Who Are the Candidates in Tunisia's 2019 Presidential Elections?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Who Are the Candidates in Tunisia's 2019 Presidential Elections? Bawader, 5th September 2019 Who are the Candidates in Tunisia’s 2019 Presidential Elections? → Souha Drissi With the death of President Beji Caid Essebsi on 25 July, Tunisia’s presidential elections were moved up and will be held on 15 September 2019. By the end of the eight-day process of accepting nominations – from 2 to 9 August – the Independent High Authority for Elections (IHAE) had received 97[1] requests for nomination which include 75 independents and 11 female candidates. On 31 August, the IHAE released the final list of candidates for the presidential race, accepting 26 nominees, including two women, and rejecting 71 applications for failing to meet candidacy requirements. The IHAE is considered one of the achievements of the 2011 Revolution. It is a nine- member permanent body based in Tunis which enjoys administrative and financial independence. Its mission is to “ensure democratic, pluralistic, fair and transparent elections and referendums”[2] and supervise and oversee all related processes. The election campaigns started on 2 September and will continue until 13 September, with 17 September as the deadline for the announcement of the preliminary election results and 21 October for the announcement of the final results. In case of no absolute majority vote, a second round will be held after two weeks.[3] What is at stake in these elections? Presidential elections are vital to the democracy-building process that began with the fall of the Ben Ali regime, not only because they are a cumulative step towards greater consolidation of democracy in Tunisia, but also as a significant test of the quality of Tunisian democracy itself. The founding phase of Tunisia’s fledgeling democracy began with the holding of the 2011 election of the Constituent Assembly, which later drafted the Constitution, and the election of a president by parliamentary majority. The 2014 legislative and presidential elections were thought to usher in the consolidation of democracy in Tunisia after years of democratic transition. The last five years have been marked by a politics of consensus between the secular party Nidaa Tounes and the Islamist/religious Ennahdha Movement. This period saw developments ranging from multiple political crises to the failure to realize the Revolution’s demands for employment, social justice, and the elimination of corruption. Therefore, the upcoming elections 2 Who are the Candidates in Tunisia’s 2019 Presidential Elections? represent a test of popular satisfaction with the post-2011 political establishment entrusted with realizing the principles of democratic governance such the rule of law, the values of citizenship and a civil state, the separation of powers and checks and balances in government. Today, the electoral landscape is crowded with independent and partisan political figures jockeying for the Presidency of the country. According to the 2014 Constitution, the President of the Republic is the symbol of state sovereignty and the guarantor of stability and respect for the Constitution, and enjoys “unilateral” powers and others “shared” with the Head of Government or the Assembly of the Representatives of the People (parliament). The preamble of the 2014 Constitution and its various chapters enshrine political consensus between the ruling elites and create overlapping powers in order to prevent the rise of new forms of despotism. This was evidenced by the reduction of presidential prerogatives to a range of limited powers compared to the Head of Government: representation of the state, presidency of the National Security Council, the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, ratification of state treaties, appointment of the Mufti of the Republic and the higher positions of the presidency, as well as the right to propose amendments to the Constitution and pass legislative initiatives. However, nearly five years after the inauguration of the first president directly elected by the people in a free and fair election in the political history of the Tunisian state, it has become increasingly prevalent how difficult it is to achieve and sustain such a “hybrid” political system, as described by the late President Essebsi himself in a press interview in 2017: “The political system emanating from the current constitution suffers from several weaknesses, and is a system that has, almost nearly, paralyzed government work. Its hybrid nature does not help the government, any government, or the executive authority in general, to carry out its duties in managing the state and achieving development goals within a democratic society in which the values of freedom and dignity are realized. The Constitution put in place a system in which powers overlap, not only between constitutional institutions, and this has in itself become a factor that hinders the work of these institutions.”