A Cultural Ethnography of Surfing a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfill

University of Nevada, Reno

Aspects of a Localized Ocean: A Cultural Ethnography of Surfing

A Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Communication Studies.

Joseph Johnson

Dr. Robert Gutierrez Perez

May, 2021 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by

JOSEPH M. JOHNSON

ntitled

Aspects of a Localized Ocean: A Cultural Ethnography of Surfing

be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Robert Gutierrez-Perez, Ph.D. Jenna N. Hanchey, Ph.D. Co

Christopher L. von Nagy, Ph.D.

May, 2021

Abstract

This research project evaluates the way in which culture, localism, and globalism (also referred to in this thesis as (g)localism) performatively converge in surfing communities.

Localism, in accordance with the sport of surfing, are various communicative forms of aggressive behaviors by surfers, meant to deter other surfers from a specific surfing area.

This, in turn, creates a greater supply of waves for the surfer who performs the actions of blocking out and enforces the unwritten rules. As a communicative act, localism performs a function in the surfing community, resulting in the potential to control the space associated with surfing and keeping the population size at a lower level. This thesis includes a thorough participant-observation of interactions while surfing, which I thickly describe in accordance with Clifford Geertz (1973). This and other examples of localism are ingrained into the communication behaviors of those who surf. With this said,

(g)localism is a constitutive aspect of surfing culture. Specifically, I look at the surf community in Santa Cruz, California as a research site, based on its long record with global and local surf history.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Robert Gutierrez-Perez, who let me rip on this project and supported me with this vision from the time I popped into his 212 classroom like a kook. I appreciate your honesty, and countless hours you contributed.

Also, thank you to my thesis committee; Dr. Jenna Hanchey and Dr. Christopher von

Nagy.

I would also like to thank my parents for your love and support throughout this project. Thank you for this opportunity and putting me up to pursuing this degree after being the first in the family to graduate with a BA. Chris Johnson & Jen Lyons, you are okay too. I would also like to thank the friends that supported me comedically, emotionally, and mentally.

Thank you to everyone in the communication department who welcomed me into your group and made me feel like I could succeed. Moreover, thank you to all the people who keep the campus running.

Surf or Die.

iii

Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction Page 1

Chapter 2: History of Surfing in this Space and Application Page 11

Chapter 3: Methodology Page 19

Chapter 4: The Style Observed: An Analysis Page 32

Chapter 5: Conclusion: A Reflection on Intersectionality and Surfing Page 50

List of Figures

Figure 1 Map of Santa Cruz, CA Page 15

Figure 2 The O.G. Flyer by Channel Islands Page 22

Figure 3 The Hayden Shape Hypto Krypto. Page 23

Figure 4 The Hayden Shape Love Buzz Page 24

Figure 5 The Wavestorm Page 25

Chapter 1: Introduction

Representations in pop culture have resulted in a common portrayal of surfing as a lax sport, filled with participants who are carefree, crazy-haired, and grammatically challenged. For example, films such as Point Break, Blue Crush, and Lords of Dogtown, are often used as markers of understanding when it comes to the culture of surfing.

Surfing is a sport and a culture that many believe they understand because their views stem from media portrayals in movies and as seen on the internet. However, until you directly submerge yourself in this culture, one will never truly understand how the values, beliefs, and norms are socially constructed through communication. This is an issue when someone borrows from a culture before understanding the cultural significance of this borrowing. Are you reading the beginning of this thesis with Uggs, Rainbow Sandals, or maybe some Vans shoes on your feet? How many times did you use the word “dude” today? Many people who first begin to engage with the sport and culture of surfing take from this aesthetic but do not understand what they are participating in. One such example of the darker portion of this performance is surf localism. This darker side of surfing is what I will be examining in this project and will be enlightening the possibilities of nonverbal communication to create surf culture.

My research project investigates a number of participant-observation interactions and evaluates the way in which localism performs in surf communities. Specifically, I utilize the method of performance ethnography. While I practiced this form of ethnography, I looked at the ways in which localism was performed in these spaces.

