.1.2.2.0. 2 1.7% of subjects tended to 'always use English' when speaking to older sibfings, while the percentage dropped to 15.3% with younger siblings. Though much more

E@sh was used to sibiings than to parents or grandparents, there was still a fairly large nurnber who spoke Chinese to both older and younger siblings. Fig. 7.1.2.2.e.Language between Subjects and Elders

Tabk 7.1 2.2.f. Language between Subjects and Siblings

Percenbges To oider By older To Young- By Young- siblings siblings er siblings er siblings always Chinese 20.0 22.8 10.1 19.7 usually Chinese 15.0 17.5 13.9 15.5 Ch. 8 Eng. squalfy 30.0 22.8 37.5 31 .O usually English 13.3 14.0 15.3 19.7 ahvays English 21 -7 22.8 15.3 14.1 Language between Subjects and SibIings

-- Fig. 7.1.2.2.f.L&page between Subjects and Siblings

With friends (Fig. 7.1 .2.2.g), we sean ascending pattern as cornpared to Fig. 7.1 -2.2.e. The tendency was for students to speak much more English than Chinese, with 21% speaking 'Chinese and English equally" to fnendq 27% 'usually using English' and 3 0% 'always using English'. The use of Chinese dropped considerably when compared to the language spoken to family members who were much older, with only 6% of subjects 'always using Chinese' and 7.3% of fnends using it . Almost a third of fiends (32%) would 'always use English' to speak with the midents. aiways Chinese 62 7.3 usually Chinese 14.5 17.3 Ch. & Eng. equally 21 .7 19.1 usuafly English 27.5 24.5 always Engiiih 30.2 31.8 100.0 100.0

Table 7.1.2.2.g. Language between Subjects and Friends

1 îanguage betweeri Subjects and Friends I

------Fig. 7.1.2.2.g. Language between Subjects and Friends

Although over 30% did say that they used 'Chinese and English equally' with siblhgs (Table

7.1.2.2.f),be they older or younger siblings, the pattern indicated that as many students also

'always' or 'usually' used Chinese as they did with English. By and large, roughly 30 percent said they used 'Chinese and English equally', roughly 30 percent said they used Chinese (including those who spoke Chinese 'always' and 'usuaily'), but the last roughly 30 percent said they used

English (again including those who spoke Engiish 'always' and 'usuaiy). There did not seem to be any overall distinctive pattern, and the distribution of using Chinese, Engiish. or both Chinese and

English was quite even for siblings.

Table 7.1.2.2.h. Lmguage between subjects and siblingslfnends

By ofder To young- By young- To friends By friends siblings siblings er siblings er siMings always Chinese 20.0 22.8 18.1 19.7 62 7.3 usually Chinese 15.0 17.5 13.9 15.5 14.5 17.3 Ch. & Eng. equally 30.0 22.8 37.5 31 .O 21 -7 19.1 usually English 13.3 14.0 15.3 19.7 27.5 24.5 always English 21 -7 22.8 15.3 14.1 302 31.8 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Correlation coefficient between . language used by subjects, and . language spoken to subjects With father 0.703 ** W~thrnother Wit h grand parents With relatives W~tholder siblings With younger siblings With fnends

Table 7.1 -2.2.i . Correlation between Language used by Subjects and Language spoken to Subjects

One sees that positive correlations were found in most cases between the language used and the language spoken to, implying that the language used by the interlocutor had an association with the language of the speaker, who tended to use the same language as was spoken to thern. If

Chinese was used by the parents, the students wodd answer in Chinese. Evidence did not show that there were significant cases of parents or siblings using one language wit h the shidents, and shidents replying in another language, e.g., parents using much Chinese with the children and children replying to them in English. 7.1.2.3. Bebaviourd Pattern with Respect to the Chinese Media

One of the key indicators of ethnolinguistic vitality is media support. As mentioned in Chapter

4, the media support for the Chinese hguage in Toronto is strong. With abundant media facilities, to what extent are students in contact with the Chinese media? To what extent are the four skills of Chinese reading, listening, speaking and writing used? Questions were asked to find out how much students read Chinese newspapers or books, how much they watched Chinese TV, movies or videos, how much they listened to Chinese music and/or sing Chinese songs, did they do any writing in Chinese and to what extent were they in touch with the Chinese popular culture in Hong Kong. Table 7.1.2.3. shows the frequency of students' contact with different forms of the

Chinese media (see also Fig. 7.1.2.3. for ease of comparison).

Percentages Read Watch N Mento Sing Write Radio Naver/very seldom 34.8 4.5 17 24.1 20.2 Occasionally 21 -4 10.7 11.6 12.5 202 Sometimes 17.9 11.6 14.3 11.6 33.9 Often 16-1 26.8 14.3 19.6 16.5 Very often 9.8 46.4 42.9 32.1 9.2

Table 7.1 -2.3. Frequency of Contact with Chinese Media Frequency of Contact with Chinese Meâh

ite

Fig. 7.1.2.3. Frequency of Contact with Chinese Media

7.1.2.3.1. Reading Chinese Materiaïs

As show in Table 7.1.2.3, although 34.8% of students 'never' or kery seldom' read Chinese newspapers, books or magazines, there were a great many who did, a total of 64% combined.

Some did so in thei Chinese classes and class-related activities. Whether they read Chinese also depended on whether their families had such Chinese materials readiiy avdabie at home. Some students were known to buy their own copies of Chinese newspapers, books or magazines or borrow them fiom the library. 7. ï.1.2.3.2. Watchiog Chinese TVlmovies/videos

In comparing reading Chinese prht materials to watchg Chinese TV, movies or videos, it came as no surprise that most students were much more heavily engaged in the latter than in the former (see Fig. 7.1.2.3). In fact, as many as 46% said they watched Chinese TV/movies/videos

'very ofien' and 27% said they did so 'often'. Ody 4.5%, a fairly smdl percentage, said they

'never' or 'very seldom' watched Chinese TV, movies of Mdeos,

7.1.2.3.3. Listeoing to Chinese Ftadio or Music

The percentage of students listening to Chinese music or radio programs was also quite high, though not as high as for watching TV or movies. As many as 43% and 14% of students said they

Listeneci to Chinese music or radio 'very often' and 'oftent respectively. Though listening to the radio and to music was generally very much a favourite pastime of young people, some never or very seldom listened to Chinese music or radio. Students seerned to enjoy watching Chinese TV or movies more so than iistenuig to Chinese music or radio, though the latter was still quite popular with students.

7.1.2.3A. Singing

Since the oppodties for developing the skiil of 'speaking' in relation to the media are rather limited, the author used 'singing' in Chinese as a 'speahg' skill as it is also a productive skill.

Also, it is a common pastime for Chinese young people to go karaoke singing or to concerts by

Chinese pop singers. Many buy their own CDS or rent pop concert videos. The percentage for those singing Chinese songs and singing to Chinese music is quite high. It is apparent that singing is an experience that many find pleasant, though 24% did say they 'never' or were 'vq seldom' engaged in such activities (see Fig. 7.1.2.3).

7.1.23.5. W Wnting

Despite the fact that many students found the writing of Chinese difficui?, many of them did write, and this was probably related to their Chinese classes. Almoa 34% said they 'sornetimes' wrote Chinese, and 26% did so often, almost every day. It shouid be noted however, that as much as 40.4%of participants did Iittie writing.

Students were asked how easy or hard it was to use Chinese to do various things (see Table

7.1.2.4.a).With regard to speakuig, students said they found it easiest by far when speaking fira to their parents, then to their brothers and sisters, and then to their fiends and relatives. There was quite a big drop in percentage fiom feeling 'very easy' to feeling 'very hard' when speaking to the following groups of people:

Percentages To parents To siblings To relatives To friends very easy 65.7 62.1 50.0 50.9 16.7 17.5 24.1 16 average 11.1 11.7 16.7 132 3.7 4.9 4.6 10.4 very hard 2.8 3.9 4.6 9.4

Table 7.1.2.4.a. Ease or bifficulty in speaidng Chinese I i I 1 Ease or Difncuity in Speaking Chinese ! I

Fig. 7.1.2.4.a. Ease or Difficulty in S peaking Chinese

With regard to the use of 0thskills in Chinese (see Table 7.1.2.4.b), listening came out most paramount, especiaily in relation to contact with the media. Students found it 'very easy' to watch or liaen to Chinese programs. The degree of ease was highest for watchg Chinese fV;over

68% said that it was very easy to do so, largely because TV embodies visual as well as audio

Table 7.1.2.4.b. Ease of Using Chinese

Percentages Read Watch TV Listen to Write Radio very easy 15.5 68.2 60.0 10.7 10.3 9.3 12.4 12.6 average 11 -3 14.0 162 19.4 24.7 5.6 3.8 22.3 very hard 38.1 2.8 7.6 35.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Ease of Using Chinese

Fig. 7.1.2.4.b. Ease ofUsing Chinese

Anything that involved the written word was definitely much more difficult. Reading Chinese

books or newspapers was 'very hard' for them, as was using Chinese to write, though the latter

seemed easier to some. One suspects that one reason why some did not find writing to be as

difficult as reading was because the kind of writing they did was usually Chinese homework or

Chinese class related, which often involved copying or mere substitution of Chinese characters.

This meant that the writing that was requireâ, such as uvriting letters to grandparents abroad, tended to be rather simple; hence the difficulty was greater for reading than for writing Chinese.

The above findings corresponded with the answers students gave when they were asked to rate three things that they felt most cornfortable doing using Chinese. Data cleariy show that they were most cornfortable using Chinese at home with fàmily members, then watching Chinese TV or movies, and thirdly cornmunicating with their finends outside school.

Top Most Comfortable Situations

Count Percent

At home whth my family rnernbers Watching Chinese Wrnovies In school with my school friends 3 5.3 In Chinese malIs/Chinese restaurants 3 5.3

Singing Ch. songsclistening to Ch. music 1 1-8 Wriang in Chinese O 0.0 Reading Chinese newspaperlbooks O 0.0 Total 57 100.0

As One of 3 Top Most ComfomMe Siations

- -- At home wiîh rny family rnembers Watching Chinese N/mow'es ln school with my school friends In Chinese ma lis/C hinese restaurants Wh rny friends outside school Singing Ch. songslListening to Ch. music Wdng in Chinese Reading Chinese newspaper/books TOM 157 100.0

Table 7.1.2.4.c.Most cornfortable situations when ushg Chinese When asked to rate what Ït was that they felt most uncomfortable in the use of Chinese, most ranked the wriiting and reading of Chinese. Some were dso uncornfortable using Chinese with their fiends outside school (see Table 7.1-2.4.d). .

Top Most Uncornfortable Situations

Count Percent

Writing in Chinese Reading Chinese newspaperlbooks Wrth rny friends outde school ln school with my school friend Singing Ch. songs(listening to Ch. music In Chinese malls/Chinese restaurants 2 4.0 At home with my family mernbers 1 2.0 Watching Chinese TV/movies O 0.0 Total 50 100.0

As One of 3 Top Most Uncornfortable Situabions

Count Percent

Reading Chinese newspaperibooks With rny friends outside school In school with my school friend Singing Ch. songs/tistening to Ch. music 15 10.4 In Chinese malldChinese restaurants 13 9.0 At home with my farnily mernbers 3 2.1 Watching Chinese n//movies 3 2.1

Table 7.1 2.4.4. Most uncomfortable situations when using Chinese Correlation analysis reiating the degree of ease using the language and the actuai frequency of use of Chinese at home and outside the home was statistically significant, indicaihg that ability in spealo'ng the language was an essential factor in whether they actually spoke the language.

Ease of use was positively correlated to fiequency of use of Chinese at home (r=.455, p

There was also positive correlation for the frequency and quality of contact with Chinese speakers and the spealang of Chinese at home (~552,p

Chinese speakers was a pieasant one were significant in engaging students to use Chinese.

7.1.2.5. Change in Level of Use of Chinese Over Time

As mentioned in previous chapters, the sociocultural and sociolinguistic environment in

Toronto has changed a great deal in recent years because of demographics related to the Chinese population. Students were asked whether they felt there had been an 'increasei, 'decrease' or 'no change' in their level of use of Chinese during their period of residence in Canada Findings show

(Table 7.1.2.5) that the distribution was fairly even; 34.3% of students said their level of use of

Chinese has 'remaineci the sarne', another 34.3% said it has 'increased' while 3 1 -4% said it has

'decreased'. This iikely depended very much on their family, school and social network, and even the area they live. No-ofCh. Contactwith Level of Time spent Percentages speakers subj. Chinese useof onChinese in cantact with media Chinese education Decreased 25.5 29.1 31.4 37.0 Remained the same 25.5 34.0 34.3 38-0 Increased 49.1 36.9 34.3 25.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 7.1 2-5. Changes in extent of Chinese usage and contact with Chinese speakers and Chinese media during period of residence in Canada

Changes in Extent of Chinese Usage & Contact with Chinese Speakers 8 Chinese Medh During Period of Residence in Canada

ml 30s

led the

J Fig. 7.1-2.5. Changes in extent of Chinese usage and contact with Chinese speakers and Chinese media during period of residmce in Canada 7.1.2.6. Change in Level of Contact with Chinese Media Over Time

Given the strong etholinguistic vitality within the Chinese comunity, has studentsr level of

contact with the Chinese media 'increased', 'decreased' or 'remained the same' since they lived or

came to Canada? We can see fiom Fig. 7.1.2.5. that the highest percentage was in the 'increase' category (36.!J0/0),followed by 34% who said it has 'remained the same', and 29% who said it has

'decreased'. The trend seems to be further, though very gradual, increase in contact with the

Chinese media with the.

7.1.3. Socio-Psychologid Factors

7.1.3.1 . In terpersonal Contacts

Five variables relating to students' interpersonai contacts were exam-ned:

1) the proportion of Chinese speakers in their network, 2) the frequency of such contact, 3) the quality of the contact, 4) the stability of the contact, 5) whether the contact with Chese speakers had Uicreased or decreased in recent years in Canada.

For each of the above 5 factors, contact with the following 6 groups of people were explored: 1) immediate family members, e.g. parents, grandparents, siblings, 2) relatives, 3) students in their schooi, 4) Fnends, including those outside sdiool, 5) neighbours in the area, 6) participants of their social, cultural or sports activities.

7.1.3.1.1. Proportion of Chinae Speakers in Network

It was found (see Table 7.1 -3.1.1) that while most or al of the subjects'fanrily members and relatives were Chinese speakers, this was not the case with regard to st&nts in their school and thefirem& they had in Canada. The proportion of Chinese speakers clearfy dropped outside the immediate family, but 36.7% said that halfthe shr&nts in their school were Chinese speakers.

This represented a Myhigh proportion of Chinese speakers the students came in contact with daily .

We also tind that a considerable nurnber of theirpersondfienuk as weU aspmicipts in rheir social, spons and culrural c~ctivitiesneîwork were Chinese-speaking. Over 34% of the subjects said that 'haif' their Wends were Chinese speakers, 3 1% said 'more than half and 1 1% said 'ali' their friends were Chinese speakers. This suggests that many Chinese students did associate themselves with Chinese speakers. For each of the category of ktudents', '£iiendsl,

'neighbours' as well as 'participants in thek social, sports or cultural activities', at least half of those in their network were Chinese speakers, by no means a small nurnber. As it turned out, there were very few areas in their contact with others where there were 'no Chinese speakers'. A detaiied breakdown is provided in Table 7.1.3.1.1. For ease of cornparison a figure is also given.

Percentages Immediate Relatives Studenîs Friends Neighbors mers in Farnily Network Ail Chinese Speakers 83.6 71.8 2.8 11.7 4.0 12.0 11.8 19.1 22.9 31.5 20.0 15.0 Half 2.7 82 36.7 34.2 30.0 30.0 0.9 0.0 30.3 18.9 34.0 38.0 No Chinese Speakers 0.9 0.9 7.3 3.6 12.0 5 .O 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 7.1.3.1.1. Proportion of Chinese speakers in network 1 Proportion of Chinese Speakers in Network 1 ! i

Fig. 7.1.3.1.1. Proporîion of Chinese speakers in network

As mentioned before, when asked specitically how many of their fiiends had the same mother tongue as they did, data showed that their social network consisted of many people of the same mother tongue (see Table 7.1-2.2.c.). The proportion of those having the same mother tongue was associated with students' fkquency of speaking Chinese, as shown in the positive correlation with midents' frequency of speaking Chinese at home (r=.3 9 1, p<0.0 1), in xhool (r=.465, pqO.0 1) and with fiiends outside home and school(r--335,p

Students were askeci how often they had the opportunity to be in contact with Chse speakers. Generaily, students' ffequency of contact with Chinese speakers was high in Canada, dowing for many opportunhies for Chinese use. At home with Myand relatives, naîurally they kery ofien' or 'often' had the opportunity to speak Chinese (73% and 47% respwtively), representing the highest percentages among ali the different groups for fiequency of contact.

Even with regard to 'students in schooi', as many as 29% and 2 1% respectively said they 'very often' and 'ofien' were frequently in contact with Chinese speakers in their school. Only 16% said they 'rareif had the oppominity to speak Chinese at school (see Table 7.1.3.1.2).