[4] This paper profiles the political backgrounds of the most prominent candidates in the Tunisian presidential race based on their ranking by the national press and 3 Who are the Candidates in Tunisia’s 2019 Presidential Elections? observers of Tunisian affairs as candidates of well-known political or public status that would add value to the presidency. It relies on their stated preliminary electoral programmes and their past statements. Their candidacy also filled the qualification requirements set by the IHAE, including receipt of full endorsements, financial guarantees and required documents, as well as the absence of final court rulings against the candidate in Tunisian courts.[5] . The Arab Reform Initiative does not endorse or support any candidate. The profiles presented below are in the order they appear on the final candidates' list published by the IHAE on 31 August. Profiles of the Candidates Mohamed Abbou (born 10 May 10, 1966in Tunis) - He is running for President on behalf of the social democratic party, the Democratic Current party. He was formerly a leader of the opposition party, Congress for the Republic under Ben Ali’s rule. He served as Minister of Administrative Reform after the 2011 elections and resigned months later, accusing the ruling parties at the time of not incorporating his reform plan and systematic call to fill Tunisian institutions with supporters of administrative reform. Abbou is known for his anti-corruption positions and his criticisms of the complacency of the post-revolution governments in pushing for administrative reform, establishing constitutional institutions or formulating clear strategies or policies to reduce poverty and unemployment. He considers that, “the state is obliged to lift citizens out of poverty, and push for the formulation of projects, not policies of assistance and charity.”[6] He strongly criticized the policies of indebtftness and borrowing from international financial institutions which were pursued by successive governments. He also deplores the selectivity and compromise he sees as having marred Youssef Chahed’s campaign against corruption. He considers that the President of the Republic is the “faithful guardian” with great powers to push the Head of Government and the parliament towards real and fundamental reforms. Abir Moussi 4 Who are the Candidates in Tunisia’s 2019 Presidential Elections? (born 15 March 1975 in Monastir) - She is a candidate for the Free Destourian Party, which she presides, as an extension of the history of Bourguiba and the achievements of the Ben Ali era. An active member of Ben Ali’s ruling Democratic Constitutional Rally, she continues to defend the former regime and is known for her denial of the success of the 2011 Revolution, and her dissatisfaction with the semi-parliamentary system. She explicitly pledges that if she wins the presidency, she will change the “Constitution and the political system.”[7] A number of observers consider her a populist phenomenon that reflects nostalgia for Ben Ali’s regime because of the lack of confidence in the new political elite. She is also known for causing stirs in the political and media circles with her anti-Islamist statements and for occupying top positions in opinion polls for several months. In most of her statements and rallies, Moussi considers that her top priority is to send Ennahdha figures back to prison, saying, “Tunisia is a civil state, and the Ennahdha Shura Council is a shame on all of us because it is linked to the caliphate and to suspicious organizations, and a consolidation of Islamic allegiance (bay’aa).”[8] She accuses the ruling elite of attempting to exclude her from the presidential race by passing amendments to the electoral law. She recently stated that she was the “rampart” against the deceptive 14 January (post-Revolution) regime, and represents the national structure (post-independence to the Ben Ali era), saying, “history is recording the tremendous efforts of Destourians (followers of the Free Destourian Party) to enact radical change.”[9] Her critics – among Islamists and the Tunisian left – consider her an extension of the old exclusionary regime, spreading hate speech and provoking people with anti-democratic sentiments and opposition to the gains of the Revolutionary. In her electoral programme, Moussi focuses on security, and says that she will promote Tunisia as a stabilizing factor in the fight against terrorism in the region and internationally. She also emphasizes the need to review the debt policy and national security issues, while ensuring the continuation of Bourguiba’s diplomatic approach. Nabil Karoui (born 1 August 1963 in Bizerte) - He is known as the owner of Nessma TV, one of the most prominent businessmen in Tunisia, and the most influential supporter of President Essebsi’s campaign for presidency and of Nidaa Tounes in the 2014 elections. In June 2019, and in reaction to the “amendment of the electoral law”, 5 Who are the Candidates in Tunisia’s 2019 Presidential Elections? Karoui founded the party “9alb Tounes” (Heart of Tunisia). By founding the party, Karoui sought to meet the legal requirements to run for the presidency on the one hand and emerge as a politician with the support of a political party in order to abate the criticism of his use of charity and media for political purposes, on the other.