Localism is defined as a form of aggressive behavior by surfers, which are deployed to deter other surfers from an area, to create a greater supply of waves for a specific

2 individual. Localism is something that is strongly positioned in the sport of surfing itself, and it performs a function in the community. In this thesis, I aim to further understand this concept and identify why this behavior is so ingrained in surf culture. Localism, as a concept, comes about in almost every community of surfing around the world, including spaces I have personally encountered, like the islands of Hawaii, beaches of Mexico, and coasts of the mainland United States. I theorize that there are some hegemonic and constitutive aspects of this concept through an individual’s cultural performance, and these hegemonic, constitutive aspects are initiated through various forms of communication that I will be examining through the lens of intersectionality.

The pinacle of my argument is that one major factor of surf culture that has long been underrepresented in various forms of media is a concept called surf “localism.” In this context, localism is defined as “the territoriality of resident surfers over a nearby surf break” (Usher & Gomez, 2015, p. 2). This is contrary to the relaxed lifestyle that surf media has produced in cinematic yesteryear and experiences individuals reiterated to me. While the definition of this concept of localism is simple, the implications are multi- layered, and can include name calling, territorial issues, and even instances of assault in surf communities—all of which I have experienced firsthand. Prior to this ethnography, I have witnessed surfboards thrown like a baseball to make someone fetch, people physically slapped for interference, shouting matches, and even surfers punched in the face. Localism is an important issue to study, because it can create restrictions within the inclusion of surfing, which creates an “in” group, and in accordance, limits the sport.

However, the narrative I have experienced is that this is a necessary evil.

Through my own experiences, I have witneesed and participated in both sides of surf localism. I can confirm the importance of localism in surfing, as well as the changing sociocultural factors of the sport. My personal experiences have led me down this path of research, including beginning to surf and skate at the age of four and a moderate level career in competitive surfing. Moreover, I grew up in one of the world’s foremost recognized spaces of surf culture, Santa Cruz, California. With plans of World Surf

League's reality television shows and surfing possibly becoming an event in the upcoming Olympic Summer Games, more people will be attracted to the sport and its growing popularity than ever before (Lore, 2019). Accordingly, more people will experience localism in various forms, which creates a need to understand how this concept manifests as well as its function within the community.

COVID-19 impacted this project in many ways. Specifically, upon California reopening, many of its beaches have flourished with a lot of individual rediscovery of free time to pursue some of these sports. This was a theme I noticed throughout this project. Moreover, the inherent social distancing associated with these outdoor sports made a lot of sense for many who were thinking about safety. Nevertheless, this did impact this project with the shear amount of people, as well as the expectations that a lot of people had for surfing and localism in my research time frame. Using my insider/outsider perspective, many people I spoke with over my research timeline spoke about or mentioned COVID-19, and how it essentially changed the field of the sport.

Therefore, more people were just dabbling with the sport of surfing for the first time with little to no experience. However, most people had this perspective that the time of this will eventually pass and spoke of it not being permanent.

Often, communities surrounding board sports are overlooked as a rich field site for cultural and communication research. The sense of community surrounding surf culture is a rich subject to apply and expand the theory of intersectionality, and as such, I approach this scene as a white, cisgender, male. I am currently 26 years of age, and I am attending the University of Nevada, Reno to earn my master’s degree in Communication

Studies. My connection with this topic runs deep, because I have been surfing and skateboarding essentially from the age of four. I began this project to understand how my reality was impacted due to my participation in these sports. When my family relocated

30 minutes away from Santa Cruz, my reality surrounding board sports shifted. This put me in a weird, localized situation when I visited and surfed. Was I a local or was I not? It seemed to vary a lot based on the day. Moreover, surfing has always been one of my passions, and shaped a lot of who I am today, and the way I view the world.

In fact, it has shaped me so much that I spent time in Hawaii, Southern California, and many other areas that boast a board sport-based culture. I have learned so much about this culture in recent years, and in doing so, I realized the necessity of referring to the cultural appropriation of this intended project in order to pay homage to the sport’s

Polynesian, indigenous, and royal roots that often times get lost in portrayals today. As the sport continues to take even bigger steps away from its indigenous origins, and as a critically oriented interpretive scholar, I want to undertake a thesis project that highlights and describes the cultural power dynamics of surfing.

The perception of a “very manly” masculinity has a certain connection to surfing.