The percentages for 'often' and 'very oflen' in contact with Chinese speakers were higher for

'personai fnends' than for 'students', up from 26.9% to 33.7%, indicating that quite a large number of their fiiends, including those outside school, tended to be Chinese. Apart from 'family' and

'relatives', two categories which they have no choice selecting, the category of 'fiends' ranks highest in their network of contact with Chinese speakers. Students' network of 'participants of their social, cultural or sports activities' also tended to be Chinese speakers. With regard to

'neighbours who speak Chinese', 10.6% and 16% 'vqoften' and 'oflen' had the oppomi~tyto speak or be in contact with Cbinese speakers, suggesting that many Chinese tended to live in areas of fairly great ethnic concentration, even though they may not necessady interact with their neighbours very much, e.g., 4 1.5% said they 'rarely' use Chinese with their neighbours. Immediï Relatives Students Friends Neighbors Oaiers in Famiiy Netwodc Very Ofton 73.1 47.1 29.1 33.7 10.6 9.2 Often 13.4 21 2 21.4 28.9 16.0 20.4 Sometimes 11.8 15.4 17.5 12.5 11.7 21.4 Occasionalfy 0.8 3.8 15.5 12.5 20.2 20 -4 Ra rely 0.8 12.5 16.5 14.4 41.5 28.6 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 7.1.3.12. Frequency of contact with C hinese speakers

Frequency of Contact with Chinese Speakers

Fig. 7.1-3.1.2. Frequency of contact with C hinese speakers 7.1.3.1.3 Qudity of Contact with Chinese Speaken

Most students' quality of contact with Chinese speakers in Canada was positive. In particuiar, their experiences withfanri(y members and relatives were 'very pleasant', but with regard to students in school, the quality of their experiences varied and percmtages for tery pleasant' experiences dropped considerably, though still rather high (30%) (see Fig. 7.1 .3.1.3). Some students even experienced 'very unpleasant' experiences with their schmffienciS (9.3%) and with prmicz@mts of iheir sociuI, culf~raior spors acrivities ((9.3%). With their ownjhends, the qudty of contact was hi& and experiences very pleasmt, though not as pleasant as for family memben. It is howwer worth noting that as many as 23.4% and 17% of subjects were 'neutral or indifferent' to the quality of contact with Chinese-speaking students in school and with niends in and outside school (see Tabie 7.1-3.1.3)

Percentages lmmediate Relatives Students Friends Neighbors Others in Farnily Network Very Pfeasant 72.1 66.7 29.9 42.5 22.0 23.7 19.8 20.0 32.7 28.3 20.9 28.9 NeutralAndifferent 7.2 10.5 23.4 17.0 36.3 24.7 0.0 2.9 4.7 5 -7 12.1 13.4 Very Unpleasant 0.9 0.0 9.3 6.6 8.8 9.3 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 7.1 -3.1-3. Quality of contact mth Chinese speakers Fig. 7.1.3.1.3. Quality of contact with Chinese speakers

7.1.3.1.4. Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakrrs

Students did not seem to have any problem maintaining very stable contact with their Chinese- speakuig family members and relatives over tirne (see Fig. 7.1-3.1.4). As hi@ as 72% and 66.7% said that they could maintain very stable contact with a11 their family members and relatives who spoke Chinese. The situation was also quite positive with fiends and with students in school.

Over 42% could maintain stable contact with all their Chinese-speaking fnends, and almost 3 00/0 could do so with aff snidents in their school. It was clearly much more difEcult to maintain stable contact with other niends and neighboun or participants of social, cultural or sports activities who spoke Chinese (Table 7.1.3.1.4). Percentages Immeâii Relatives çnrdents Friends Neighbors Oaiers in Farnily Network Maintain contact with al1 72.1 66.7 29.9 42.5 22.0 23.7 19.8 20.0 32.7 28.3 20.9 28.9 Maintain contact with half 72 10.5 23.4 17.0 36.3 24.7 0.0 2.9 4.7 5.7 12.1 13.4 Maintain contact with none 0.9 0.0 9.3 6.6 8.8 9.3 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 tOO.0 100.0

Table 7.1.3.1.4. Stability of contact wioi Chinese speakers

Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers

hnmediate Family

------a Fig. 7.1.3.1.4. Stabüity of contact with Chinese speakers

140 7.1.3.1.5 Change in Number of Chinese Speakers in Contact

Fig. 7.1.2.5. shows that over 49%, by far the largest percentage represented in the figure, said

the number of Chinese speakers they were in contact with had inaeased during th& pend of

residence in Canada. This rdects the tremendous increase of Chinese people present in all fom

of services, and in social and Eunily circla students corne in daily contact with, undeMg a high

levei of ethnolinguistic vitality of îhe Chinese now present in Toronto. Only 25.5% said the

number of Chinese speakers they were in contact with had decreased and another 25.5% said it

had rernained largejy the same.

7.1.3.1.6 Rehtionship between Proportion, Frcquency, Qudity and Stability of Contact with Chinese Speakers

One sees from Table and Fig. 7.1.3.1-6.a. that, based on an average score for each of the variables of proportioq frequency, quality and stability of contact with Chinese speakers, the pattern is aimost ail in a descending order. Thus if the proportion of contact with Chinese speakers is hi&, then the frequency, quality and stability of contact is also high, and if the variable for one is low, the rest is ahlow. High proportion, high frequency, high quahy and high stability are dl positively correlated. The pattern is also consistent in that 'immediate fdy'and

'relatives'are the two groups that score the highest in aH variables of proportion, hquency, quality and stability, followed by 'fnends' and then 'students' in school. 'Friends' corne out by far more important than 'students'. 'Participants in the social, cultural and sports activities' rank higher îhan 'neighbours', suggesting that neighbours is of the least influence in their lives. Proportion Frequency Quaiii of Stability of Average Score of Chinese of contact contact contac? speakers hnediate Family 4.72 4.67 4.58 4.71 Relatives 4.57 3.83 4.46 4-37 Frknds 3.26 3.5 3.91 3.66 Sudents 2.81 328 3.66 3.33 Persons in Community 2.88 2.59 3.41 2.91 Neighburs 2.67 2.32 3.32 2.82

Table 7.1.3.1 .&a. Interpersonal contact with Chinese speakers

I Fig. 7.1-3.1 -6.a. Interpersonal Contact With Chinese Speakers

Table 7.1.3.1.6.b. shows the relationship among proportion, £i-equency, quaky, and stabxity of contact with Chinese speakers. The correlation coefficients of the diffierent variables among the different categories of people di show statistical si@mce, suggesting that there is high positive linear correfation between the proporton of contact with Chinese speakers in all groups under investigation and thejkepency, quzlity and srabiIity of such contact. For 'fdy', 'students' and

'%ends1, there is positive correlation betweeo proportion and fiequency, quality and stability, and between fiequency and quality and stabdity. Students do seem to have a high proportion of

Chinese-speaking fiends or other Chinese-speaking students in school, with whom they fiequentiy use Chinese. Such experiences also seem to be quite pleasant, i.e., the quality of such contact is high. The highest correlation figures occur in the category of personal fiiends, and this is a category in which students have their own choice in, i.e., they choose their own personal fiiends. This is sigmficant because they do not have much choice in what kind of fady they are boni into, what Iund of fnends their fdesassociate with, or even the kind of school they go to, but the hdof fnends and the kind of language is something they can have some choice in.

Between ktween kiWa3.l Betweal Betwcwn Correlation Proportion Proportion Proportion Freq=çy wty Coefficient and and and and and Fmlneacy Qudty Stabiliîy Quwf Stabiliiy In FaIndy 0.1% * O. 170 * 0.32 1 ** 0.577 ** 0.691 ** Among Relatives 0.202 * 0.429 ** 0.222 * 0.343 ** 0.453 ** Among Students 0.444 ** 0.300 ** 0.282 ** 0.614 ** 0.680 ** Among Friends 0.532 ** 0.465 ** 0.594 ** 0.493 ** 0.639 ** Among Neighbors 0.436 ** 0.355 ** 0.473 ** 0.550 ** 0.625 ** Among 0th- in Network 0.573 ** 0.4 1 1 ** 0.378 ** 0.632 ** 0.589 ** *p-=o.05, **p

Tabie 7.1.3-1.6.b. Correlation between Proportin/Frequency/Qualiiy/Stability of cmbct with Chinese spicers 7.1.3.2. Contact witb the Chinese Media

7.13.2.1 Fnquency of Contact with Chhese Media

ln section 7.1.2.3,one saw students' behavioural pattern with respect to the fiequency of contact with the Chinese media in areas such as reading Chinese, watching Chinese TV7Listening to Chinese radio programs, singing Chinese songs and wrïting in Chinese. From the data, the most popdar

Chinese activities students were engaged in were the relatIveIy 'passive' activities of watching Chinese

TV and listening to Chinese radio and music. Students found it much harder to be involveci in productive (aich as writing) tban in receptive skius (such as listenïng). Music behg an important part of young people's hes, not or@ do we find the pasive skitl of listerring popular, we find that students are very much actively engaged in the productive staU ofsuiging and writing lyrics in Chinese as well.

7-1.3.2.2. Qunüty of Contact with Chinese Media

When asked how enjoyable their reading of Chinese print materials were, e-g., newspapers, magazines or books, students' answers were quite mixed (se Table 7.1.3.2.2.a). Over 30% said enjoyment was 'average'. while a total of 37% found it enjoyable and a total of 32% found it not so enjoyable.

This contrasted very much with the watching of Chinese TV, movies or videos and the listening of Chinese music and radio (Fig. 7.1.3.2.2.a). As high as 79% found the watchg of Chinese TV or movies liighly enjoyable', and in fact only 4.7% found that not to be enjoyable. With regard to listening or shghg to Chinese music, certainly there were many (37%) who found it 'very enjoyable', though about 10% 'did not find it enjoyable at aLl'.

The production skiil of dgseaned to be problematic for these students. 38% said this activity was oniy 'average' in enjoijoymait.Ahost 1Ph said t was 'not very enjoyable' and as high as 2 1% said it was hot enjoyable at dl'. It is encouraging however, that there was still 21% who said it was

'enjoyable', and 9.2% who even said that it was 'very enjoyable'. From the pattern seen in Fig.

7.1 .3.2.2.a,we sec that overall student s' quality of contact with the Chinese media is more positive than negative.

Read Watch TV Listen to Sine Wriie Radio not enjoyable at aii 21.3 1.9 10.2 10.3 2 1. 1 wt very enjoyable 11.1 2.8 7.5 9.3 10.1 average 30.6 15.7 22.2 19.6 38.5 mjoyable 22.2 24. 1 23.1 23 -4 21.1 vqenjoyable 14.8 55.6 37 37.4 9.2

Table 7.1.3.22.a. Quali of contact with Chinese media QuaCity of Contact with Chi- Media

Fig. 7.1.3-2.2.a. Quaiity of contact with Chinese media

There is high melation between thefiequency of contact with the Chinese media and its quaIiv of contact. This niggests that students who are kquently in contact with the Chinese media also find

Correlation Coefficient Read 0.590 ** Watch TV 0.489 " Mnto Radio 0.757 " Sing 0.702 " Write 0.521 **

Table 7.1.3.2.2.b. Correlation menFrequency and Quality of Contact wiai ChMese Wia Analysis was conducted to find out the relationship between frrquency of contact with the

Chinese media, quality of such contact and ease of use of Chinese, and results are given in Table

7.1.3-2.2.~. An average score was amibuted to the four areas of reading, writing, listening, and viewing of Chinese TV/movied videos. It was found that viewuig was the easiest activity (4.3) fofiowed by iistening (4.1). Reading and wnting were of similar dScufty (2.4). Reading however, was siightly more enjoyable than writing (3 vs 2.8). in ternis of frequency of contact, students were stighiy more fiequedy in contact with writmg than with reading, perhaps because dnmwork was ernphasized a Little more in their Chinese classes (2.7 us 2.4).

Table 7.1.3.22.c. Contact witti Chinese Media - Frequency, Qualm and Ease of Use

Average Frequency Quality Easd Score of contact of contact difticulty w/C h.media wK3h .media of use Viewing 4 4 -2 4.3 Listming 3.5 3 -7 4.1 Reading 2.4 3 2.4 Wriüng 2.7 2.8 2.4 I 1 Contact wtth Chi- Media - i Frequency, QuaMy & Ease of üse

I I I I i 1i l

I1 I w/Ch. media I Frequency ofcontact 1 ~~h.meda i i i

Fig. 7.1.3.2.2.c.Contact with Chinese media - Frequency, Quality and Ease of Use

Ifwe compare the skills of reading wfiting, listening and viewing with regard to contact with the

Chinese media, we can eady see that students find the receptive skiils of viewing and listening by fw much easier thao the skills of readîng and wrîting (see Table and Fig. 7.1.3.2.2.d).Over 60% of students regard viewing and listening as \es, easy', as compared to 10% to 15% for reading and writing. As high as 35% to 38% regard reading and writing as 'veqr hard'. In between "very hard" and "very easy" was the highest percentage for 'average', ranging From about 1 1 % average difficulty for reading to about 19% average dficulty for wnting. Percentages Ving Listening Reading Writing

very easy 682 60.0 15.5 10.7 9.3 12.4 10.3 12.8 average 14.0 162 1j.3 19.4 5.6 3.8 24.7 22.3 very hard 2.8 7.6 38.1 35.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

TaMe 7.1 -3.2.î.d. Contact mth Chinese Media - Receptive and Productive Skk

l ha rd l i ! l l l , ! 1 Fig. 7.1.3.2.2.d.Contact with Chinese Media - Receptive and Productive Skills

7.1.3.2.3. Proportion of Contact with the Chinese Media

An interestin& balanced pichire was found with regard to students' proportion of contact with the Chinese media (see Fig. 7.1-3.2.3) Exactly the same number of people, 42.6%, said that their contact with the media was 'more in Chinese' and 'more in English'. Only 14.8% said that their proportion of contact with the media was half English and haif Chùiese.

1 i Proportion of Contact with ! i i l Media 1

Fig. 7.1.3-2.3. Proportion of Contact with Media

7.1-3.3. Educationd Support - International Languages Program (Chinese)

7.1-3.3.1. Reasons for Atteoding Chinese Classes

As this sample was taken in Chinese internationaVheritage language sch~~ls,al1 students attended Chinese classes. But why did they go to Chinese classes? (See Table 7-1.3.3.1.a). Over

37% stated pressure from parents as the top reason. A much lesser number gave interest in Chinese language and culture as their top reason, and some gave fùture benefit such as getting jobs as their top reason. However, ifwe take the three top choies together as behg priority reasons for attending

Cliinese classes, better fiiaire job prospects carne out first (57.1%), even outweighing 'pressure fiom parents' (51%). ' Interest in Chinese language and culture' as weil as 'ethnic identity' were also prominent reasons for attending Chinese classes. As top reason As one of top Percentages for attending 3 masons for aüending Pressure from parents 34.7 51 .O Interest in Chinese lang. and cuthire 19.4 40.8 For Mure benefit eg. jobs 14.3 57.1 Ethnic identity 82 41 -8 Peer group pressure 1.O 92 others 0.0 2-0

Note. (a) As percentages of subjects attending classes @) Reason not provideci by al1 subjects (c) Percentages do not add up b 100

Table 7.1 -3.3.1.a. Reasons for attending Chinese classes

8 I , 1 Reasons For Attending Chinese Classes ! I

As one of top 3 reasons br attending top reason Ibr attending

Fig. 7.1.3.3.1.a. Reasons for attending Chinese classes ui leaming Chinese, the most important tbgthey hoped to be able to do was to communicate with family members (42.9%), have better job opportunity (27%) and be able to read Chinese newspapers and books (IY!). [fwelook at the reasons which fom the three highest priori@, %etter job oppomuiity' again came out top (73%), foIiowed by 'communicate with family members' (7 1 %) and 'be able to read Chinese newspapers and books' (41.3%). Other reasons aven (see Table

7.1.3.3.1.b) dso involved communication with others and being able to enjoy the various forms of the Chinese media.

As top 3 highest pnority communicate with family members 71 -4 have better job opportunity 73.0 be aMe to read Chinese newspapers, books etc. 41.3 communicate mth fiiends 302 be able to watch Chinese WfilmsMdeos 19.0 wtik letters/sto~esto farnily or friands 20.6 others 4.8 participate in social activities 14.3 be able to Iisten to Chinese musidradio 17.5

Note. (a) As percentages of subjecls responding to question (b) Answer not provided by al1 subjects (c) Percentages do not add up to 100

Table 7.1.3.3.1.b. What subjects hope to do in Chinese What do subjects hope to do in Chinese

7.1.3.3.2. Enjoyment of Chinese InternationaUacritage Language Programs

Not only did students have different reasons for attending Chinese classes, their experience of such classes varieci considerabiy (see Fig. 7.1.3.3 -2). Over a third of the participants were neutrat or indifferent to Chinese classes. The second largest percentage was 33% who said that their classes were 'pleasant'; 15% even said they were 'very pleasant', representing almoa half the total nurnber of

-dents (48%) and overail a pogtive &de for Chinese classes. However, a small percentage said that the classes were 'unpleasant' and 5.4% even said they were 'veq unpleasant'. i Pieasantness in Attending 1 , Chinese Classes

Fig. 7.1.3.3.2. Pleasantness in attending Chinese classes

Analysis showed that there was statistical sigruficance between students' enjoyment of Chinese

classes and their fiequency of speaking Chinese at home (r=.3 19, p

and with fiends outside home and school(r=.334 pc0.0 1 ). Classrmm expenences which were

pleasant and enjoyable allow linguistic information to be more easily intemalized and processeci,

resulting in greater fkquency of language use.

7.1333. Parents' Attitude Towards Cbüd Learning Cbinese

Consistent with most hdings on parental attitude towards language and cultural maintenance for the Chinese, most Chinese parents were highiy supportive of their children attending Chinese classes (see Fig. 7.1 -3-3 -3). Many students said their parents 'highly encourage' them to lem Chinese, and only 1.9% said their parents 'do not caret. Parents' attitude was definitely much more

positive than negative, as reflected in the figure below.