Recommended publications
  • In Tunisia Policies and Legislations Related to the Democratic Transition
    Policies and legislations The constitutional and legal framework repre- sents one of the most important signs of the related to the democratic transition in Tunisia. Especially by establishing rules, procedures and institutions in order to achieve the transition and its goals. Thus, the report focused on further operatio- nalization of the aforementioned framework democratic while seeking to monitor the events related to, its development and its impact on the transi- tion’s path. Besides, monitoring the difficulties of the second transition, which is related to the transition and political conflict over the formation of the go- vernment and what’s behind the scenes of the human rights official institutions. in Tunisia The observatorypolicies and rightshuman and legislation to democratic transition related . 27 Activating the constitutional and legal to submit their proposals until the end of January. Then, outside the major parties to be in the forefront of the poli- the committee will start its action from the beginning of tical scene. framework for the democratic transition February until the end of April 2020, when it submits its outcome to the assembly’s bureau. The constitution of 2015 is considered as the de facto framework for the democratic transition. And all its developments in the It is reportedly that the balances within the council have midst of the political life, whether in texts or institutions, are an not changed numerically, as it doesn’t witness many cases The structural and financial difficulties important indicator of the process of transition itself. of changing the party and coalition loyalties “Tourism” ex- The three authorities and the balance cept the resignation of the deputy Sahbi Samara from the of the Assembly Future bloc and the joining of deputy Ahmed Bin Ayyad to among them the Dignity Coalition bloc in the Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Print This Article
    ISSN: 2051-0861 Publication details, including guidelines for submissions: https://journals.le.ac.uk/ojs1/index.php/nmes From Dictatorship to “Democracy”: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia Author(s): Mehmet Erman Erol To cite this article: Erol, Mehmet Erman (2020) ―From Dictatorship to ―Democracy‖: Neoliberal Continuity and Its Crisis in Tunisia‖, New Middle Eastern Studies 10 (2), pp. 147- 163. Online Publication Date: 30 December 2020 Disclaimer and Copyright The NMES editors make every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information contained in the journal. However, the Editors and the University of Leicester make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness or suitability for any purpose of the content and disclaim all such representations and warranties whether express or implied to the maximum extent permitted by law. Any views expressed in this publication are the views of the authors and not the views of the Editors or the University of Leicester. Copyright New Middle Eastern Studies, 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored, transmitted or disseminated, in any form, or by any means, without prior written permission from New Middle Eastern Studies, to whom all requests to reproduce copyright material should be directed, in writing. Terms and Conditions This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Thinking Secularism in Post-Independence Tunisia
    The Journal of North African Studies ISSN: 1362-9387 (Print) 1743-9345 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fnas20 Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy To cite this article: Rory McCarthy (2014) Re-thinking secularism in post-independence Tunisia, The Journal of North African Studies, 19:5, 733-750, DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Published online: 12 May 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 465 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fnas20 Download by: [Rory McCarthy] Date: 15 December 2015, At: 02:37 The Journal of North African Studies, 2014 Vol. 19, No. 5, 733–750, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2014.917585 Re-thinking secularism in post- independence Tunisia Rory McCarthy* St Antony’s College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK The victory of a Tunisian Islamist party in the elections of October 2011 seems a paradox for a country long considered the most secular in the Arab world and raises questions about the nature and limited reach of secularist policies imposed by the state since independence. Drawing on a definition of secularism as a process of defining, managing, and intervening in religious life by the state, this paper identifies how under Habib Bourguiba and Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali the state sought to subordinate religion and to claim the sole right to interpret Islam for the public in an effort to win the monopoly over religious symbolism and, with it, political control.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report
    ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report ELECTION REPORT ✩ 2019 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Tunisia Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5100 www.cartercenter.org Contents Map of Tunisia................................. 4 The Independent High Authority Executive Summary ............................ 5 for Audiovisual Communications .............. 40 Background ................................. 6 Conclusion ................................ 41 Legal Framework ............................ 7 Candidates, Parties, and Campaigns ........... 42 Election Management ........................ 7 Campaigning in the First Round Voter Registration ........................... 8 of the Presidential Election .................. 42 Voter Education ............................. 8 Conclusion ................................ 44 Citizen Observation .......................... 8 Campaigning in the Parliamentary Election .... 44 Candidate Registration ....................... 8 Campaigning in the Second Round of the Campaign .................................. 9 Presidential Election ........................ 46 Voting and Counting ........................ 11 Campaign Finance ............................ 47 Tabulation ................................. 12 Social Media Monitoring ...................... 49 Electoral Dispute Resolution ................. 12 Legal Framework ........................... 49 Results .................................... 13 Methodology .............................