Specifically, when you consider the stereotypical surfing phrase, “go big or go home,”

(which is almost a philosophical motto in the sport), or my own group’s phrase of “go

5 big, go bigger.” Phrases such as these show how toxic masculinity and its connection to your manhood is ingrained in surfing. Personally, my own identity on land has never been the performance of “very manly” masculinity, but in surfing, toxic masculinity runs so deep that one has no choice but to be a part of this system when participating in the sport. Therefore, I wish to examine these communities through the lens of intercultural communication and performance studies, and I will utilize ethnography, autoethnography, and applied performance studies. The findings from this project resulted in various themes being discovered that are most associated with the intersectionality of localism.

Defining Localism

Surfing is a board sport that originated in Polynesia but has sprouted various surfing subcultures around the world (Housman, 2018). However, in present day, this sport is practiced by predominantly white participants. On the other hand, every continent, excluding Antarctica, has a surfing subculture with its own unique customs and practices that come with this designation of a subculture. My own experiences in these communities have contributed to my understanding of the uniqueness of this specific subculture. However, through time, the sport has changed with varying levels of growth and popularity. Surfers often speculate about this perceived trendiness of picking up a board during these waves of new surfers. When a new surfer enters this space of a surfing subculture, it can be a baptism by fire because of its inherent dangerousness and aggressive nature. Therefore, reiterating understanding from an insider to outsiders is important for better cultural understanding. In my own experience, these practices can be rather dangerous, so they are important to understand. In fact, another point worth noting

6 is that racism is deeply embedded in surf culture, and this concept has recently begun to face a lot of pushback from the surf community.

Localism is a piece of surf culture that offers great insight for communication studies, which holds some constitutive operations, and is performing a function in the surf community. This study will examine surf localism in the Santa Cruz, California surf community; specifically, it will examine the way surf localism has constitutive operations and the way localism functions in the community. I personally participated in these pieces of surf culture to understand the phenomena that are associated with the practice.

Today, the subculture is plunging further away from its Polynesian origins and aligning itself closer to white, upper-class coastal communities. Moreover, the modern surf industry is a big business worth almost 10 billion dollars a year (Housman, 2018). The surf subculture thrives all over the world. The biggest of which are Australia, South

Africa, England, the United States, and Hawaii (the Hawaiian and US cultures are considered separate from one another).

Another changing factor of surfing culture today is the changing socioeconomics around ocean communities. Beach communities have become a more desirable place to live, and once relatively small towns are now growing in population, which is only furthering this localistic divide. Therefore, the sport is taking bigger steps away from its indigenous origins, and the sport is becoming more mainstream with its association reality television shows, resulting in an increase in market (Gaille, 2018). However, localism is laced in the history of surfing dating back to the forbearers of the sport:

Polynesian royalty. In fact, localism is discussed by some of the first individuals from the western world who saw surfing being practiced (Marcus, 2013). Clearly, these

7 disciplining acts are performing a function for the surf community. Therefore, localism’s performances have roots in surf culture, and this study allows for insight into a historical phenomenon, which will be analyzed to understand group as well as intercultural communication.

Another important factor that is incorporated into this concept of localism is its opposite: globalism. Globalism is the “process by which cultures influence one another and become more alike through trade, immigration, and the exchange of information and ideas is termed Globalization” (Asante & Doku, 2011, p. 2). This is an interesting dynamic because the way in which globalization destroys local identity in favor of a greater, all-encompassing, global identity. Therefore, these ideas of local culture and identity disappear into an idea of the past, and are often lost through time. This is one problematic concept to the dynamic issue of localism and globalism; either side is not ideal. This is one of the struggles associated with this concept. Accordingly, localism can create an unwelcoming climate that is very dangerous. On the other hand, globalism can destroy all individuality in favor of a standard global identity. This is one of the problematic issues that this study sheds light on as one end (of many) within this globalizing system. How does one respect the uniqueness of an areas’ culture without posing in favor of globalist principles?

Identity is another interesting concept to examine in relation to globalism, and identity is something that is always in flux with this dynamic (Doku & Asante, 2011).

This topic is extremely important in today’s current climate, where localized acts are on the rise, and the dangers associated with localism have never been more consequential.

For that reason, understanding surf culture will provide insight into a larger discussion of

8 localism. Therefore, for me to understand this dangerous act of localism in the world, understanding the position of Santa Cruz with its extensive history of localism will be the perfect research site and provide further insight into localism. Finally, this will further insight into all cultures that are influenced by localism around the world.