1 1 l 4 Parents' Attitude Towards Child baming I chw l 1 1 1 f ! 1 âû f 74-8 i

. ------Fig. 7.1-3.3 -3. Parents' attitude towards child learning Chinese

7.1.3.3.4. Length of Attendance ai Chinese Ciasses

Fig. 7.1.3.3.4. shows the number of years students attended Chinese classes in Canada. ïhere was a wide spread, fiom less than one year to twelve years. The largest percentage was 15.6% of participants who had spent 7 years in Canada studying Chinese. The rather uneven distribution refleaed that immigrants came at different times, and their children also attended Chinese classes at dflerent peiods, perhaps not necessarily right &er they emigrated. i l l Number dYears Attending Chinese Cî8sses in I i Canada I

i ortwt9*~ctJ~~~~~~1 Nunber of Years i l I 1 Fig. 7.1.3.3.4. Number of years attending Chinese classes in Canada

7.13.3.5. Age When First Attcnd Chioese School

Because of the different ages when students ktemigrated to Canada, they dso attended Chinese school at digerent times (see Fig. 7.1 -3-3.4). Some starteci as young as the, but the majority started between ages five to ten. The highest percentage (14.6%) started when they were six, at about the sarne time when they started their regular school. Some started quite late, either because they emigrated when they were older, or they only decided to leam Chinese when they became older. 1 1 I Age Fist Attend Ch- Sc)rooUChses M Canada 1i !

m*mfDkwcn~;g$$g~ I i t Age ! L------1 Fig. 7.1 -3.3.5. Age first attend Chinese schooVclasses in Canada

7.1.3.3.6. Change in Amount of Time Spent on Chinese Chss

As shown in Table 7.1.3.3.6, 38% of the students stated that during their period of residence in

Canada, the arnount of time they spent on Chinese class and Chinese-class related activities had remained largely the same, with not much increase or decrease. There were however, more (37%) who said that the amount of time they spent on the above had decreased than those who said it had increased (25%). This might seem a little odd bearing in mind the sociological and sociostnictural changes taking place in the Chinese community and in the wider Canadian comunity and the students' personal experiences in and outside home and schooi. To some extent, this suggests that wMe informai contact with Chinese speakers and the le& of use of the Chinese language is on the increase, formai contact with Chinese language education may not necessarily go the sarne way.

nie thethey spent on Chinese classes and related activities such as dohg Chinese homework and pre-class reading ranged from 34.7% spending two to three hours per week to 1 .1 % spending six to seven hours pa week. Taking th& class tirne and Chinese homework together, most students spent sJnw 11 o?dn'8 OC< smoq OC O) dn pue 6~

sinou 6 O) dn pue Q< sJno4 9 03 dn pue LC

sinoq L O& dn pue g< sinoq g q dn pue ç<

smoq ç 03 dn pue .p<

sinoq p O) dn pue

sinoq 01 dn pue sinoq tq dn pue l< moq 01 dn pue OC smoq oJaZ '1.1.4. Psychdogical Factors - Ethnoünguistic Identity and Vitality Beiiefs

Questions in this section of the questionnaire were categorized horneaningîùi groups through appiymg factor analysis and the foiiowing themes reiated to ethnolinguistic iddty and vitality beliefs were found:

7.1.4.1. Attitude towards Chinese Usage and Speakers

Students were asked whether they wodd iike more chances to use their heritage language

(Chinese) either in speaking, iistening, reading or writing while Mgm Canada (see Table 7.1.4.1).

Students' answers were very positive. On a scale of 1 to 6 where 6 is 'definitely' and 1 is 'no?at ail',

36% said 9 15% said 5 and another 15% said 4. There were 18% who were indiffèrent and only 13%

Would thqr iike more Chinese-speaking fiiends? Again, the highest percentage was in the '6' category, i.e.,'definitely' (26.4%) liking more Chinese-speakllig friends, while 17% said 'If,i.e., hot at ali'. The middie ranges were fairly evenly distributed. Generally speaking, the2 attitude towards having more chances to use Chinese and hahg more Chinese-speaking fiîends was more positive t han negative.

Table 7.1.4.1 Aüitude towards Chinese Usage d Speakers

Uke more chances L'ke more Chinese Percentages to use Chinese speaking friends Definitely 36.4 26.4 15.0 11.3 15.0 15.1 16.7 19.8 1.9 10.4 Not at ail 13.1 17.0 100.0 100.0 Fig. 7.1.4.1. Attitude towards Chinese usage and speakers 7.7.1.4.2. Belief in Stmng LanguagclCulturai Heritagc Maintenance

Participants on the whole had a very strong sense of wanting language and cultural heritage maintenance (see Table and Fig. 7.1-4.2. a). Regardless of how they themselves felt about the ease or dfkulty of the Chinese language, a majority (63 -5%) said that they would 'ves, rnuch' want their own children to speak Chinese. Ody 2.9% said they would not want their children to speak the language. The figures were clearly more positive than negative.

Tabla 7.1.4.2a. Belief in CanguagelCutairal HerÏtage Maintenance

Want Important Leam own chikiren to for next language Percentages speak Ch. generation & culture

Not at al1 Belief in LanguagdCuturaI Hentage Maintenance 1 I t i i

I I i I t i 1 Laam~l~lLangwge&culhrre 1 poitant 1Dr next generation ant childwi to speak Ch. 1 I

Fig. 7.1 -4.2.a. Belief in language/culhiral heritage maintenance

Students also strongly felt that t was very important for the next generation of their ethnic group to be able to speak Chinese. Almoa 80% saw that as being 'very important' or 'important'. Only 2% said it was 'not important'. in Fdq over haf(53%) said that thqr wouid 'definiteIf want their children to lemthe language at xhl,though it was not dear whether that meant leamhg it in their regular school or in intemationaheritage language programs.

Rdecting their strong sense of hentage maintenance, over half (53%) of the students believed that people in Canada 'should take advantage of the multicultural policy and lem about their language and cultural heritage'. Ody 2.9% did not agree with the statement. Table 7.1.4.2.b shows that midents' identification with the multicultural policy is strong and they also want to leam about their language and cultural heritage. Count Percent Sttongly disagree 3 2.9 2 1.9 12 11.7 15 14.6 16 15.5 Strongly agree 55 53.4

Table 7.1.42.b. Belief in whether people in Canada should take advantage of the multicuftural policy and leam about their language and cultural heritage

7.1.4.3. Belief in Strength and Future of Ethnie Croup

The very positive attitude of students towards Chinese language and cultural maintenance also

reflected to a large extent their belief that their ethnic group 'will be strong and active in Canada 20

years hmnad- On a scale of 1 to 6 to find out how far they believed their ethnic group would be

strong and active in the a>hgyears in Canada, hahalf gave a 6, Le., they strongiy beiieved that their ethnic group wodd be strong and active 20 years f?om MW. Only 2% gave a 1, Le., they did

net believe that their ethnic group would be strong and active in haire in Canada. Many dso felt that th& ethnic group has much politicai and/or economic intluence in Canada now. On a scaie of 1 to

6,23%gave a 6, Le., they strongly agreed that it had rnuch political andior economic infiuence, 32% gave a 5 and only 1% gave a 1, though mebelieved that their nhnic group now has more economic rather than politicai influence, and that the latter needs time to develop. Overail, participants' belief in the strength and fimire of th& e&nic group in Canada is strong, and certainly much more positive than negative, as seen in the descending pattern in Fig. 7.1-4.3. Belief in Beiiif in strength of inff uence Chinese in of Chinese Canada in Canada Very much so 46.0 23.5 20.0 32.7 17.0 21 -4 14.0 16.3 1.O 5.1 2.0 1.O

Table 7.1.4.3. Belief in strength of ethnic group

Beiief in Strength of Ethnic Group

1

I

l

Betief in influence of Chinese in Beiief in strength-- of Chnese in Canada

- Fig. 7.1.4.3. Belief in shength of ethnic group

Positive correlation was found between the students' age and length of residence with their beiief that their ethnie group wiil be strong and active in Canada (r=. 3 71, r=.274, p

7.1.4.4. Bdidin Ethnic Group Separation from Dominant Society

nie majority of students felt that their fate and fùture was bound up with that of their ethnic group

my fàte and f'unire is bound up with that of my ethnic group" than those who disagreed. Over 45% said they either "strongiy agreed' or 'agreed' with the statement. Only 6.2% 'disagreed' and another

6.2% 'strongly disagreed'.

h response to a question asking whether -dents were con~e~nedthat if theu culture became very invohed in Canadian rnainstream society that it might become assimilated, the spread of percentages was more even 2 1.4% said they were 'very concemeci' and 17.3% said they were 'concerned'. Mon were in the middle range and 10.2% were hot concemed at ail'.

Table t.iA.4a. Belief in Ethnic Gmup Separation from Dominant Society

Fatedfuture Eth nic cul- bound up ture easiiy wiai ethnic assirnilated group

Not at al1 / 1 I Betiéf in Ethnic Group Separation fmm 1 i I Dominant Society 1

I I Fig. 7.1.4.4.a.Belief in ethnic group separation fiom dominant society

So fiu, one sees that students identified the Chinese language very much with Chinese culture itself When asked whether they would lose contact with their culture if they did not speak the language, 44.7% agreed (see Table 7.1 .4.4.b).

Count Percent

Not at alf

103 1O0

Table 7.1-4.4.b. Belief in pussibiiity of losing contact wiar culture if do not speak Chinese 7.1.4.5. Attitude towards Mdticulturrlism and Ethk Identity

When asked whetha they thought Canada was indeed a rnulticultural society, weii over 809/0 of

shidmts, an ovenvhelming majority, strongty agreed. There were only 2% who did not think that

Canada was a multiculaval Society (Question 1.12 of the questionnaire, Appendk B). Students were

generally positive about Canada being a multidtural Society. In addition, they were very positive

about wanting th& childrai to speak Chinese (Question L3) and they thought it veq important that their next generation should also be able to speak Cbinese (Question 1.4) and be able to leam the

language in school (Question 1.5). Because of their strong belief that Canada was a multicultural soàety, they also strongiy betieved that people should take advantage of the multidtural poiicy and leam about their own language and ailturai heritage (Question 1.13). This positive attitude towards multi-sm was strengthened by the fàct that 1) they fkk that theü ethnic group had an increasing econoniic and political infiuence ùi Canada, and 2) that Canadians by and large, were positive about th& ethnie language and culture (24% for 'positive'and 23% for kev positive', total 47%). Only 5% did not feel that Canadians were at al1 positive about their ethnic language and culture, a relatively small figure overail.

Count Percent Not at all 5 5 .O 2 2.0 22 22.0 24 24.0 24 24.0 Verymuchso 23 23.0

1O0 100.0

Table 7.1.4.S.a. Belief in whedher Canadians feel posiüvely about Chinese language and culture Though 18% of subjects thought that attending internationaVheritage language prograrns separated their etlnnc peers f?om the rest of Canadian society, overall the response was quite high for students who did not fée1 that attending Chinese programs separated th& ethnic peers fiom the rest of Canadian society (see Table 7.1-4.5.b).

Count Percent Very rnuch 15 14.9 3 3 .O 24 23.8 15 14.9 13 12.9 Not at al1 31 30.7

Tabfe 7.1 -4.S.b. BeIief in whether attending international language programs separate their ethnic peers from the rest of Canadian soaety

Also, the rnajority of students, a combined total of at least 60%, did not think that learning an ethnic language would have a negative effect on leaming English or French (Table 7.1-4.5. c). About

25% felt the effect was 'average' and 47% did not thUik that it had any negative effect at dl. Only

9.8% did say it had a very negative effect.

Count Percent Veryrnuch so 10 9.8 4 3.9 13 12.7 13 12.7 14 13.7 Not at al1 48 47.1

Table 7.1.4.5.c. Belief in whetber learning ethnic language may have negative effect on fearning English or French

Students were asked whether they felt 'more Chinese', 'more Canadian', or 'equally Chinese and

Canadian' (see Fig. 7.1-4.5.d). The highest percentage (59%) was the group that felt 'equally Canadiaa and Chinese'. About 2 1% felt more Chinese than Canadian, and 19% felt more Canadian than Chinese. It is noted that length of residence was negatively correlated with a person's Canadian ide(r4.260, m.05), i.e., the longer the length of residence in Canada, the more Canadian he or she felt.

1'8 Feel more Feel Feel more i Canadian equaly Chinese I aian Candian than l Chinese and Canadian

1- .-p-p Fig. 7.1.4.5.d.Feeling of king Canadian or Chinese 7.1.5. Relations behveen Language Use and Behaviour and Persoual Background, Socio- psychologicai and Psychologicd Factors

7.l.S.l. Persona! Background Factors and Langage Use and Behaviour

7.1.5.1.1. Travef to Eomeiand, Lürclibood of Returning to Homdmd and Language Use

Analysis was done to £hd out ifthere was any corre1ation between students' ties with their own or their parents' homeland and their Chinese language use and behaviour. A positive correlation was found between the fkquency of students' travel to their homeland and their fiequency of speaking

Chinese outs& home and xhl,Le. with th& own fiiends (F. 166, p<0.05), but not with frequency of use of Chinese at home or in schooi- This is probably because impiicit home or school language policies and exiernal circumstances aiready governec! the frequency of speaking Chinese at home or in school, which has little to do with the fi-equencyof their travel to their homeland. But speaking

Chinese outside home and school was a mch more personal language choice, and that seemed to be related to the frequency of students' travel to their homeland.

There was sigdicant positive correlation between audents' frequency of travel and their likelihood of retuming to their homeland, and behaviour in tmsof contact with the Chinese media.

Those who frequently travelIed to their homeland or who said they were likely to retum to their homeland to work or to iive were also more closely in touch with activities such as watching Chhese

TV/movieslvideos, listening to Chinese radio/music or singing Chinese songs. 1 Correlation Coefficient 1 Frequency of Travel to 1 Likelihood of Retuniing to 1 1 Homeland 1 Homeland Frequency of Contact with Chinese Media - watch TV/movies/videos - listen ta Ch. radio/music - sing Chinese songs * p<0.05

Table 7.1 S. 1.1. Correlation between ties with homeland and contact with Chinese media

7.1 S.I.2 Age, Length of Residence and Language Use and Behaviour

When one looks at the age of the subjects and correlates it with the language they use to family

and friends, one finds that age is negatively comelated to the language they use to their father, (F-

0.2 15), mother, (M.186), grandparents, (-0.1 99) and younger siblings (~4.238,ail pc0.05).

This suggests that the older they are, the Iess Chinese they speak with thern. The same is also true for length of residence. Length of residence is also negatively correlated with Chinese being used to the father, (-0.476 (p<0.01), mother, (~4.347(p<0.01), grandparents, (r-0.416 (pc0.01), siblings, (-.S IO w0.0 1), school mates, (r4.193@

One also finds that age and length of residence are negatively correlated with sorne patterns of behaviour such as reading and writing, Le., the older they are and the longer the length of residence, the less they read Chese newspapers or books (-0.19 (age), r4.47,p

Chese (r4.31 (age) and -0.42 (LOR), p<0.01). But there was no correlation with listening to

Chinese radio or music or singing Chinese songs.

Length of residence was positively correiated with students' responses regardhg change in their environment driruig thar period of residence in Canada. The longer the -dents' period of residence in Canada, the more they felt that there bas been an increase in 1) their level of Chinese use, 2) the number of Chinese speakers with whom they are in contact, 3) their contact with the Chinese media and 4) the amount of tirne they spent on Chinese class and Chinese-class related activities.

7.1.5.1.3 Parents' Attitude and Cbild's Frequency of Speaking Chinese

It has been mentioned that parents were liighly encouraging' towards their children learning

Chinese, as indicated by Fig. 7.1.3.3.3. Anaiysis was done to fuid out if there was any correlation beh~eenparents' positive attitude towards their leanting Chinese and students' frequency of actually speaking Chinese 'at home', 'in school' and 'outside home and school'. The correlation coefficients were statistically insignificant. Though moa students had parents who were highly encouraging, there was no evidence to suggest that a correlation existed between the dwee of parental encouragement of students' learning Chinese and students' actudy speaking it.

Andysis was aiso done to End out if there was any correlation between parents' attitude and

-dents' wtahty beliefs. Positive correlation was found between parents' 'highly encouraging' attitude towards their children leaniing Chinese, and 1) students wanting their own children to speak the language (~266,pc0.0 1); 2) students themselves wanting more chances to use Chinese either in speaking, Listering, reading or writing (~278,p<0.01); and 3) believing that Canada is a multicultural society (r=.262, p

Do parents' educational levels have a signiscant impact on the child's heritage language use?

Fmdiiigs show that neither the educational level of the father or the mother was associateci with the language spoken at home. Although it was thought that the higher the parents' educational levels, the greater may be their tendency to speak English, as was generally the case in Hong Kong, there was no statistically si@cant, supportive evidence. Apparently there was a high usage of Chinese at home irrespective of the educational level of the parents. AnaIysis of variance also did not show that there was any Merence beîween the attitudes of parents of dflerent education background.

7.1.5.2- Socio-psychotogical Factors and Langage Use and Behaviour

7.1 S.2.l. In terpenooal Contact

Analyss was done to determine the relationshîp between interpersonal contact and 6quency of speaking Chinese in different environments.

As mentioned before, four aspects of interperronal contact with Chinese speakers were examineci

(se 7.1.3.1.) - 1) the proportion of Chinese speakers in their network, 2) the fkquency of contact with such speakers, 3) the quality of the contact, and 4) the stabllrty of the contact. These aspects in relation to three different environments, i.e., at home, in school and outside horne/schooI, were expiored. Correlation analysis (see Table 7.1 -5-2.1 ) was performed for each aspect of interpersonal contact under each environment. Figures show that proportion, fkquency, quality and stability of contact with Chese speakers were al1 correlated with the frequency of speaking Chinese at home, in schwI and outside home and school. Correlation coefficients found in each case were as follows: Correlation Coefficients Proportion of Frequency of Stability of Contact Contact Contact Frequency of Speaking Chinese - at home (with immediate famil y - in school (with school mates) - outside home & school (with fnends)

Table 7.1 S.2.1. Correlation between interpersonal contact and frequency of speaking Chinese

The data show that proportion, frequency, quaiity and stabiiity of contact with Chinese speakers were ail directly related to more use of Chinese. Tkewas positive correlation between the language students use to th& Mer, mother and grandparents and the fiequency of speaking Chinese at borne; between the language students use to their school fiends and the fiequency of speaking Chinese in school; and between the language students use to their non-school friends and the frequency of speaking Chinese outside home and school.