    [Show full text]
  • Crafting Political Society the Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’S Democratic Transition
    Crafting Political Society The Role of Electoral Rules and Islamist Party Factions in Tunisia’s Democratic Transition By Brittany Dutton Senior Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego March 30th, 2020 Acknowledgments I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Maureen Feeley, for her invaluable expertise, support, and guidance throughout this entire academic journey. I will be forever grateful for the opportunity to indulge my obsession with Tunisia and write a thesis under her incredible supervision. I would also like to sincerely thank Dr. Daniel Butler and Dr. Kaare Strøm for their extremely help feedback and suggestions during this process, with additional thanks to Dr. Strøm for answering my virtually endless questions about electoral rules, party behavior, and coalition governments. I also extend my gratitude to Dr. Michael Provence and Dr. Dilşa Deniz for graciously lending me their time to discuss the role of political Islam in the Middle East and North Africa; to Annelise Sklar for providing invaluable research assistance last summer when I was preparing for my thesis; and to Michael Seese and my fellow thesis writers who provided feedback during the early stages of writing. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, my family, and my dearest friend, Sydney, for listening to endless iterations of my thesis for the past six months. I would not have been able to complete this journey without their support. 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Zrig V Canada.Htm
    Zrig v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) (T.D.) Mohamed Zrig (applicant) v. The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration (respondent) [2002] 1 F.C. 559 [2001] F.C.J. No. 1433 2001 FCT 1043 Court File No. imm-601-00 Federal Court of Canada - Trial Division Tremblay-Lamer J. Heard: Montréal, June 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 2001. Judgment: Ottawa, September 24, 2001. (160 paras.) Citizenship and Immigration — Status in Canada — Convention refugees — Judicial review of IRB's decision applicant not refugee on ground excluded under United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, Art. 1F(b) — Applicant joining MTI/Ennahda in Tunisia in 1988, responsible for Gabès political office thereof from 1990 until 1991 — IRB holding serious reasons for considering committed serious non- political crimes, including fatal 1991 arson — Application dismissed — Standard of evidence in phase "serious reasons for considering" requiring more than suspicion or conjecture, but not balance of probabilities — In view of serious consequences for parties, exclusion clauses given limiting interpretation — Whether crime "political" depending on political objective, nexus between objective, alleged crime — Crime probably not political when atrocious or barbarous act or grossly disproportionate to object — "Seriousness" of crime often determined by looking at severity of punishment attracts — Rules concerning complicity by association developed under Art. 1F(a), (c) apply to Art. 1F(b) — Association with person, organization responsible for crimes
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis Económica Y Desafección Política En Túnez: Los Desafíos De La Post-Pandemia
    ARI 85/2020 15 de junio de 2020 Crisis económica y desafección política en Túnez: los desafíos de la post-pandemia Bernabé López García | Catedrático honorario de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos en la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid y codirector del Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos (TEIM). Miguel Hernando de Larramendi | Catedrático de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos en la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha y director del Grupo de Estudios sobre las Sociedades Árabes y Musulmanas (GRESAM) | @mhlarramendi Tema El impacto económico y social de la crisis del COVID-19 corre el riesgo de acentuar las fracturas dentro de la sociedad tunecina. Las elecciones presidenciales y legislativas de 2019 mostraron la atomización del escenario político en ese país. Algunos ya plantean la necesidad de refundar la Segunda República tunecina surgida de la Constitución de 2014. Resumen Los 100 primeros días del gobierno de Elyes Fakhfakh, resultado de las transacciones entre partidos tras las elecciones de octubre de 2019, han coincidido con la crisis provocada