Localism in various cultures can become an extremely terrifying act, and better recognizing the acts of violence associated with localism are important to understand this research. Therefore, understanding this cultural behavior within surf culture will help better recognize the principals of localism/globalism as well as the communication behavior itself as it operates in cultural performances of aggression. Essentially, the idea is to keep outsiders out of the area and maintain an order amongst the spot (Surfertoday,

2019). Moreover, localism ideally keeps “kooks” away. A “kook” is a person with no understanding of surf etiquette and is perceived as dangerous or an outsider to the culture

(Sobel, 2013). Therefore, localism essentially creates something similar—for lack of a better analogy—a surf mafia (Higgens, 2009). Specifically, my research questions are:

How does surf localism function in the surf community? Are there constitutive operations localism is performing in the surf culture? I hypothesize that localism in the surf community has constitutive operations that are implemented through the intersectional and intercultural communication of surrounding ocean spaces.

Intersectionality

The ultimate driving theory of my examination of surf localism is based primarily on intersectionality theory, discussed by Kimberley Crenshaw (1989). Crenshaw’s original theory aimed to explain how different intersections of identity influence group

9 experience, including race, gender, and class (Crenshaw, 1989). Similarly, I wish to identify the way in which different identity markers influence the experience of “surfer” in these localized communities that I ethnographically observed, and how globalism has impacted this space. An experience of one surfer may differ than that of another based on these social identities, and although not the original intentions of Crenshaw’s theory, this theory is well-suited to examine surf localism because of the way it explains which intersectional combinations influence oppression in any given context. However, with over 30 years of this theory’s existence, I also draw upon other intersectional theorists throughout this work. One researcher who developed this theory even further was Patricia

Hill Collins. In the book “Black Feminist Thought,” Hill Collins (1990) identified and explained how there is an oppression matrix occurring in society, and I applied this principal to the spaces I ethnographically studied. Specifically, this book influenced the way I view localism and intersectional oppression as being matrixed into the society of surf culture. Identity is firmly being stationed into many aspects of the culture’s space.

This matrix shaped the way I understood this space in relation to identity influencing the multiple themes that I gathered throughout my research.

Another such intersectional researcher that I utilized in tandem with the prior women of color theories was that of Kate Lockwood Harris. In the piece, Reflexive

Voicing: A Communicative Approach to Intersectional Writing, she applies qualitative research methods in the field of Communication Studies to express voices in relation to intersectionality. This is very important to place in theoretical discussion because maintaining voice is important to the sustainment of community in various groups

(Lockwood Harris, 2015). Furthermore, Karma R. Chavez, in the book entitled Standing

10 in the Intersection: Feminist Voices, Feminist Practices in Communication Studies, developed what I draw upon in the conversation on style and space provides a relationality to intersectionality. Specifically, I really emphasized Chavez’s concepts of entering intersectional space, and the embracing of “messiness” (Chavez & Griffin, 2012, p. 184). When entering a space that I have often been a part of, it is important to reanalyze through an intersectional lens and see these intersectional influences.

Moreover, understanding this space as messy, because oftentimes identity and space can be contradictive was an important contribution to my analysis (Chavez & Griffin, 2012).

I used these two concepts to record and examine my field notes, and to strengthen the understanding of the intersectional dynamics at play.

These contributions have shaped the way I look at this place, and how I examined the fluidity of intersectionality in relation to localism and globalism. These intersectional identities are the gasoline that fuels localism in these spaces. However, intersectionality and local and global dynamics are experienced by individuals of all walks of life, but are rarely contained for ethnographic examination, as it is a space for surfing. Therefore, this vacuum effect, as well as my previous experiences in this space, allow me to see these intersectional identities that are often messy (Chavez & Griffin, 2012) and matrixed throughout this society (Hill Collins, 1990). Therefore, localism occurs through intersectional communicative dynamics through aggressive behaviors from “in” group members on to “out” group members, which is exemplified through the concepts of aesthetic, crowding, conditions, and the space of Steamer Lane, and all of which are influenced by intersectionality to keep a hierarchy in place.