7.1.5.2.3 Educational Support

Analysis was dom to find out whether length of attendance at Chinese internatiodheritage language classes, the nurnber of hours they spent on Chinese class-related activities every week, the age when they fim attended these classes and so on, were related to their behaviour with regard to

Eequency of spealong Chinese and contact with the media. Of the different variables selected, it was found that the pleasantness of Chinese classes positively correlated with the child's frequency of speaking Chinese at home (~319, ~0.01), in school (F. 188) and outside home and school

(r=.336). Ln the same vein, it was the quaiïty of the experience which was an essentiai fàctor

associated with their being in contact with the Chinese media.

7.1 -5.3. Psychologieal Factors - Vitality Beüefs and Language Use and Behaviour

7.1.53.1. Vitaiity Beliefs and Frcqueney of Use of Chinese

As mentioned in 7.1.4., questions related to ethnolinguistic identity and vitality beliefs were grouped into the following themes:

1. attitude towards Chinese usage and speakers, 2. belief in language and culhval heritage maintenance, 3. belief in strength and fùture of ethnic group, 4. belief in ethnic group separation ffom dominant society, 5 attitude towards rnufticuihiraiism and ethnic identity.

The respective questions in the suNey questionnaire that were related to a s@c theme were tisted in Table 7.1 -5-3.1. (Fu11 questions in Appendix B). The questions and beliefs were correlateci with fomof hentage language use and behaviour such as fiequency of speaking Chinese and contact with Chinese media.

Positive correlation was found between some of the above beliefs, in particular themes 1,2 and

5, and the frequency of speaking Chinese (see Table 7.1.5.3.1. below). For example, regarding therne

1, questions were asked whether they wanted more chances to use Chinese either in speaking, listening, reading or writing, and whether they wanted to have more Chinese-speaking fiiends. For

Theme 2, it was asked whether they believed their children should speak Chinese and whether it was important for the next generation of th& ethnic group to be able to speak Chinese. For Theme 5, it was asked whether they believed Canada was a multiculturai country and whether they thought people should take advantage of the multicdtural policy and lem about their own language and cultural hentage. In terms of ethnic identity, students were also asked whether they felt more

Canadian than Chinese, more Chinese than Canadian, or equally Canadian and Chinese. Positive correlation was found between the above and the fiequency of sp&g Chinese at home, in school or outside home/school (se table below). T'sewho believed more strongiy Ui the above or who had a more Chinese rather than Canadian ideutity spoke Chinese more frequently.

- Correlation Coefficient Survey Fqueocy of Frequency of Frequency of Question Spdng Speaking Speaking Ch. Chinese At Chinese In outside Home School home/school 1. Attitude twds Chinese Use and Chinese Speakers 2. Belief in Strong Lanpage/Culhiml Maintenance 3. Belief in Strength & Future of Ethnic Group 4. Belief in Ethnic Group Separation from Dominant Society

5. Belief in Multiculturalism and Attitude towards Ethnic Identity

* p<0.05 * * p<0.0 1 n/c - no correlation

Table 7.1.5.3.1. Correlation between vitaiity beliefs and frequency of use of Chinese 7.1.53.3 Vitdity Beiiets and Contact with Chinese Media

The same ethnolinguistic vitality beliefs were correlated with another set of language behaviour, namely, fiequency of comact with the Chinese media, such as reading Chuiese newspapers, books or magazines, watching Chinese TV/movies/videos, Listening to Chinese music and radio, singing

Chinese songs, and writing in Chinese.

As ui the previous section, it was again mainly themes 1,2 and 5 which were found to correlate pogtively with various foms of contact with the media (see Table 7.1.5.3-2). The themes included

1) attitude towards Chese use such as wantiq more chances to use Chinese, wanting to have more

Chinese-speaking Wends; 2) attitude towards a strong language/cultural heritage maintenance such as wantuig th& chiidren to speak Cb,thinking it important for the next grneration of their ethnic group to be able to speak Chinese; and 3) the belief that Canadians should take advantage of the multicultural policy and lem one's own language and culture., the beiief that othen feel positively about their ethnic language and culture, that members of their ethnic community should not only marry within their goup, and that they feel more Canadian than Chinese, or equdy Canadian and

Chinese. Such beliefs were found to correlate with the frequency of contact with the media.

On the whole, fiequency of contact with the Chinese media was also found to have strong correlation with -dents1 use of Chinese outside home and school. In fact, the more they read chuiese newspapen, books and magazines, the more they watched Chinese TV or movieq the more they sang or listeneci to Chinese music and radio, one ends that the more frequently they aiso used

Chinese in their daily He outside home and school, though not necessarily at home or in school. This was probably becatlse @se were more restrictions regardhg the use of Chinese at home or in school and that such usage tded to be govemed more by actemal cûcumstances rather than their omfiee will which results in a personal language choice.

Corref ation 1 SUW~Y 1 Contact with Chinese Media Coefficient Question -rad Ch. - watch - listen to - sing - write in newspap Ch. TV, Chinese Chinese Chinese , ers, bks, movies, music & songs mags etc. videos radio

Attitude towards 1. I n/c I n/c 0.346** 0.328'" 0.189" Chinese Use and 1.2 0.2IO* 0.343** 0.428** 0.449" 0.224" Speakers - Belief in Strong 1.3 nfc dc 0.218* n/c 0.237** Language/Culturai 1.4 dc 0.3 13** 0.3 14** 0.253** O. 164' Maintenance I. 5 dc 0.414" 0.273** 0.292** 0.278** Belief in Strength & 1.7 tic dc 0.194* n/c nlc Future of Ethnic Grp. 1.8 dc 0.2I3* n/c n/c n/c Beiief in Ethnic 1.9 n/c 0.326** O. 187* 0.233" n/c Group Separation 1.10 ntc n/c n/c n/c n/c fiom Dominant 1.1 I n/c dc nk nfc n/c Society 1.14 dc dc n/c n/c dc

Relief in I. 12 -0.214* n/c -û.177* n/c 0.253* * Multiculturalism and 1.1 3 n/c n/c dc n/c 0.336** Amtude towards 1-15 n/c n/c n/c n/c n/c Ethnic Identity 1-17 0.346'" 0.21 S* n/c 0.171' n/c 1.18 0.204* 0.432** 0.436** 0.392** 0.336** -- - dc - no correlation

Table 7.1 53.2. Correlation between vitality beliefs and contact with Chinese media

7.1 S.3.3. Vitality Beliefs, Multiculturaligm and Ethnic Identity

1t has benmentioned before that only 21% of subjects feit more Chinese than Canadian. The large majority (79%) of subjects felt either 'equ* Canadian and Chinese' or 'more Canadian tban Chinese' in terms of WCidentity. The beliefs of this large majority of participants were examined and very positive results were found in relation to multiculturalism. For these participants, with regard to their belief that 'people in Canada shouid take advantage of the rnulticultural poiicy and leam about their language and dtural heritage', their response on a scale of 1 to 6 was an average score of 4.8 (where 6 is 'strongly agree' with the statement and 1 is 'strongly disagree'). It was clear that the majonty was positive about the statement. The group also thinks that attendhg internationavhaitage hguage prograrns generaily did not sepafate their ethnic pers nom the rest of Canadian society. Their response to this question was an average score of 4.0 on a scale of 1 to 6?where 6 is 'not at all' and 1 is 'very much so'.

Moreover, they believe that most Cdansfelt positively about their ethnic language and culture.

The average score of uieir response was 4.1 on a scale of 1 to 6, where 6 is 'very much so', i.e., most

Canadians felt very positive, and 1 is 'not a? au', i.e., most Canadians not at ail positive. In addition, they did not believe thar leaming an ethnic language would have a negative effect on leaming English or French. The response average score was 4.7, on a scale of 1 to 6, where 6 is 'not at ail' and 1 is key much so'. On whether they thought that members of their ethnic community should only many within their group, they responded with an average score of 2.4 on a scale of 1 to 6, where 1 is defuiitely not agreeing with the statement and 6 is defintely agreeing. In fact, the older they were and the longer their length of residence, the less they agreed that they should only marry within their ethnic group.

The above hdings indiate to a large extent that the majority of young people were positive about rdticulturalism. Their beliefs, to a large degree, point to the success of multicultural education in

Canadian schools and in society, which encourage students to lem about their own language and culture and at the metime respect that of others, to maintain their language and cultural herïtage and recognk that that does not neasdyseparate thern ffom the rest of society. Fimlings support the concept that hi& ethnolkiguistic vit* of a community leads also to hi& etholinguistic identity and the desire to integrate first and second language cummunities. The fàct that the majonty felt

'equally Canadian and Chinese' and were cornfortable about it attests to the fact that their Canadian ethmc identity and their Chinese identity do not necessarily have to be in conflict witb one another, and that it certainly is possible to be both Chinese and Canadian at the same the. The important thing is that while maintaining one's language, ailture and identity, one must also not lose sight of the bigger picture that people of diverse backgrounds are dl Canadians and should try the utmost to integrate, tolerate each other and seek out sirrdarities rather than focus on differences al1 the time.

7.2. Quaiititive Approaeh

7.2.1. Analyses of Interviews

Tweive volunteer students of Werent ages and lengths of of stay in Canada were inte~ewed(see

6.4.3). The inte~ewselaborated on the answers of the written questionnaire (Appendix B), in partidar questions of subjective ethnolinguistic identity and vitality beliefs as related to section "1" of the questionnaire. InteMews foUowed a structureci format as outlined in C hapter 6, section 6.5.2, and a lot of information was gathered. The Somation that follows cunsists of descriptive analyses of the interviews based on the intdew questions, in particular data organked according to the 5 themes grouped under "Psychoiogical Factors" in 7.1.5 -3.1.of Chapter 7, Le.,

1. attitude towards htlanguage use and Chinese speakers, 2. belief in language and cultural heritage maintenance, 3. belief in strength and fimire of ethnic group, 4. belief in ethnic group separation from dominant society, 5 attitude towards multiculturalism and ethnic identity. 7.2.1.1. Attitude Towards FUst Langage Use rad Chinese Speakers

Students were clearly cornfortable speahg Chinese (Cantonese) at home with their famiy

membas and hdsof th& choice. Though many used kirfirst language at home, generally they

felt that in school, they should try to make th& best effort to intepte. The ones who were fluent

in both ianguages had no problem mVang with people from other cultures. Some shidents were in

fàa uitical of other students who did not make any attempt to integrate and spoke Chinese among

themselves al1 the tirne. Some typicd comments were as follows:

"1 think we should mix with other students and not just stick to our own ethnic group. Some students that I know from Hong Kong have very good English and have no probiem minng with ut her nonChinese speaking students. " "1 take many diffmt subjects and because I also like sports, I niu< with many non-Chinese fnends. I like mixing with them and they are fiendly." "1 dont feel being discriminated by my fiends. My English is quite good and they treat me equally, just like they treat other Caucasians. We are aii equal". "Some of my fnends from Hong Kong just don't make any effort to speak English. They probably don't need to because nowadays they cmjust pick a Chinese friend and speak Chinese. 1 do not think that is a good thing."

In generd the students seemed to be quite flexible which language to use; many of them king

fluently Mngual. Many commaited that *ch Ianguage they used depended on the context that they

were in, and in parti&, the khd of fnends that they were in contact with. Consistent with findings

in the quantitative data, pers played an important role in their language use. Their interest in the

kind of music or TV programs they enjoyed with tbeir Fnends also determined, to a certain extent, the amount of first and second language used and the proportion and fiequency of their contact with the first or second language media.

" Sometimes it is easier when we are together to speak Chinese. It depends on who we hang out with because there are some -dents who oniy speak Chinese. If you want people to speak English, I would say that the fiends yai hang out with is the rnost important... when you are growing up, if your fnends do not have the sarne &de towards the language and culture that you have, it's difidt to hang on to your language. Like my brother, he Likes sports and hangs out with aii groups of people such as the biack people, and so he does not have the opportunity to use Chinese very much." "Some of my fnends probably dont think it is a necessity to speak Chinese. Whether I speak Chinese or not depends on which group of kds. The ones fiom Hong Kong wili just speak Chinese to me. My fnends are half and haK Friends that 1 met long ago do not speak much Chiriese." "What language do 1 use with my fiiends? It depends on which group of fiends I have some who speak mainly Chinese. With my relatives' children of the same age, we speak mostly English by ourselves. " "1 don? really care whether 1 have more Chinese fiiends or not. It doesn't matter. But with Chinese speakuig fnends, very often we have the same interest, e.g. I Like Chinese pop music. Only my Chinese-sp&ng £?iends iike those things. My nonChinese fnends also Iike music and TV; they just like dEerent pop singen. "There are many Hong Kong Chinese in my school, so we have a lot of oppodty to use Chinese, more so than in my school in Vancouver before 1 came here. When we Chinese get together, we mostly speak in Cantonese, especidy the ones who haven't been here very long. Sornetirnes it is rather odd when we are Chinese and we get together to speak English. " "In school if we are not allowed to speak any Chinese, it feels so unnatural. We are used to speaking both Chinese and English. It's so naturai to speak Chinese. The moa natural is to speak both Chinese and English, sometimes Chinese, sometimes English." " 1 don't have any problem speaking Chinese with my fiiends. Our Chinese is very simple; simple words, simple vocabulary. We're just kids. I think rny Chinese is OK. 1 can comrnunicate with others."

There were certainly sorne who had difficulty in their daily life dgwith memben of other ethnic groups; they were usuaily the ones whose English was not so strong. Their difficulty in integrating at this point appeared to stem more fiom their weak English ability than my sense of rejection of the rnajority language or culture. As one student put it,

"1 find it difficult to mix with them. They just try to be polite and my English is not so good. We have very Little common interest. Thqr have no idea who the Chinese pop singers that 1 like are, and they do not know the Chinese songs that 1 listen to. 1 try to introduce them to the music, but it is difficult." "At home rny parents used to insist that we speak Chinese, but now it's the other way round. They want us to speak more English at home because they find that ... like my younger brot her, he's not doing weU at school because of his English and in his school there are so many Chinese students now. So they want me to speak more English to help him. If his English improves, he will have more non-Chinese speaking niends." In general, students were positive about the relationship of rnajonty and minority students in school, suggesting that there were so many diffmt groups in the rnulticuitural classrmm that they could not aord any conflict. However, there were a rninority who were slightly uneasy about tension they feh betweei Chinese and nonChinese speakmg students. In Eict one student commented that the relationship between the two in her school was not very good:

"1 wouldn't say that there is no discrimination. In fact sometirnes it can be quite scary. They dont like us and do not speak to us. Sometimes there is even violence. I find it difficult to mUc with them. They do not have the sarne values as us." "There are so many of us in school that sometimes the others just ignore us as a group. They know we can be strong ifwe want to. But they just let us get on with our tives and do not interfere. As individuals, 1 am fnends with them and they are OK."

How do the schools cope with masses of Hong Kong students speaking Chinese among themsehfes? One fin& that schools deal with the situation in dEerent ways. Whereas some schools just let the siutation develop naturaily with minimai intefierence, other schools have ciear policies regarding what is dlowed and not dowed, the implications of which wiU be dealt with in the next chapter. The foliowing comments should be noted:

"In Our school there is a rule. You get an X, that means you don't pas. If you get 3 Xs you can't go on the next field trip; if you get 5 Xs you cannot go on any field trips. If you speak Chinese, you'ü get 2 Xs, so everyone in the school is very carefùl not to speak Chinese. Actually it's not just Chinese, it's the same with ail the other languages, except English. " "In Our school we're not aiioweù to speak Chinese in class, but it's OK during recess and &et- class. The teachers don't like us speaking Chinese because they dont know what we're saying . "

The impression one got fiom the intewiews was that students preferred that the school had some kind of policy so that they were clear how to behave; they felt that would reduce tension that could sometimes arise with other groups. Some students did say that they felt uncornfortable spealgng Chinese when there were non-Chinese-speaking students around. niey did not seem to resem the fact that schools or teachers aiggested that they shodd not be speaking their fkst language when in the classroom.

7.2.1.2. Attitude Towards Language/Culhiirl Heritage Maintenance

Whatever the studems' background, irrespective of whether they were immigrants or Canadian- born, studerrts were very mch in hourof maintainhg their L 1 Chese, especially in the home. The majority thougtit it important to maintain their language and cultural heritage, whether on practical, linguistic or cultural grounds. One student replied:

"Knowing Chinese for me is a big advantage, especially nowadays. I think it's a necessity for every Cbese to know the language, especialiy if you want a better job later on. My parents Say 1 may have to go to Asia to work when 1 grow up. That's where the growth economy will be" .

Another said:

"If 1 know the three languages of English, French and Chinese, 1 can go anywhere. That'll be a distinct advantagen.

This utilitarian view was shared by a number of students, especially the older ones. Most of them also indicated that their parents stmngiy encowaged them to attend Chinese school and wanted them to speak Chinese at home. Such a view inevitably had a strong &kt on their attitude towards language/cultural heritage maintenance, which overall tended to be quite positive.

There were other reasons why students thought it important to maintain their language/cultural heritage. Some typical comments were as foilows:

"1think 1 would lose contact with my culture if 1 do not speak the language". "1 think it's important to keep our language because 1 Live in a big city and many Chinese have moved here. It's an asset to know Chùiese; 1 cm have more fiends and have more opportunity to communiate and mix with people from other cultures." "My parents own a Chinese store in xx (a Chinese neighbourhood). I help out in the store and 1 must use Chinese to help the customers. That helps my Chinese. " "Parents are very important in getting me to try to speak Chinese. My parents don? like us speaking English at home. Aiways want us to spegk Chinese so we won't forget who we are." "I'd like my children to speak Chinese and leam about Chinese culture. 1 iïke Chnese culture and 1 hope my children would also iike the culture. 1 also like history and the Hong Kong pop culture. Unfomuiately we don't have that in Our Chinese classes." "1 think minorïty groups should maintain their own language and culture, just as 1 do."

In fact, because of the large numbers of Chinese presently residing in Toronto, students themselves had observeci certain phenornena regarding th& own language situation. The ones the researcher inte~ewedturned out to be quite good in both English and Chinese, and many of them shared the same view that what language they used depended entirely on when, where, what occasion and who they were talking to. They did seem to be cornfortable using either language and often switched fiom one to another, and were most at ease while speaking their L 1 at home and with their immediate family. As one student put it: "1 wodd like more chance to speak and practise my own language, and the home is the safest place where 1 will not be laughed at."