por la pandemia del COVID-19. Tras la detección, el 2 de marzo, del primer caso de contagio, el nuevo ejecutivo adoptó una batería de medidas preventivas (confinamiento, suspensión de toda conexión aérea y marítima desde el 13 de marzo, interrupción de las actividades escolares, cierre de mezquitas y limitación de la movilidad). Esas medidas, que han sido respetadas por la mayoría de la ciudadanía, podrían haber influido en la limitada incidencia de la pandemia en el país. Sin embargo, la crisis del COVID-19 ha intensificado los desafíos que debe afrontar Túnez. El impacto económico y social de la emergencia sanitaria corre el riesgo de acentuar las fracturas dentro de la sociedad tunecina, si no tienen éxito los planes de recuperación económica, lo que requerirá un apoyo y compromiso firme por parte de la UE y sus Estados miembros.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Carthage
    Credits For the Digital Forensic Research Lab Principal researcher and author Andy Carvin, Senior Fellow Editorial support Luiza Bandeira, Research Associate Graham Brookie, Director and Managing Editor Iain Robertson, Deputy Managing Editor Research support Nika Aleksejeva, Research Associate, Baltics Alyssa Kann, Research Assistant Kanishk Karan, Research Associate Ayushman Kaul, Research Assistant, South Asia Tessa Knight, Research Assistant, Southern Africa Jean le Roux, Research Associate, Southern Africa Roman Osadchuk, Research Assistant Esteban Ponce de Leon, Research Assistant, Latin America Cover design Kanishk Karan, Research Associate Find us online: digitalsherlocks.org facebook.com/dfrlab twitter.com/dfrlab [email protected] 1 Executive Summary A Tunisia-based company operated a sophisticated digital campaign involving multiple social media platforms and websites in an attempt to influence the country’s 2019 presidential election, as well as other recent elections in Africa. In an exclusive investigation that began in September 2019, the DFRLab uncovered dozens of online assets with connections to Tunisian digital communications firm UReputation. On June 5, 2020, after conducting its own investigation, Facebook announced it had taken down more than 900 assets affiliated with the UReputation operation, including 182 user accounts, 446 pages, and 96 groups, as well as 209 Instagram accounts. The operation also involved the publication of multiple Francophone websites, some going back more than five years. In a statement, a Facebook spokesperson said these assets were removed for violating the company’s policy against foreign interference, which is coordinated inauthentic behavior on behalf of a foreign entity. “The individuals behind this activity used fake accounts to masquerade as locals in countries they targeted, post and like their own content, drive people to off-platform sites, and manage groups and pages posing as independent news entities,” the spokesperson said.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition
    Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Zeghal, Malika. 2013. Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition. Constellations 20, no. 2: 254–274. Published Version doi:10.1111/cons.12038 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12724047 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Open Access Policy Articles, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#OAP Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition Malika Zeghal The Tunisian uprisings1 of 2010-2011 constituted a moment that can be described as “fugitive democracy,” a term coined by Sheldon Wolin to describe ephemeral and exceptional moments of commonality that contrast with fractioned everyday institutionalized politics. In the context of “fugitive democracy,” “a free society composed of diversities can nonetheless enjoy moments of commonality when, through public deliberations, collective power is used to promote or protect the well-being of the collectivity.”2 Between the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi on December 17, 2010, and the departure of President Ben Ali on January 14, 2011, Tunisians experienced such a political moment: the usual boundaries separating those excluded from political institutions from those included in them disappeared. It was precisely during this moment–comparable to a tabula rasa–that it became possible for demonstrators all over Tunisia to readily demand and imagine the possibility of an entirely new political system.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories
    religions Article Post-Islamism in Tunisia and Egypt: Contradictory Trajectories Houssem Ben Lazreg Department of Modern Languages & Cultural Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB T6G 2R3, Canada; [email protected] Abstract: In the wake of the Tunisian Revolution of 2011, Ennahda leader Rached Ghannouchi distanced his party from the main Islamist paradigm, which is spearheaded primarily by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and announced the separation of the religious movement entirely from its political wing (al-Siyasi and al-da’awi). In addition to reassuring Tunisians that Ennahda’s socio- political project is rooted in its “Tunisianity,” these measures aimed at signaling Ennahda’s joining the camp of post-Islamist parties and Muslim democrats such as the AKP in Turkey and the JDP in Morocco. In this article, using the comparative case studies, I examine the patterns, similarities, and differences between the Tunisian Ennahda party and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of their evolutions from an Islamist to a post-Islamist discourse and identity. I argue that the Ennahda party outpaced the Muslim Brotherhood in that shift considering the local/regional realities and the new compromises dictated by the post-revolutionary political processes in both countries. Although the Muslim Brotherhood managed to come to power and govern for only one year before being deposed by the army, Ennahda’s political pragmatism (consensus, compromise, and coalition) enabled it to fare well, ultimately prodding the party to adapt and reposition itself intellectually and politically. Keywords: Ennahda party; Islamism; Muslim brotherhood; post-Islamism; political Islam; Rached Citation: Ben Lazreg, Houssem. Ghannouchi 2021.
    [Show full text]
  • FREEDOM in the WORLD 2020 Tunisia 70 FREE /100
    3/17/2020 Tunisia | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Tunisia 70 FREE /100 Political Rights 32 /40 Civil Liberties 38 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 69 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/tunisia/freedom-world/2020 1/17 3/17/2020 Tunisia | Freedom House Overview After ousting a longtime autocrat from power in 2011, Tunisia began a democratic transition, and citizens now enjoy unprecedented political rights and civil liberties. However, the influence of endemic corruption, economic challenges, security threats, and continued unresolved issues related to gender equality and transitional justice remain obstacles to full democratic consolidation. Key Developments in 2019 After the death in July of President Beji Caid Essebsi, Tunisia held a snap presidential election in September and October. Kais Saied, a political outsider, won the presidency in the runoff, defeating television station owner Nabil Karoui by a large margin. (Karoui spent most of the campaign in prison on money laundering and tax evasion charges.) The Ennahda party placed first in parliamentary elections held in October, but at year’s end was still working to form a governing coalition. Both the presidential and parliamentary elections were generally well administered, and stakeholders accepted the results. In June 2019, two suicide bombers affiliated with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) detonated their explosives in Tunis, killing a police officer and wounding eight other people. In response to the July attack, interim president Mohamed Ennaceur renewed a state of emergency that has been in force since 2015, and grants the government and security forces extraordinary powers.
    [Show full text]
  • Defining Political Choices: Tunisia's Second Democratic Elections From
    ANALYSIS PAPER Number 38, May 2015 DEFINING POLITICAL CHOICES: Tunisia’s Second Democratic Elections from the Ground Up Chantal E. Berman Elizabeth R. Nugent The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2015 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu Table of Contents Acknowledgments ............................................................iii About the Author ............................................................iv Introduction ................................................................1 Table 1: Vote Share by Party, 2014...........................................2 Table 2: Vote Share by District, 2014 ........................................2 The Parties: Evolution of the Tunisian Party System, 2011 to 2014 .......................4 Table 3: Vote Share by Party, 2011............................................5 The Voters: Priorities, Turnout, & Demographic
    [Show full text]