Their language choice seemed to depend on a variety of factors at a particular point in tirne, ranging fiom peer group influence to the role of the interiocutor. Some of them had personal observations regarding their language situation, for example,

"Some of my friends the richer they are, the more their parents do not want to live in Chinese neighbourhoods, the more they want to move out and have th& children go to school with fewer Chinese". "My younger sister speaks very little Chinese before the summer. But this surnmer grandrnother, auntie, uncle and some cousins came to stay with us and they al spoke Chinese. So my sister speaks Chinese now." "What language 1 speak depends on who 1 am tslkllig to. If someone tallrs to me in Chinese, 111 speak in Chinese. If sorneone talks to me in English, PU speak in English When I'm with recent immigrants, 1 speak Chinese and they treat me as one of them. When I'm with the Canadian-bom or fiends Rom other cultures, 1 speak English and they ahtreat me like one of them. 1 cm change any time. 1 don't mind speaking whatwer language." "How often do I speak Chinese outside my home? It al1 depends on when, where, and what occasion. 1 speak more English than Chinese with my own fnends. i ody speak Chinese with some of the cbildren of my parents' fnends'... I don't reaily care whether 1 have more Chinese-speaking fnends. "1 think in terms of percentage of the, 1 probably speak 200/0 to 30% of Chinese evw &y, but ody about 0.5% at school. Even though two of my closest fnends speak Chinese, when we get together, we speak English.".

7.2.1.3. Anitude Towards Lanpage Use For Future Gencrations

Th& positive attitude towards theV language and cultural heritage maintenance seemed to carry over to future gaierations also, especially in the present cldewhen Asia and the Pacific is seen as an emerging economic power. When asked whether they would We th& own children to maintain and still use Chinese in Canada responses were generally positive. One student put it:

"Future generations may not have to use the Chinese language in Canada, but it would saU be good for them to laiow the language. We are uicreasingly a global village, and Canada will have to compete with the rest of the world. We as ethnic Chinese cm have a vq useful role to play if we have the culture and the language.

"If my children lose their language, that would be very sad because they rnight lose their culture as well. I'd ceriainly want my children, even though growing up in Canadû, to still know how to speak Chinese. The Chinese language might one day be an important tradùig and intemational language. I find 1-g the language vqdifficult, but 111 still keep on trying."

There were of course sume who did not feel it necessary to keep the language for firme generations, and their sentiments should be noted: "We live in Canada and English and French are important. When the next generation grows up, they will have no use for Chinese. Well ail be

Canadians". Another obsewed: "Even all the compter language we use now is in English. What use is Chinese?" However, out of al1 the studnts interviewe4 such views seemed to be in the minonty.

7.2.1.4. Attitude Towards Chinese Classes

Most of the students who attended the international languages program (Chinese) were Cantonese- speaking. Two were aiso Ieaming Mandarin at home with a private tutor who was teaching their parents Mandarin. As mentioned More, -dents were quite positive about maintainhg their heritage language and culture and generally accepteci that leamhg and laiowing fim ianguage was a useful thing. However, there were clearly those who were not too keen on having to go to class at weekends and doing their Chinese homework when they felt they could be out baWig fun and eajoying themselves. Pressure from parents was the predomihant factor for their attending the international languages program (Chinese). Some students commented:

"Parents pushing their children to go to Chinese school helps because if my parents did not push me to take hentage language when 1 was Young, 1 don? think 111 know as much as 1 do now." "1 know most ofthe -dents who are taking heritage languge classes do not do it out of th& own will. It's the parents who push them Som dentsdo not like the classes at dl. One of the things that help you very much to leam the language is your attitude towards the language. I don't ngnd going to heritage language classes; I dont mind speaking Chseat home, but some people don? like it and some don't like speaking the language, and that rnakes a great ciifference". "1 think it would be difficult for me to go to China or Hong Kong to work because I cm no longer read or write Chinese. 1 would like to be better at reading and writing Chese..."

One of the main reasom why students wae not attending Chinese classes voluntarily was because they had quite strong opinions regarding how some of their present Chinese classes were mn. The group was especiaüy critical of the curriculum and methodology of the teachers.

"The teacher is really boring. " "The Chinese textbooks scare me. There are a lot of words and no pictures." "The Chinese teaching materiais are so basic. The teacher speaks oniy Mandarin. She doesn't know Cantonese or English. We don't know what SMtalking about because we speak Cantonese and we just talk among ourselves. But we score 100 at exam tirne. So I don? know what is the point of going to Chînese class when the teacher is so bad." "The pace of the cumcuium is so slow. It takes us two months to finish lesson one. I thuik the teacher cm move much fastern. "Many of my fnends have quit Chinese school because they find it so boring. Why did they quit? Because the content of what's taught is not something we're interested in. We like entertainment sW, tike comics, listening to songs, singing, watching TV, cornputers. They don't have that in Chinese school. They just follow a text". "To make us learn writing, they just ask us to repeat writing the same character ten or twenty times. That's really bo~g.We jua treat it Wce drawing and the words don't get into our heads. That's not leaming." "The teacher should not give us so much homework, and should not be so academic. When I was in Vancouver, the teacher used a lot of humour, told us history stories, and had an informal conversational style. We did arts and crafts at Chese f&vds, not fie here as ifwe knew nothing about Chinese New Year or the Augus Moon Festival, and repeat the same thing year after year. " "They do not teach us how to write an essay or a piece of composition, just ask us to repeat words and characters. That's no use. They should teach us how to form sentences". 90th the teacher and the materials are boruig. The text is boring. It just talks about shopping malls, walking in the park, saying hi to Wends etc., not things that we are interested in. If1 didn't make a conscious atternpt to keep awake, rd fd asleep. The teacher can't do anything; she has to teach the materials that the school board provides. I'd really iike to leam something about Chinese culture; they should build more of that into the text."

There seemed to be a distinct difference between Hong Kong immigrants and the Canadian-bom.

The language proficiency and the needs and interests of the two groups were quite different, and

Chiraese classes did not seem to fully meet their individual needs and expectaîions, and the needs of the two groups. The Hong Kong immigrants found the curriculum too simple while the Canadian- born Chinese found it too diflicult.

"In my school there are a lot of Chinese. They take Chinese as a credit course. The ones fiom Hong Kong found it easy and got high marks. I took beamers' course and 1jua dropped it at the end because 1 did so bad. 1 found it so difficult. People should separate the students who were bom here with the ones who were recent immigrants because Our level was so different ."

There were some pracbcal suggestions as to how to improve the content and methodology of the international languages program (Chinese) and to make Chinese classes more interesthg and more suited to their needs and interests.

"1 do think people should Inini the history. I would like to know some history stories." ''My can't they use games iike in our French class? In our French class we start off playing Hang Man. It seems very stupid at first, but when mepeople tike it, then more people will be interestexi in the language. We get prizes when we win the game. That's good motivation." "How to Unprove my Chinese? Maybe read more and ask other people to help me." " 1 think karaoke really helps. We tisten and sing both Chinese and English mgs. But we wouid follow the words in Chinese. 1 recognize the characters. My parents help me out. Sometimes we memorize the songs, so we don? have to look at the words... karaoke helps me to read the Chinese. You dont want to embarras yourself in fbnt of your fnends, so you better pronounce the words right." " I learn Chinese by myself. 1 leam through karaoke, first listg then sing, then leam to read and then to recognize the characters. 1 have a lot of fnends who Wre karaoke... I can read about 60% of the Chinese newspaper. 1 dont how al1 the words, but I can guess. I like reading the entertainment page most and that page is easy to follow". "1 leam to write Chinese through copyhg the lyrics of the pop songs and recognizing the Chinese characters nom karaoke singuig ".

7.2.1.5. Attitude Towads Ethnic Identity and Multiculhiralism in Canada

The students generdy felt comfortable being Chinese as weli as Canadian, a fact wkch cornplemented the answers in the wriaen questionnaire. They did not necessdy see any conflia between the two. Many were quite positive regarding their ethnic identity and multiculturalism in

Canada "We're ail Canadians", echoed more than one snidem. Even though some may feel Chese, they did not resent Canadians nor the feeling of king Canadian. For hem, feeling Chinese was jus an &%mationof their ethnic identity.

"1 guess 1 feel more Chinese than Canadian because my fhily is more associated with everything Chinese, for example we watch Chinese TV and read Chinese newspapers evew day. " "1 don't think learning Chinese separates me fiom other Canadians; 1 think my Chhese class is enrichment for me". "1 iike Chinese things and 1 feel Chinese. But 1 also feel Canadian. There are few Chinese in my school and 1 have many nonoChinese fnends. I am comfortable about being both Chinese and Canadian. " "We mix with one another, Chinese as well as non-Chinese. If you speak English then others will treat you as a fiend; it doesn't matter what ethnic origin you are. It's al1 a rnatter of language. If you just speak Chinese among yourselves and don't speak English, then thqr (the non-Chinese) have difficulty having you as their ûiend. The recent immigrants who do not speak English, they oAen feel lefi out." "The Canadian-bom Chinese that I know, they redly want to leam Chinese. but they have great difficulty. They Wte rnixing with us because we help them lem some Cbnese, e-g., some simple vocabulary. They redy want to learn because they cmhave more niends and they feel that knowing Chinese is a great asset". "1think havhg many Chinese in Canada is good for the country, especialiy good for the econorny. If we have more people fiom different countries it will be more multicultural and that's good. What's not so good is that there may be disahination. Too many Chinese may drive other people away7 e.g., many Caucasians do not want to live in Scarborough anymore; we're dming than away. T'enwell not be able to lem their culture."

From the above, they seemed to be quite sensitive about the effkct their first language use and behaviour have on others. Regarding discrimination in or outside school, the foUowing comments gave dserent points of view:

"1 feel disniminateci sometimes, but it's not too bad. In the bus fier 1 put in money, the bus driver doesn't even look at me. But when a Caucasian cornes7 they are rnuch more polite and ask 'how are you doing?" "1 dont feel any discrimination, probably because I've beeo here a long the. Ali of us in school just play and do things together; it doesn't matter whether youtre Chinese or any other race. If youtre good at your studies, and good at dohg other things, e.g. sports, games, then they will have you as a Wend. But if your snidies are no good, and your Enghsh is no good, then they dont Sie you and won't play with you."

It appears that ovat discrimination did not seem to be too evident, though sometimes it might be hïdden Thq. feh that language play an important de; good ability in the second language improves communication and understanding with other students and helps reduce discrimination.

Tkü féelings about Hong Kong, depending on their personal experiences and how recently they emigrated, inevitably showed in their comparison of the two places and also sometimes affkcted how they perceived their new, host country. Some comparison cornments were as follows:

"1 dont have much memory of Hong Kong. (Left Hong Kong at age 4). 1 feei that Canada is my home and my country. I dont think Pd like living in Hong Kong. It's so crowded and so hot and so ainky. 1 went back in 1994 and 1 didn't like it at all". "1 like Hong Kong wen though 1 left it when 1 was 7 years old. Hong Kong is such a dynamic place -- one can do so much, and lem so much; it's so satis@ng. Here 1 have so much time on my hands, school work is so easy and it's ddand boring. 1 door know what to do with my tirne. School is svch a waste of the. Hong Kong is so much more challenging."

The gendimpression was that the youager thqr were and the fewer memones they had of Hong Kong, the more they seemed to regard Canada as their home. Those who iiked Hong Kong more tended to be the oider ones.

Consistent with a multicultural attitude, the students dso did not seem to have any problem with inter-marriage, adopting a fillrly liberal aninide in general. One of the older students said: "1 now go out with non-Chinese male £iiends. I do not mind rnarrying a guy who is not Chinese, but 1 donPt think my parents would approve. It is not because they do not like people of other ethnic backgrounds; it is because they do not speak English very well, and it would not be so good ifthey cannot communicate with my fuhire boyfnend or husband". Their concern, if any, over inter- mmiage apparently stemmed 60om more practical considerations of communication and interaction than any negative attitude over ethnic identity or rnulticulturalism.

7. Summary

Ln this section, I have presented information relating to first, studentst personal background, e.g., their age, length of residence, age of arrivai, ties with homeland, general language background and so on. Second, 1 have shown results relating to -dents1 language use and behaviour, e.g., their frequency of use of Chinese, the Ianguage they speak with family and fnends, their behavioural pattern with respect to the Chinese media, and their experiences over time. Third, data were presented on socio-psychological factors associated with language use and behaviour. This include data on students' proportion, frequency, quality and stability of contact with Chinese speakers, their fiequency, proportion and qualay of contact with various forms of the Chinese media, the kind of first language educational support and anitude towards hentage language classes students have. Fourth, results were shown for psychologicd &ors outlining -dents' ethnolinguistic identity and subjective vaality beLiefk such as th& atiitu.de towatds heritage language classes, towards language and cultural heritage maintenance for friture generations in Canada, towards ethnic identity and Canada's multiailtural poticy. Lastiy, aiidence was presented for correlations between their language use and behaviour and personal background, socio-psychological and psychoiogical factors.

Arising tiom the data, we are able to get a gaieral picture of students' use of the first language and their behaviour, the Ianguage vitdity as weil as the community vitality of the Chinese group in

Toronto. One can teil to what extent the fht language is used in students' daily communication at home, in schwl and in the wider Canadian commUnay, to what extent students find it easy or dficult using the language, how cornfortable t!ey are using it with people in and outside their group, and what proportion and role the first language has in their contact with the media. One has a betier understanding how students fid about leaming and using a minority ianguage in a multicultural society, the reievance it has for them for fimire generations living in a culniraily diverse environment, the way they feel about their own identity, and the role multiculhiralism plays in their life ùi Canada.

Based on such information, what does it mean then for Canadian society in which minority groups cm retain and use their own language but where groups of diverse languages and cultures have to live together? What relevance does this have for the Chinese comunity whicb strongiy wants to maintah their own language and culture but at the sarne time would also like to integrate into

Canadian society and fit into the pluralist Canadian mosaic? How does this affect students' ethnic identity? What implications are there for educational policy and practice, given that mhonty and rnajority groups do not often enjoy the same balance of power but have to operate within a multilingual and multiculturai comext? in general, one needs to consider the overall aspects of first language use and behaviour and their impiications for the broder multicultural policy in Canada.

These are some of the issues to be addressed in the next chapter. CEbWlTR 8 - DISCUSSION

The present discussion is drawn from quantitative and qualitative data obtained fiom questionnaires and interviews and long-tenn participant observation in a range of situational contexts, taking into consideration factors at the sociological, socio-psychological and psychological levels that have an impact on language use and behaviour. It is clear that community vztaiity of the Chinese in present-day Toronto is hi& and as argued in Chapter 4, given the dernographics, ethnic concentration and commmity support, probably the highest it has ever been in Canada. Based on questionnaire results and interviews in sections 7.1.4 and 7.2, one sees that individudpmception ojtht vitaiiîy is also high, leading also to high Imguuge vMty

(Chinese), as shown in 7.1.2.and 7.1.3. Given the resuits in the previous chapter, we can say that the research questions in Chapter 5 have been addressed. In overall tms, data support the position that students do have a positive perception of the ethnolinguistic vitality of the Chinese and that positive attitude and motivation, related to factors at the sociological, çocio- psychological and psychological leveis, apparently facilitate students' est language use and related behaviour.

8.1. Penond Background Factors and Ethnolinguistic Vitaiity of the Chinese

It is clear that a large number of factors affect the changing ethnolinguistic vitality of the

Chinese community, which in tum afkcts the attitude and motivation for heritage language use and increases considerably the oppomuiities for Chinese students' use of L 1. A variet-of sociological factors corne into play, e.g., Canada's immigration policy, demographics of the

Chinese, their accumulation of economic and culturd capital, concentration of the Chinese population in Toronto, links with the media and emerging status and power of China on the international stage. Because of the interaction of these variables, one finds students' perception of the ethnolinguistic vitality of the Chinese group generdy positive. Chinese students seem to be confident about their own status, their own language and their ethnolinguistic identity (see section

7.1 -4.4). They appear quite confident about their language ability in English (see Fig. 7.1.1 -3-24 b,c), even when compared to those with English as the mother tongue. They believe in integrathg with Canadian society, though they also favour retention of their language and culture; and appreciate the advantages brought about by increased opportwiities of Chinese use at the same time. Many are also confident of the strength and friture of their ethnic group twenty years f?om now (Fig. 7-1-43),and generally believe that other Canadians appear positive about their language and culture (Table 7.1.4.5.a.). The impression one gets nom the interviews, and the answers fiom the questionnaires, indicate that students have a positive perception of the ethnolinguistic vitality of their ethnic group, and nich positive attitude prenimably helps to facilitate their first language use.

Obviously many personal background factors play an important part in hentage language use and behaviour. Ofthe many factors, a few of particular relevance are now discussed.

8.1.1. Close Ties with Homeland

Over haif of the Chinese students still have very close ties with their homeland and visit it quite often (Table 7.1.1.2.2); many of them are children of first generation immigrants who are still vq much in contact with their homeland. Frequent visits to their homeland is shown to be an important variable in fostering their maintenance of their first language (7.1 .S. 1.1). Thus to mcwe-dents to use their heritage language, one important way would be to encourage visits to their homeland and develop close ties with it. How far that can be sustained for second- and third- generation Chinese remains to be seen.

8.1.2. Age and Length of Residence

One Ends that students emigrate to Canada at Werent aga, and some corne at a young age

(Fig. 7.1 -1. 1 -1 and 7.1.1.1-3 .a). Irrespective of the age they arrive, data show that the majority of

Chinese students regard Canada as their home and intend to remain in Canada (7.1.1.2.2), recognizing also the importance of integrating with Canadian society (7.2.1.1). In fact, findings show that the longer their length of residence, the less their desire to go back to their homeland to work or to live (7.1 .1.2.2). Some who are older do admit that there may be a 50 per cent chance of their going to Ana to work or live, but that is apparently driven more by econornic motives than any other reason. Their motivation to lem and maintain their heritage language is nevertheless strong (Fig. 7.1.4.1. & 7.1.4.2.a), even though they may be quite well-integrated into

Canadian society (7.2.1.1). The implication here is that although many students have a strong sense of ethnic identity and are motivated to use their heritage language, that it no way detracts their being Canadians (in their view), fiom cornmitting themselves to Canada, and helping to make a contribution towards Canadian society.

Findings also indicate that the older the students and the longer their length of residence, the less Chinese appears to be spoken to farnily and friends, and less muent patterns of behaviour in areas such as reading and writing are evident (7.1 S. 1.2). It would seem that given a long-enough time7a gradual language shift does occur for a minonty language in a majority setting, though the pace and scale of such shift may Vary considerably. Extenial conditions may also change the

situation. Should the next decade of Asian economic growth lead to elevation of status for the

Chinese language, the pace of SMfor these students may be even slower.

8.1 -3. Parents' Language Use

There is no question that parents speak a great deal of Chinese not jua to the spouse (Table

7.1.1-2.3) but also to the children (Fig. 7.1 -2.2.a). They also highly encourage their children to maintain their first language (Fig. 7.1 -3-3 -3). Though it is not clear that parents' actual use of the mother tongue guarantees such language use and behaviour for their chiidren, their positive attitude does serve as a strong signal and motivator for the children not to lose their own language and culture.

As mentioned in Chapter 7, there appears to be tittle evidence to suggest that a large proportion of parents speak Chinese to the children and that the children reply to them in English

(7.1.2.2). In many familes, a clear home language policy is not very evident. Parents who are bilingual sometimes switch ianguages or use mixed code, and often communication is the more important concem. Both parents and children express the view that if some guidelines and a clear home language policy were developed, it would be to weiyone's benefit.

8.2. Socibpsychologicai Fadom

8.2.1. Social Networks and Interpersonal Contacts

As the etholinguistic vitaiity of a community determines the quality and quantity of Linguistic contact with one's linguistic group and other groups, it cornes as no surprise that data show that interactive networks play an important part student' fKst language use and behaviour (7.1 3.1).

As previously mentioned, the proportion of Chinese people with whom the speakers are in routine contact is quite large in Toronto, not just at home, but also in certain schools and outside home and school(7.1.3.1.1). The high proportion also lads to greater fiequency of contact with mother tongue speakers and greater opportunities for first language use. The proportion, frequency, quality and stability of contact with Chinese speakers are all directly related to more use of Chinese (7.1.3.1 -5). Students themselves report that there has been a tremendous increase in the number of Chinese speakers with whom they are in contact in Toronto (Fig. 7.1.2.5).

Many of the interactive networks of the grandparent and parent generaûon involve other

Chinese, even though such older persons may meet people fiom a range of different groups through their profession or c~mmunity~basedactivities. Children however, spend most of their the with other children of sirnilar age at school where there are usually many non-Chinese

-dents and digerent proportions of Chinese peer-group contacts. They spend moa of daytùne houn outside the family where fewer Chinese persons are present. Clearly the Iand of schd the child attends is an important aspect in how much contact with Chinese speakers is found and how much LI oppominity of use is available. We find however, that irrespective of the school to which the child goes, Chinese is still used by a large number of students (Fig. 7.1.2.1). Parent speakers' "passive" networks - Le., persons whom the speakers regard as important but who are physically distant from them - tend to be Chinese, but the passive ties of children with other

Chinese are not necessarily so. Parents and grandparents have remained psychologidy bound to traditionaf, ethnic tig yet there are signs thsome children have moved away from such ties both physicdy and psychologically and have integrated affectively significant non-Chinese contacts into their social networks (Fig. 7.1 -2.2.g). Although rnany adult Chinese Unmigrants to

Toronto still regard China and Hong Kong as home, that does not seem to be the case for

Canadian-born children or immigrants who corne at an eariy age (7.1.1-2.2).

Findings also suggest that dinérent generations may have different sociabtion patterns. The first-generation immigrants and the later entrepreneurid newcorners have acquired oome Engiish; other sponsored immigrants, especiaily the seniors have remained largely Chinese monolingual; the Canadian-bom or young immigrants seem to use English more as a language of social interaction, unless it is with their Chinese monolingual grandparents or parents.

Peers certainly play an important part in how much L 1 is used and for what purposes, and it has been found that though English is used much more with fiiends, whether in school or outside schwl, students stili have a number of fnends who are Chinese-speaking (Fig. 7.1.2.2.c. &

7.1.2.243). The quality of their L 1 experience with their fi-iends outside home and school is generally positive (fig. 7.1 -3.13). h fiict, 'fliends' as a group play a more imponant part in their use of L 1 than the group 'studems in school' (Fig. 7.1 -3.1.1.a), especially since the students have the fieedorn to choose theu own fnends but have litîle choice in wfiat kind of students there are in their school. In çum, the analyses of social distribution of network ties show a general pattern of change nom predorninantly Chinese ties of elden to often nonChinese, peer group ties across the generations (previously reportecl in Li, 1994). For many minority groups, one sees an inevitable language shift from monolingual Chinese to alrnost monoiingud English across generations. In

Toronto at least, such shifi among the Chinese people appear less severe; data show that many young people still have many Chinese-speahg ffiends and retain much of the home language

(Fig. 7.1.2.2.c, 7.1.3.1.1.a, & 7.1.2.1). Since opportunities to interact with other Chinese are usually confineci to the family, parents' fiiends and their children, it is not surprishg that mother- tongue use decreases progressively in younger generations. We note that the shift in language

choice pattern fiom Chinese monohgualism to more English-dominant biluigualism is ofien

accompanied by inter-generational variation in the ability to use the two languages for different commUNcative tasks. In a general way, Chinese is used mdyby grandparents and to grandparents, and much more English is used by children and to children, with both Chinese and

English used by parents and to parents, and between parents and children or between siblings

(7.1.3.1). But the interaction between the social and styiistic dimensions of language choice of different groups is in fact much more cornplex, and not all speakers of the same generation necessarily share the Mme language choice patterns.

Li (1 994) reported that inter-speaker variations are closely associated with interlocutor types; speakers with different network patterns adopt diEerent language choice patterns with various interlocutors. For example, spouses use Chinese between them; those with fewer Chinese ties may use both Chinese and English with the same type of interlocutors, and many children use

Chinese only with grandparents and both Chinese and English with parents, and some use only

English with their peers (7.1 -2.2). Most speakers use both C hinese and English to a different degree witb a range of interlocutors. Li (1 994) pointed out that often the most stnking variations in lmguage choice patterns are the differences which exist between speakers both across and within three generations, as weîl as inter-speaker variation. Particular languages are associated with particular groups of speakers who are members of the same social networks, and social networks rnay vary on an individual basis, regardless of age and generation. Laquage choice and the social symbolism of languages rnay Vary depending on the identity of the speaker as well as of the interiocutor and their inter-personal relationship. Thus as Li (1994) has stated, the suggestion

that "we may characterize the choice between Chinese and English by identmng the generations

with which they are associated and subsequently infer the social symboiism of the two languages

may be too simplistic" (p. 125).

In many minority settings, the younger the immigrant's age and the longer the length of residence, the greater the tendency to use more English-dominant patterns. Such patterns are, in many cases, usudy adopted by those who have the shortest stay of al speakers, i.e. the younger ones; speakers with the longest duration of gay, the older ones are those who use the Chinese- dominant pattems. For Hong Kong students though these pattems do not necessarily hold.

Sorne speakers who have the shortest gay, Le., the more recent immigrants, have Chinese- dominant patterns. They tend to cling to their traditional ethnic ties, wen for some school age children who are recent immigrants. They still listen to Chinese songs and read Chinese comics, and talk on the phone in Chinese. Howwer, as a generd de, those wfio are Chinese monolinguals or have maintainecl the Chinese-dominant language choice patterns do tend to be the ones who arrived at a much older age than speakers of bilingual or English-dominant patterns, suggesting that age is an important factor. Students do speak more English with their peers than with their fdymembers. Such a pattern as a whole suggests that a language shift from Chinese rnonolingualism to Enghsh-dominant bilingualism can occur within the span of three generations, as is the case in many immigrant societies. But it seems that the language shift is not taking place at as fast a Pace for the Chinese as for some other Linguistic rninority groups such as Korean (Kim,

1992), Lao (Lerthimnwong-Diong, 1989) or Japanese (Oketani, 1995), as findings show that much Chinese is still being used by the students (Fig. 7.1.2.1 & 7.1.2.2 a - h) and that their desire to maintain their language and culture is stiil quite strong (Fig. 7.1.4.1 - 7.1.4.3).

8.2.2, Contact with Chinese Media

Generally speaking, shidents' coutact with the Chinese media is quite hi&. This depends partly on the availability of Ll media oppominities provided in the home, e.g., in the form of

Chinese reading materials, Chinese TV or music, but hdings show that, in ternis of either proportion, frequency or quaiity of contact with the media (7.1.3.2), snidents do have a fair amount of contact with the Chinese media Moreover, the trend seems to be a gradual and also increasing contact with the Chinese media, precisely because the community vitaiity is so high

(7.1.2.6). The students, howwer, do not necesdy lack contact with mainStream media. In fa* many do read English dailies, listen to North Amencan music and watch English language TV

(Fig. 7.1.2.5). It appears that their contact with the Chinese media does give them much greater heritage language exposure, facilitates their first language use and behaviour and offers them more opportunities for mother-tongue practice and first language maintenance.

8.2.3. Educational Support

The main, formal kind of first language educational support for the hidents cornes in the form of intemationaVheritage language programs largely fùnded by govemment. The majority of students do not seem to ment such programs though their interest, enthusiasrn and cornmitment clearly Vary a great deai. In leamhg a language, rnuch seerns to depend on why the leamer is leaniing the language and the conditions of use under which the language is Iearned. Variables affecting the leamhg of a language include the nature of the activities which the language mediates, the significance of such advities for the lemer, the opporîunities for receiving assistance and current possibilities for participation in language involving activities. To a large extent, heritage language classroorns provide such conditions, and students are generally positive about attending intemational language programs (7.1.3.3), thougb some are clearly indifferent or would prefer spendlig their weekends dohg 0ththings..

As mentioned, besides "pressure from parentsn and "identifkation with ethnic language and culture", midents cited "better job prospects" as now a primary reason for attending international language programs (Fig. 7.1 -3.3.1.a). They recognize that Chinese has the chance of becorning a language of economic and social advancement in fiiture, and this certainly bodes weH for the continuing interest and motivation for the leamhg of Chinese, despite its being a minority language in Canada

8.3. Psychological Facton - Identity and Vitplity Beliefs

8.3.1. Attitude Towards Chinese and Beiief in LanguageKultural Maintenance

Much ir&ormation has been collecteci regarding students' vitality beliefs in this study, and 1 shdl oniy discuss selected fhdings which have a bearing here. AU indications are that students of this group are quite positive about the Chinese language and strongly believe in ethnic language and cultural maintenance (7.1 4. They want more chances to use their mother tongue, like more

Chinese-speaking Giends (Fig. 7.1.4. I), and the majority (78%) believe that it is important for the next generation of their ethnic group to be able to speak Chinese and certainly want their own children to be able to do so (Fig. 7.1-4.2.a). In many respects, they believe the children would lose contact with t heir culture if t hey do not speak the language (Fig. 7.1 -4.4.b). This suggests students' continuhg support for Chinese language maintenance and sustallied motivation for leaniing it in the foreseable friture. Students also strongiy believe that their ethnic group wiü be strong and active in Canada twenty years fiom now, even though their political and economic innuence may not be very great at present. Such positive attitudes make for rnuch easier acceptance of language and cultural maintenance even for second-generation unrnigrants.

8.3.2. Muiticulturalism and Etbnic Identity

Data show that students in general have a positive attitude towards Canada as being a multicdtural society. Weil over 80% agree that Canada is very muhicultural. They also strongly believe that "one should take advantage of Canada's multicultural policy and learn about one's own language and cultural heritage". Recognizing that they live in a multicultural country, they believe that it is possible to maintain their own language and culture and at the sarne time integrate into Canadian society. Students would like their children to be able to speak the language and even leam it in school(7.1.4.2). Tbough some are aware that there are others who resent their language and culture, overail, the students think that Canadians feel positive about their ethnic language and culture (7.1.4.4). Ah,they believe that in a multiculturd society, memben of an ethnic community should not strictly avoid marrying outside their own group, and they do not think leamhg an ethnic language would have a negative effêct on their leaming

English or French. Of course there are some with diEerent views, but these seem to be the minority.

With regard to their ethnic identity, the group that felt ''equally Canadian and Chinesen was by far the largest, containing well over half the -dents (60%), (7.1 -4.5.d). The percentages outweigh those who fed "more Chinese than Canadian" (2 1%) and those who feel "more

Canadian than Chinese" ( 19%), dthougb these last figures cannot be dismisseci as insigrificant.

The author believes that this bicultural view reflects, to a large degree, the success of Canada's multicultural policy, a policy with which the students seem to iden* quite strongly. Although one may thuik that a higher figure for those who feel "more Canadian than Chinese" is preferable in a country like Canada, there is arguably nothing negative about feeling "equaliyChinese and

Canadian"; students certaidy do not see it as a negative thing. Given the culturally diverse environment and the pursuance of a multicultural policy in Canada for quite a long while, the phenornenon of bicultural identity is probably a positive sign. The fact that students "feel more

Chinese than Canadian" should not necessarily be viewed as negative either, a view rdected through the interviews; it appeared to reflea a strong sense of ethnic identity, but not necessarily to imply a rejection of mainStream society and culture.

In the presem writer's viav, students hgin this country, within the Canadian education system and surrounded by the kind of media and messages around them every day, have accepted the fact that many Merent ethnic groups settling in Canada must co-exist in harmony. They must learn to respect and tolerate others and at the same time take pride in their own language and cultural hentage. Students are equally cornfortable being both Chinese as well as Canadian, sentiments that were echoed repeatedly during the interviews. They do not seem to feel that the two identities necessarily have to be in codlia, and accept the fact that it is possible to take pride in one's minority language and culture as weII as be a part of the majonty Canadian mosaic. It may also be possible that Hong Kong students, because they have been under British defor a long time and have been more exposai to bilingud and bicultural identities, would find it easier to accept both cultural identities than sorne other rninority groups. A nurnber of studmts have, for example, had an Engiish name on top of their Chinese narne ever since they were bom or were in school fkom a young age, and do not necessdy regard that as a non-acceptance of their Chinese identity. Based on data fkom the present participants, it seems to reflect that at least present-day schools and society seem to be doing a good job and are overall successful in educating them about the positive aspects of multiculturalism in Canada. Educators are hdigin the nght direction when studeuts feel cornfortable and at ease with both their ethnic as weli as their

Canadian identities, and at the same time are not negative about 0thpeople's minority language and culture. Such conditions should encourage Canadians to support maintenance of social policies affhhg rnulîicdturalism and diversity.

8.4. Cultural Interdependence Hypothesis

Findings so far have indicated that -dents appear positive about their own language and culture and are not ashamed of it. Furthemore, in the researcher's interviews with th- it was clear that as immigrants fit into a farger environment, they also try to adopt a more Canadian identity and are aware of the need to integrate into Canadian society. They are generdy sensitive about other people's language and cuiture and readil y embrace Canada's multicultu rd policy .

Their Chinese ethnic identity presentfy includes a strong sense of "personal allegiance", i-e.,

"strong, voluntary attachent to a culturai group and to its values, as a result of some real link in the put" (Corson, 1993, p. 49). At the same time, their degiance to their adopted country seems equally real, as they recognize that probably the acceptance of both identities is the best way to exist and be happy in a new environment. 1 have pohted out in Chapter 2 (section 2.2) Clément's assertion that a lack of identification with the L1 culture is correlated with a Iack of identification with the L2 culture. This view is echoed in Harners and Blanc's proposal of a cultural inferdepnalencehVp0thesi.s. &ch suggests that strong identification with the L 1 group is related to identification with the L2 group also. Consistent with the hypothesis, students in this sample show a strong identification with the LI culture which appears to carry over to identification wRh the L2 culture also. Some participants may experience wmpartmdisation of the two cultural identities, but others may experience the two identities as integrated. As mentioned before, many students readily date that they feel equally Chinese and Canadian, and it is certainly possible that both identities can be balanceci or somehow shared. It may also be the case that the mhud

Niferakpendence hpthesis is static, and perhaps more consideration can be given to the kind of conditions that need to be present for cultural interdependence to take place.

Students' outlook seems to support research into the benefits associated with bicultural identity, which include demonstrating greater role flexîbility, adaptability, high self-esteem and gregter understanding (Gamlin, 1994). As suggested by Harners and Blanc, there is also a relationslip between cultural identity and bilinguality which is reciprocal: Le., bilinguality influences the development of cultural idemity, and cultural identity in hun influences the development of bilinguaiity. in fàct, rnany of the students in this sample, besides being bicultural, are also bilingual; and a number of them are also successfid academically; supporting besides the cultural interdependence hypothesiq Cummins' linguistic interdependence prùiciple. The sample also seems to support Foster's (1980) position that bilinguals hold more favourable attitudes towards ethnic language maintenance and bilingual education than do monolinguals. Those with bicultural identity aiso seem to have higher achievement than others (Gamlin, 1994). 8.5 Chioese hnguage Learning and Langiuge Maintenance

As mentioned in 8.2.3., the Chinese language has now taken on a 'practical' value and is in a

much better position than some other minority languages in Canada which may be experiencing

rapid language shifi. While many other hentage languages classes in Canada have suffered a deciine in enrolment, Chinese classes have enjoyed regular attendance and even significant hcrease in numbers in the last few years. Clearly, to maintain a minority language and to enable it to thrive, the presence of both imtmrnent~ias well as integrmive motivation for leaming the language is usefui in furthering development of motivation and language proficiency. Since cornmunicating with fw mernbers and having an interest in Chinese language and culture are also important reasons for leaming Chinese, these aspects should be emphasized and incorporateci into the curriculum, for example, developing topics and communication strategies to facilitate and enhance easy communication with family members, or building more Chinese history, linguistic or cultural components into the curriculum.

To develop a positive attitude towards a mùiority group's language and culture, it has been mentioned before that parents' attitude is imponant. However, parents' attitude was found to be a less simcant variable in leading students to use their mother tongue as several other variables: for instance, the me, comfort or ability of ushg the language, or the frequency or quality of the fht-language expenence. Having greater oppominity of L 1 use with Chinese speakers, having a greater proportion of contact with Chinese speakers, or having very enwuraging parents aione is not enough to motivate young persons in first-language development. Students need to feel cornfortable and at ease with the language, and there needs to be greater frequency and better quaiity fint-language expenences to improve students' L 1 proficiency. It is thus important seriously to think of ways to create pleasant L1 leaming experiences for students. Such a task wiil be an important test and challenge for L1 language teachers in the organization, development, design and methodology of the curriculum of the international languages program.

Bearing in mllid that the participants report4 that they very much enjoy activities such as watching TV/movies/videos and iistening to music in their L1 (Fig. 7.1.3.2.2.a),and find these activities to be the easiest and more cornfortable ones when using their first language (Fig.

7.1.3.2.2.c),it would appear desirable that international language prognvns should make greater use of the TV and music medium and ensure that these be better and more suitably incorponttesi in the teaching and leaniing and maintenance of Chinese. The proportion such media have in the present curriculum is very smd indeed; the curriculum content sEIl relies quite heavily on the printed word and traditional Chinese text. The fàct that students said that they lem Chinese words and recognize Chinese characters through karaoke singing or TV viewing, or lem to read and write Chinese through the reading and copying of song lyrics, suggests that Chinese language learning rnethodology cm certainly be adapted and resources utiliseci to cater more to the interest and needs of the students. Since interest in the language and culture, and king able to cornrnunicate with fdymembers are important reasons for learning Chnese, strategies should be devised to maintain their interest in such areas, otherwise motivation to iearn the language is easily reduced.

In inte~ews,many students expressed reservations about the materiais and methodology used in heritage language classes (7.2.1.4). According to tbeir views many areas of the international language cumculum couid be improved, e.g., the content could cater more to students' interests and needs, or the curriculum could be dflerent for Canadian-bom and immigrant students as their background and proficiency rnay not be the sarne (Au, 1995). These students wanted heritage language teachers to be more experienced, well-trained and sensitive to students' linguistic and educationai development; they wished that teaching materiais incorporate more aspects of daily life with Canadian and local content. Students often expressed a desire to improve the more difficult and problematic skilis of reading and writing (Fig. 7.1 -2.4.b).

The rather dry and out-dated methodology of teaching Chinese, e.g., the use of rote memory, the dependence on long and dficult written texts, repetition in the copying of Chinese characters and so on, may need to be modified. As the learning of English involves very different methodology which is more task-based and activity-based, students are ofien not used to the more traditional ways of leaming Chinese. Present-day students are also more accuaomed to making use of the latest audio-visual and technological aids in leaming, which do not seem to be very commonly used in present circumstances. The curriculum could also be broadened to include opportunities for critical reflection on perronal and collective idente (see Appendix C), on issues of social justice, or on multiculturalism.

With current cuts in government fùnding, there have been fewer formai, govemment- sponsored international language prograrns. However, communÏty-bas& support is still strong, and with the rnobilization of the resources and co-operative spirit of parents, teachers and peers, many heritage language classes, camps and activities have operated on a private basis. Perhaps the time has corne for a more co-ordinated and cornprehensive eEort in combining formal as well as informal support for the leaniing and maintenance of hentage languages. In lean economic times, there is the need for a more original and creative approach to capitalize more fully on the demographic, cultural and economic capital of the Chinese. 8.6. Impiicatioos for Scbouls and Educatots

Given that first-language use among Chinese students seems to be quite cornmon, the

approach that schools and the larger society adopt is a matter that needs to be more closely

examineci. In the school sening, how should principals, teachers, parents and students treat

rnatters of mother-tongue language use? As indicated in Fig. 7.1 -2-2. b, those who 'always' or

'usually' used Chinese in school amounted to 15% of the participants, which to some may seem a relatively high figure. The situation is certainly aggravateci if the number of Chinese students is high and concentrated, as in some schools. Tension can easily build up, and coupled with resentment of cultural or economic capital of the Hong Kong Chinese, it is not surprising that the atmosphere in some schools may not be very congenial. It should nevertheless not be forgofien that well over half, Le., 6l%,'always9or 'usuallyl spoke English at school, even ifit meant some difliculty for th- and that over 22% spoke English and Chinese equallyl. Results also show that midents are quite sensitive to how other people react to their using much mother-tongue in schoof, and many certainly do not feel cornfortable doing so (Table 7.1.2.4.d).

As revealed in the inte~ews(7.2.1. L), some schools, particularly those with hi& concentration of ethnic speakers, discourage students' use of the L 1 in large groups? particularly in the classroom, though they aiay allow it in the playground, in comdors, or during recess. Such discouragement may stem more from the fact that teachers and other students are unable to share in wht minority students are saying and consider it inappropriate that other people be left out of conversations, than from any deiiberate attempt to exercise power or domination. One wonders to what extent students themsefves see language as a principal site where power is exerted in the school. Bourdieu sees the culture of the school as a creation of the dominant culture, and theones of social and cultural reproduction point to the role of xhools as not just reflecting social

structures, but perpetuating existing differences of power. Education, as Corson states (1 993),

cm routinely repress and disempower language users whose practices Wer from the noms that it

establishes. So it cornes as no surprise that in some schools, minority midents are discouraged

fiom showing their distinctive culturai identity, partinilady through their Ianguage.

As previously mentioned, Goldstein (1 996) highlighted non-Cantonese-speaking students' resentment of the Chinese because of stereotypes teachers have tif them being the 'mode1

minority', their seeming to corne fiom privileged economic classes, and their perceived social exclusiveness. Yet one must recognize that thei. exclusiveness is more a culture problem than a language problem - the tendency to stick together because of a commonly-shed cultural background which tinds safety in numbers.

The attitude teachers and students adopt is cmcial. One understands that "multilingualism is not unproblematicaily beneficial in our economicaify stratified muItilingual, multicultural. multiracial society" (Goldstein, 19%, p. 22); the rnultilingual classroom is certainly not without difficulties. But the role the school and teachers take will send signais to young people regarding how to deai with issues of cdtural and linguistic advantage and disadvantage, and mibalances of power. Giroux ( 1981 ) stressed that teachers need to understand the culwal capital of minority groups and anaiyze their treatrnent within the dominant culture. Goldstein oflered a practical suggestion for operating in the multicultural classroom. She suggested that for the teacher, perhaps one way of beglluiing to deal with issues of Linguistic advantage and disadvantage is by talking about them in a direct, forthnght marner with the students. For example, a teacher who makes use of his or her Ihguistic resources and cornmunicates with shidents by using the latter's mother-tongue might wish to initiate a discussion concemhg language practices in the classroorn at the bqghing of the year. In her negotiation with students teachers help to mate classroom, language-use policies in colhboruiion with students and not just to benefit individual students acadernicaüy in the classrooms. if teachers and students establish some expectations at the be-g about when, how, and why languages other than English dlbe used in the cissroom, minority students need not feel that they have to use their less proficient language in order to maintain interethnic or interracial relationships in the classroorn.

Teachers are in an excellent position to foster better muid understanding between minority groups, or between newcomers and those who have been in the country for a long time. They can promote learning about the language and history of dBierent wuntries and cultures, raise awareness of how power relations are played out for minority and domhant groups, develop intercultural understanding programs, and stress contributions of dBerent groups. Teachen can build on the hown experiences of minority children themselves, have them discuss issues of culture, identity or race, even tension and conflict that exia in the school, or create contexts for learning that are congruent with the culture of minority children. Instead of just facing up to issues on an ad hoc buis, a systernatic and organized approach should be developed rnaking use of the individual and collective resources of teachers, minority students and their parents, and others in the school.

Parents indeed cm have a very usefbl role to play. Opportunities can be created for minority parents to share their experiences with others, and to tlnd out more about why and how certain ideas, experiences and approaches work better than others. Chinese parents can outline shhrities and dEerences between their role in the home and outside with other minority parents, their expectations of their children, and their child-reaiing practices. They can take the lead in explainhg their situation and their children's situation to others who are not familiar with their values, customs and habits, and to enhance understanding arnong minority parents and shtdents.

Through school-lwel language policies, administrators can afnrm or deny students' rights and powers, and be active agents to change whatever unjust reproductive tendencies there may be in society. The present writer agrees with Corson's (1993) position that to ensure social justice and equality, communicative action in school, school language policies, and critical language awareness should be promoted. This would help alI groups, staff, students and parents, to better understand imbalances that may anse in communication, or inequalities in educational policy and practice, and take appropriate action to deai with them. Schools and comrnunity need to work collaboratively in cntical policy-making, and parents should be actively Uivolved in decision- making, to bring about whatever changes that are needed in school structures or classroom practices. One mua also not forget Corson's point, that "policy on its own is not enough: social institutions and ideologies have to be changed to accompany any reform if it is to be effectiven (p.

18). Raising consciousness of and practice for change is critical, and the need to restructure institutions and ideologies will be the challenge for schools and educators.

8.7. Implications for Canadian Society and Social Poiicy

Because of the high ethnolinguistic vitality of the Chinese people in Canada it seems evident that they possess a significant linguistic and cultural capital dl their own. The fact that they have had room to grow and flourish in recent decades is the direct result of immigration and muiticuifural policies that have been in force. A p~ciplefor multiculturalism is that people fiorn other countries are welcome to establish themselves in Canada as fiill citizens without having to

abandon their language and cuhre, and this pruiciple is, in the final analysis one of integration in

the best sense of the word: muhiai respect and CO-operationamong comunities in Canada which

retain cultural and linguistic identity. uideed, students' response to the multicultural policy is

generally favourable (7.1.4.9, and they appear to regard it as an important part of Canadian

identity. At the present time, favourable conditions do exia for heritage language and cultural

maintenance of the Chinese group (Chapter 4 and 7.1.4), with continuhg elevation of the social

status of this group.

However, in the twenty-odd years since the rnuiticultural policy was first introduced in 1971,

there has been much debate and development regarding the policy. Multiculturalism has come under attack in ment years primanly because the face of Canada has changed so much, as has

public perception of the multiculturai policy. Immigration policy means that Canadians now have to confront more and more the challenges of living not just in a mtr~tic~~l~ra~society but one which is muttiracial as well. Since institutionai barriers are strongly present for race perhaps more than ethnicity, multiculturalism which does not directly confront such barrien has corne to be considered inadequate by many progressive educaton. On the other hand, the value of multiculturalisrn is contested by some liberal and conservative analysts who fear that the policy emphasiires separateness and discord, not inclusiveness. They reject the idea that minonties should be allowed to alter public schooling and political discourse in order to carry on with publicly-funded and sanctioned heritage language use and behaviour and specific way of life.

They argue that muhiculhiralism is the antithesis of Canadianisrn, and it should be the job of govemment to promote Canadianism, or at least their version of it. With growing numbers and strength of Chinese immigrants and other groups, it is not surprising that tension and misunderstanding exist between the minority and the majority (4.2.4). Some students in theu interviews have expressed reservations about the relationship with the Caucasian major@ and with other minority groups, and are sensitive about the way others view them as a group, both in school and in society (7.1.4.1). How to appropriately deal with this is clearly a challenge for al.

This shidy has convinceci me that the road ahad, though challenging, is not as bumpy as one might expect. Despite students' strong nrst lanpage use and behaviour, favourable conditions for heritage language and cultural maintenance, and growing economic and political influence of a large and important rninorîty group, the fbndamentals for developing a plurally inîegrated

Canadian mosaic are present, especially in the next generation of -dents. There are of course forces in society that operate to preserve traditional power and status; dominant parties try their best to maintain their own power and view official encouragement of minority languages and cultures as a threat to the existiog power structure. But attempts to curtail students' fhtlanguage use, and non-English language use in general, would be naive; students have already progressed beyond that stage, as indicated by some of the findings in the present study. Even if dl students were to use English, 1 do not believe that would necessarily lead to ideological unification. A common language can bring people together, but it does not and cannot bond the multiple and diverse experiences shared by dif5erent ethnic groups of various socio-economic, cultural and educational backgrounds.

Much needs to be done. Multiculturd education and educaîion for diversity imply transfomative processes which look at institutional structures and barriers and the role they play in ensuring or hinde~gsocial justice and equality. As part of the stmtegy for dealing with the challenges mentioned, muiticultural policy and its supporthg programs should be refocused to

address systemic banien with respect to race, class and ethnicity.

While there are those who rnight wish othenvise, the reality of Canadian society is a nch and

diverse pluralism. We may need to rethink the multicultural poiicy, redefine its direction and

structure its programs, but it would be a sad mistake just to cast aside so dehing a fature of

Canadian self-identity.

In order that language and cultural hentage of minorities are respecta mhonties need to be

brought into decision-making, and there needs to be an opemess to issues of race relations.

Opposition to multiculhiraiism contributes nothing to ethnic hmony. Though multiculturalism is

fimily embedded in legislation, policies do need to be examuieci to see if changes are needed.

Cummins pointed out that:

"The focus on surface manifestations of culture has given way to two parallel thrusts: on the one hand, an antiracist focus designed explicitly to promote equity through removing structural baniers to children's achievement; on the other, an internationaikt focus that recognizes the cultures and languages of chiidren as collective resources that have enormous individual and national relevance in a rapidly shrinking world" (fiom Nieto, IW6:xv).

A change of orientation is needed within schools and society. Multicultural education, if

broadly conceptualized and implemented, can have a substantive and positive impact on the

educational experiences of most students. Students today, as we see in this sample, seem to view

rnuhiculturalism primarily as a cataiyst for successes that have progressed well beyond its onguial

scope. It is necessary that there be a widespread social acceptance that we Live in a diverse

society that is to be valued; that multicuhrd awareness is reflected in school cmicula and educational policy and practice; that multicultural sensitivity is shown by teachers and schools; that there is faim portrayal of minorities in the media and inclusion of minonties in decision-

215 making processes; that there are laws to fight hate propaganda-

Multiculturalism to a large extent does encourage fgmess and equality and, thrwgh the understanding it engenders, helps to create a society btdt on mutual respect. Only with mutual respect and co-operation can national unity be safêguarded. Curnmins stresseci that:

"Wemust be willing to reach over and cross cultural boundaries rather than reinforcing ever more impermeable culhiral barriers. We mua shift fkom viewing cultural and Linguistic diverse as problems to be overcome toward seeing them as resouices cnicial to our society's ability to suwe and thrive in a global society where cross-cultural contact is escalating in economic spheres as well as in scientific, diplornatic, and environmental endeavours" (hmNieto, lW6:xvü).

Effective bilingualisrn and affirmation of diversity generally can be seen as an 'empowering strate& that would help develop and maintain the important place of unmigrants in Canada, as well as bridge the gap towards integratiori with the larger Canadian community.

For the Chinese community as well as for some other minority groups, multiculhiralism helps provide a sense of safi in an unfdiar environment. But they should also be aware that sometimes such accommodation can duce the motivation of some immigrants fiom integrating or taking an active part in society. Members of the Chinese community should lem to be more aware of non-Chinese traditions and Canadian customs and take positive seps to integrate. They must be made to understand that finding &&y in numbers in their own liale group can easily pose a danger of isolation from the majority culture. Thus tu understand communicu~eund shure are t hree crucial components of rnulticulturalisrn, and the governrnent and the comunity should collaborate on policies and action to improve public education on the true meaning of multiculturaüsm and develop cultural integration. From the point of view of a Chinese, perhaps there needs to be less of a We-They' way of thinking, and more a need to find ways to aid other groups htmay lack the economic and cultural capital that many Hong Kong immigrants have.

Appropnate programs, policies and structures need to be well-organized and systematicaiiy developed for integration to occur. Although there may be some westerners who resent the increasing success, financial or othenvise, of Asians, 1 have no doubt that East and West have much to lem fiom each other. People should not be distinguished as belonging to "mainstream" or "non-mainsstrearn";we are, ia fact, al] mainstream.

If Canada is to suNive as a nation, people of ail races must work together and build this country together. They must Iearn about their past, and understand the present culture, which is a multicuhral mosaic. It is the best example of the whole behg greater than the sum of its parts.

The respect for diversity is a part of who we are. OnIy by fostering unity, promoting co-operation and celebrating diversity cm we su~veas a great nation. CHAPTER 9 - CONCLUSION

9.1. Limitations of the Study

This shidy presents quantitative data and personal perspectives (including the investigator's) of a fluid situation at a particular cross-section of the. The sample for this study was taken from mainly two Chinese intemationavheritage language schools in two different areas, both with a fairly hi& degree of Chinese population in the airrounding neighbourhood. A greater number of schools and fiom a greater variety of areas might have ken sampled; in any case generalization from this Chinese sarnple to others, even in the sarne city, should be approached with caution.

Such is partinilady the case with findings based on the interview data. indeed, the views of the majority of Chinese young people in Toronto who do not even go to Chinese classes would also have yielded interesthg results. One does not know what exactly do these other students think and how they really feel. Thek language use and attihide to the development of the Chinese language in Canada is of great relevance and interest, but unfortunately practical logistic issues remicted investigation to only two selected schools.

It should also be noted that there was very little opporturity for constructive interaction and rneaningful discourse between the researcher and the vast majority of subjects since students and teachers attending the international languages program met only on Saturday momings, al1 with very focussed instmction. They went into classes to teach or learn Chinese and usually lefi as soon as classes were over. There was not as rnuch tirne as the researcher would have liked to get to know the teachers or students or understand better theu points of view. Also, background information about the students were sometimes not readily adable even to the class tacher, or the researcher. The researcher was nevertheless fortunate in that within the interviews, a good rapport was estabtished with the students. They were very wihgto take part in the survey and share their opinions and thus relevant and useful Somation was obtained. At the same tirne the uitexviewees were volunteers, and no generaiizations from their commems taken in isolation nom quantitative results, is wananted.

The author also did not deal with issues of code-switching or code-mixing, important aspects of first and second language use. This is not because they were considered unimportant, but because the researcher was more concerned with macro sociolinguistic issues than with miro interactional aspects of discourse. Neither did this study examine students' language proficiency or cornpetence, as a study related ta these aspects would have rneant the Ating of another thesis if the research is to yield any rneaningful raults.

9.2. Concluding Rernarks

1 have shown in this dissertation that there are many factors that affect the haitage language use and behaviour of minority students and their first language maintenance, ranghg fiom attitude and motivation, mial networks and interpersonal contacts, opportunities for language use, ethnolinguiaic vitaiity, culturd identity and so on. To answer the research questions in Chapter

5, one sees that factors at the sociologicd, socio-psychological and psychological levels ali help to facilitate students' first lan-e use and related behaviour, and that students' positive perceptions of the ethnolinguistic vitality of their ethnic group, and attitudes about the role and value of

Chinese language and culture are related to such fiictors. Where language use is concerned, in between total LI language use and total L2 language use, or L 1-dominant language use and L2- dominant language use, or a totaily additive and a totally subtractive form of bilingualism, lies a very wide spectmm indeed. One finds that ohidents themselves cm to a large ment, hdtheir

own balance among the many smog fàctors to maintain their individual control and perspective

regardhg their own language choice, language use and related behaviour, taking individual and

social considerations into account. In this mamer, they show how they are developing as

productive bicuitd citizens in our diverse, Canadian society. Now that favourable internai and

extemal conditions have made it much easier than ever before to maintain one's heritage language

and culture, more than ever the "voice"of the Chinese minority will be heard and the stniggle for

power and status for rninority groups wiil take on new meaning. Minonty shidents that are encouraged to retain their Ianguage and culture, to develop bilingually and biculturally, shows to a large extent, the true meaning of muiticdturalism, and benefits they bring to society should be a strong argument for the continuing support of multicultural policies in Canada Ambert, A 199 1. Bilirigual e&cation and Englsh ar a second Irmguage - A resemch hmdbook. 19884990- Garimd Publishing.

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Zhmg, G.R 1995. Ammie and identifidon: Aî@ïstment experiences ojrecent immigrantsfrom mainland China in Toronto. Doctoral thesis, The Ontario institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. - Written Agreement Fom witb the Pinu tionnaire on LawUse of Chinese Students in Toronto

My name is Evelyn Yee-Fun Man, and 1 am a PbD candidate in the Dept. of Cuniculum, Modern Language Centre, at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto.

I am currently investigating the language use and behaviour of Chinese students in Toronto and would very much appreciate your support in helping me conduct a study on some important issues. As your school has rnany students of ethnic Chinese background attending Chinese heritage language classes, 1 am interesteci in their many insights and hope they can complete a questionnaire and interview. Theû contribution to this research will be helpful for firme immigrants settling in multicultural Canada and 1 would appreciate your support.

My study consists of two phases. The first phase involves completing a questionniare (attached) of about 25 minutes dealing with information on generd background and language use. The second phase involves interviewhg some volunteer students on ethnic identity and socio- psychological issues, e.g. language use at home, in school and with peers. 1 shall conduct the interviews in whichever language best suits the student, either Chinese or English. The interview will take approximately thirty to forty minutes.

Al1 information obtained will be strictly confidentid and useâ only for the purposes of this research. Students' participation is entirely on a voluntaiy basis. Your support is not only important to this study but hopefùlly will encourage discussion and subsequent improvement in the area of bilingual/multilingual and multicultural education.

1 thank you for your support. If you have any questions, please feel fixe to contact me at (4 16) 229 975 1.

Youn sincerely,

Evelyn Yee-Fun Man

1, , Princip1 of 8 am wiliing io have rny shrdents participate in Evelyn Mm's Studj on Language Use of Chinese Students in Toronto. . . &peudix B - (3uestionoaire on Lanrmage Use of Chinese St&ents in Toront~

A. Personal Information

A 1. Name: (Optional) A.2. Fde Male A.3. Age: A.4. Birthdate: (dl (ml (vr) A 5. Birthplace: A6. If not bom in Canada, how old were you when you came to Canada? A. 7. How many brothers and sisters do you have? (Please indicate numbers) a. older brothers b. older sisters c. younger brothers d. younger sisiers A.8. What is your mother tongue?

B. Parents' Background B.1. Father's birthplace: B.2. What language(s) does your father speak? Cantonese Mandarin English Other(s) B.3. Mother's birthplace: B.4. What language(s) does your mother speak? Cant onese Mandarin English mer(s)

%S.In which language(s) do your parents speak to aich other? a. aiways Chinese b. usually Chinese c. Chinese & English equally d. usudy Enghsh e. aiways English

B.6. What are your parents' education levels (Please circle your answers). Father Mother a. primary school 1 1 b. secondary school 2 2 c. university 3 3 d. pst-graduate 4 4 e. no schooling at al1 5 5 f 1 don't know 6 6

B.7. Mat are your parents' occupation? Before coming to Canada Now ui Canada Father Mother C. Ties with your Homehd or your Parents' Homeland

C. 1. How ofien do you travel to your horneland (or your parents' homeland e.g. Hong Kong, Taiwan or China? (Please circle your answer). frequently about occasionally rare1 y never (more than once a year (once every (once evexy once a year) few years) 10 or more Y-) C.2. Does your father iive in Canada with you? Yes No a. If "yes", year arrived in Canada: 19 b. If "no", where does he live?

C.3. Does your mother live in Canada with you? Yes No a. If "yes", year aniveci in Canada: 19 b. If "no", where does she iive?

C.4. How likely is it for you to go to your horneland (or your parents' homeland) to work or live in future? (Please circle your answer).

VeV Quite 50% chance Not very Not likely likely likel y Wtely at dl

Why?

D. Language Background

D. 1. If you were born outside Canada, did you learn any EngIish before you came to Canada?

a.Yes No b. If 'yes', for how many years? c.Which gradenevel in school were you in before you came to Canada?

D.2. How would you rate your ability to use English? (Please circle the appropriate number.)

vety Average ve9' Unsatisfactory satisfact oiy a. reading b. listening c. speakuig d. writing D.3. Comparing yoursetf to people who speak Engtish as their mother tongue, how well do you think you speak English? (Please circle):

About the sarne A linle worse Much worse

D.4. Cornparhg yourself to other immigrant students you know who are l&ng Engfish, how well do you think you speak English? (Please circle):

Much better Better About the same A iittle worse Much worse

D.S. Apart from your mother tongue andor Engiish, do you know any other language(s)? Yes NO - a. Ifyes, which language(s)? b. How weil do you know this language(s)? (Please circle and spece which ~~~guage(s) )

Very well Well Average Not very well Not weU at aiI

E. Chinese Language Background in Canada

E. 1. In Canada, have you attended Chinese language schools~courses/classes(e.g. heritage language schools, Ontario internat ional language prograrns, Chinese courses or classes at hi& school)? Yes No

Lf yes, please describe name of schooVcourseiclasses, age when you attended, etc.

a- name of schooVcourses/c~asses b. duration of course c. age first attendeci

d. number of hours per week spent on Chinese classes and class-related activies e.g. doing C hinese homework hours

E.2. Do you find attendmg Chinese classes (Please circle) E.3. How would you rate your ability to use Chinese? (Please circle the appropriate number-)

VeV Average ver^ Unsatisfactory satisfactory

E.4. hiring the period of your residence in Canadâ has the amount of time you spent on Chinese cIass and Chinese-class related activities

a. increased b. decreased c. remaineci the sarne? (Please circle)

ES.How many of your fiiends have the same mother tongue as you do? (Please circle your answer). none some about half most aimost al1

F. Interpersonal Contacts

For each of the questions below, choose the number which you think most closeiy corresponds to your situation. If a question does not apply to you. circle the 'x' at the end of the scale.

F. 1. Proportion of Chinese speakers in your network in Canada

In this section, please estimate, for each of the groups of persons mentioned below, how many are Chinese speakers.

a. Immediate famil y (parents, brother(s), sist er(s), grand parents) None Half 1 2 3 4 b. Re1 atives (cousins, aunts, uncles etc.) None Hal f 1 2 3 4 c. Students in your school None Haif 1 2 3 4 d. Friends you have in Canada None Half 1 2 3 4 e. Neighboun in your area None Half GIl 1 "7 3 4 5 X f Persons who have participated with you (may not necessady be your tiiends) in social, cultural or sports activities (e.g. team sports, cultural associatio~s,religious activities, social clubs etc.) None Half Al1 1 2 3 4 5 X

F.2. Frequency of your contact with Chinese speakers in Canada

In this section, we are interested in knowing how often you have had the opportunity to speak to or to be in contact with Chinese speakers. In a typical week, how often have you had the opportunity to speak to or to be in contact with: (Please circle munber) Rare1y Sometimes men Very often (less than (4 or 5 (almost many once a week) times daily) times a day)

a. Your family mernbers who speak Chinese? 1 2 3 4 5 x b. Your relatives who speak Chinese? 12 3 4 5 x c. Students of your school who speak 12 3 4 5 x Chinese? d. Your fnends who speak Chinese? 12 3 4 5 x e. Neighbbours in your area who speak 12 3 4 5 x Chinese? E Persons who have participated 2 3 4 5 x with you in social, cultural and sports activities?

F.3. Quality of your contact with Chinese speakers in Canada

In this section, we ask you to estimate how pleasant or unpleasant your contacts with Chinese speakers have ben.

How pleasant have been your contacts with:

ver^ Neut ral ver^ Unpleasant OR indserent Pleasant

a. Your family members who speak Chinese? 1 2 3 4 5 x b. Your relatives who speak Chinese? 12 3 4 5 x c. Students of your school who speak Chinese? d. Your fnends who speak Chinese? e. Neighbbours in your area who speak Chinese? E Persons who have participated with you in social, cultural and sports activities?

F.4. Stability of your contact with Chinese speakers

In this section, please estimate how stable your contacts have been with Chinese speakers you have known. A stable contact is one that is maintaiad over a period of tirne (e.g. one to a few years). For the groups of Chinese speakers mentioned below, estimate with how many you were able to maintain a stable contact over the years.

None Haif Ail

a. Your famify rnernbers who speak Chinese? 1 2 3 4 5 b. Your relatives who speak Chinese? 1 2 3 4 5 c. Students of your school who speak 12 3 4 5 Chinese? d. Your fiends who speak Chinese? 12 3 4 5 e. Neighbbours in your area who speak 12 3 4 5 Chinese? E Perçons who have participateci 1 2 3 4 5 with you in social cultural and sports activities?

F.5. Dunng the period of your residence in Cahas the nurnber of Chinese speakers you are in contact with

a. increased b. decreased c. remained the same? (Please circle) G. Contact Witb The ~Mecîia

G.1. Frquency of Contact

Occasio~lly Sornetimes Oh Very (Once or twice (Once (2 or 3 Often a month) a week) "aes a (every week) day) a.. How oAen do you read 1 4 5 Chinese newspapers and books? b. How often do you watch Chinese 1 4 5 TV or Chinese movies? c. How ofken do you listen to 1 4 5 Chinese music or radio programs? d. How ofien do you sing or 1 4 5 listen to Chinese songs? e. How oflen do you write in 1 4 5 Chinese? E What kind of things do you

G.2. Quality of Contact How enjoyable are your contacts through the Chinese media?

V~V Enjoyable Average Not Not Enjoyable very enjoyable enjoyable at ail

Reading Chinese books 3 4 5 and newspapers Watching Chinese TV 3 4 5 or Chinese movies List ening to Chinese 3 4 5 music or radio programs Singing or listening 3 4 5 to Chinese songs or music Writing in Chinese 3 4 5

G.3. Proportion of Contact

In general, is your contact with the media in Canada a. more in Chinese b. more in English c. haif and half (Please circle)

244 G.4. Increase/Decrease of Contact

During the period of your residence in Cahas your contact with the Chinese media a. increased b. decreased c. rernained the same? (Please circle)

8. Extent of ChineselEnglish Usage

H.1. In a typical week, how ofien do you use Chinese? (Please circle the nurnber.) Rard~ Sometimes men Very often (less than (4 or 5 (ahos t (many once a week) times a ~AY) times a week) day) a. How often do you speak Chinese I at home? b. How often do you speak 1 Chinese in school? c. How often do you speak Chinese 1 outside home and school?

H.2.Which language(s) do you use to speak to the following people? (Please tick where appropriate) Always Usually Chinese & Usually Always Chinese Chi nese English equally English English a.Father b.Mother c. Grandparents d .Uther relatives e.Your older brothers & sisters f Your younger brothers & sisters g.Your school fiends h. Your fnends out- side school

H.3. In which language(s) do the following people speak to you? Always Usually Chinese & Usually Always C hinese Chinese English equally English English a.Father b.Mother c.Grandparents d. Ot her relatives e-Your older brothers & sisters f Your younger brothers & sisters g.Your fiends

H.4. In generai, how easy or hard is it for you to use Chinese to do the following things?

Average Very hard a. speak to your parents 2 3 4 5 X b. speak to your brothers & sisters 2 3 4 5 X c. speak to other relatives 2 3 4 5 X d. speak to fiends 2 3 4 5 X e. read a newspaper 2 3 4 5 X f watch TVhovies 2 3 4 5 X g. listen to songdradio programs 2 3 4 5 X h. write letters 2 3 4 5 X

H.5. Ln general, when do you feel most comfortable using Chinese? (List 3 items in order of priority, i.e.'llfor the most comfortable, '2' for the not so comfortable, etc.) a. at home with my fdymernbers b. in school with my schoolfriends c. with rny friends outside school d. shopping in Chinese maiid going to Chinese restaurants/ in Chinatown e. watching Chinese TV or rnovies f going to karaokd singing Chinese son& liaening to Chinese music g. reading Chinese newspapers or books h. writing in Chinese

H.6. When do you feel most uocomfortabIe using Chinese? (List 3 items in order of priority, i.e. '1' for the most uncomfortable, '2' for the iess uncomfortable, etc.) a. at home with my family members b. at schooi with my schwlfiiends c. with my friends outside school d. shopping in Chinese mails/ going to Chinese restaurants/ in Chinatown e. watching Chinese TV or movies f going to karaokd singing Chinese songd iistening to Chinese music g. readhg Chinese newspapers or books h. writing in Chinese

H.7.Duhg the perd of your residence Cmhas your lwel of use of Chinese a. hcreased b. decreased c. rernained the same? (Please circle) K.8. Are you attending Chinese classes? Yes No ifyes, what are your rûasons for doing so? (Please list 3 items in order of pnority) a. pressure fiom parents b. interest in Chinese language and culture c. peer group pressure d. ethnic identity e. for friture benefit eg. jobs E others

H.9. If you learn Chinese,what do you hope to be able to do in the Chinese language? List 5 of the following according to priority e.g. '1' to show most important, '2' for not su irnpo~atetc. communicate with family members communicaîe with fnends participate in social activities have better job opportunity be able to read Chinese newspapers, books, lit erahire, history etc. be able to listen to Chinese musidradio be able to watch Chinese TV/Bms/videos write !etterdstories to family or fnends others (please state) L Ethnolinpistic Identity and Bdiefs (adapted partially f?om Bourhis, 1 98 1, and Feuerverger, 1989)

(This is a scaie. Please circie the appropriate number.)

1.1. Would you like more chances to use Chinese, either in speaking, Iistening, reading or writing? not at aU 1 2 3 4 5 6 deflniteiy

L2. Would you like more Chinese-speaking fnends? not at aii 1 2 3 4 5 6 definitely

1.3. Would you want your children to speak Chinese? not at ail 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much so Why ?

1.4. Do you thhk that it is important for the next generation of your ethnic group to be able to speak Chinese? not at aii 1 2 3 4 5 6 definiteiy Why?

1.5. Do you wanr your children to lem Chinese in school?

not at afi 1 w7 3 4 5 6 definiteiy

1.6. What is your parents' attitude towards your learning Chinese? do not care 1 2 3 4 5 6 highly encourage

L7. Do you feel that your ethnic group will be strong and active in Canada 20 years from now? not at al1 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much so

1.8. How much political and/or ewnornic influence do you feel your ethnic group has now in Canada? not at al1 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much

1-9-1feel that my fate and fûture is bound up with that of my ethnic group. strongly disagree 1 2 3 4 5 6 strongiy agree

1.10. Are you concemed that if your culture becornes very involved in Canadian mainaream wciety, then it may becorne assllnilated? not at al 1 2 3 4 5 6 very rnuch so

1.1 1. Do you think that you wodd lose contact with your culture ifyou do not speak Chinese? not at al1 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much so 1.12. Do you think that Canada is a rnukiculhird society? not at al1 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much so

1-13. People in Canada should take advantage of the mdticultural policy and Iûun about their language and cultural heri tage. strongly disagree 1 2 3 4 5 6 strongly agree

1.14. Do you think that aîtending HeritagdInternational Language Programs or classes separates your ethnic peers from the rest of Canadian society? not at di 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much

1.1 5. Do you feei t hat most Canadians feel positively about your ethnic language and culture? not at all 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much so

1.16. Do you think that leanring an ethnic language may have a negative eEect on leanring English or French? not at dl 1 2 3 4 5 6 very much so

1.17. Do you think that members of your ethnic community should only marry within their group? no, 1 don? I 2 3 4 5 6 yes, 1 do

1.1 8. Check the appropriate staiement: a. ( ) 1 feel more Canadian than Chinese b. ( ) I feel equdy Canadian and Chinese c. ( ) I feel more Chinese than Canadian

Thic is the end of the questionnaire. Thaok you very much.

TEST TARGET (QA-3)

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