Chapter 2: History of Surfing in this Place

Surfing is a sport with a deep history, which includes many connections to indigenous roots. This results in unique methodological choices to capture this nuance and culture. This chapter will situate the space and history of this sport and explain the methodological choices I made, in order to effectively understand the way in which localism has historically operated in the Santa Cruz surf community. Whether there are constitutive operations that are implemented through the communication of intersectionality surrounding ocean spaces, it is only through a sound methodology that I could capture the often quick yet debilitating verbal and nonverbal communication of globalism and/or localism (referred to in this thesis as (g)localism).

Cultural and Historical Background

Any project that wishes to examine localism needs all parties involved to understand the cultural and historical significance before diagnosing the problems associated with the subject. Therefore, without further ado, the first time the concept of surfing was recorded by Europeans was in 1778. During Captain James Cook’s voyage to the islands of Hawaii., which took place after a failed voyage to find a north Pacific pass to the Atlantic Ocean. Upon visiting the big island of Hawai’i and finding the vessel named the “Discovery in Kealakekua Bay,” Captain James Cook was eventually killed in a botched kidnapping attempt of the native’s chief. After these tumultuous events, surfing was encountered for the first time by the western world (Marcus, 2013). This story of the origins of surfing is oddly reminiscent of the future of surfing. Hence, Cook was replaced as Captain by Lieutenant King, who was the first to describe surfing and carry this sport

12 in his journal back to the West. Given the historical significance, I quote King at length as he describes the place:

“But a diversion the most common is upon the Water, where there is a very great

Sea, and surf breaking on the Shore. The Men sometimes 20 or 30 go without the

Swell of the Surf, & lay themselves flat upon an oval piece of plan about their

Size and breadth, they keep their legs close on top of it, & their Arms are us'd to

guide the plank, thye wait the time of the greatest Swell that sets on Shore, &

altogether push forward with their Arms to keep on its top, it sends them in with a

most astonishing Velocity, & the great art is to guide the plan so as always to

keep it in a proper direction on the top of the Swell, & as it alters its direct. If the

Swell drives him close to the rocks before he is overtaken by its break, he is much

prais'd. On first seeing this very dangerous diversion I did not conceive it possible

but that some of them must be dashed to mummy against the sharp rocks, but just

before they reach the shore, if they are very near, they quit their plank, & dive

under till the Surf is broke, when the piece of plank is sent many yards by the

force of the Surf from the beach. The greatest number are generally overtaken by

the break of the swell, the force of which they avoid, diving and swimming under

the water out of its impulse. By such like exercises, these men may be said to be

almost amphibious. The Women could swim off to the Ship, & continue half a

day in the Water, & afterwards return. The above diversion is only intended as an

amusement, not a trivial of skill, & in a gentle swell that sets on must I conceive

be very pleasant, at least they seem to feel a great pleasure in the motion which

this Exercise gives” (King, 1779).

This description was the first exposure to surfing that the western world was left to digest. However, as we know now, it was not the first and not the last time this experience captivated the West.

It has long been noted in the native history, oral traditions, and historical understanding of Hawaii, Tahiti, and other islands of Polynesia, that surfing was limited to a sport practiced by royalty. In fact, it was integral to their culture. The laying down or standing up on waves on long hardwood boards was associated with religious prowess in some tribes, and the best surfer was said to become the leader. Moreover, the aggression of these kings was said to be violent or deadly, if one was to find themselves physically

“cutting off” the chief (Marcus, 2013). This violence and territorialism have definitely become a recurring theme in surf culture. Among Polynesians, the sport itself dwindled in practice with western expansion, but still held a flame in the beaches of Waikiki with surfers like Duke Paoa, where visitors were dazzled by the activity. Sometime in the

1920s, most likely from the return of United States soldiers from World War I, the sport of surfing caught a ride in Southern California. In the 1960s, the culture found another revival in California, reflected with rock music from the Beach Boys and new board construction and designs (Bourne, 2013). This could be categorized as the inaugural moment where surfing became localized by a specific location. From here on, the sport expanded out of Hawaii and Polynesia to places like the United States’ East and West

Coasts, Australia, South Africa, Brazil, the Mediterranean, France, England, Japan, and

Indonesia.

Today, the top prize of surfing is the World Surf League, where men and women alike compete all around the world, and a champion is crowned by a record compiled

14 from these events, similar to the Formula One Race League. Notable names to dominate this realm are Kelly Slater (USA) and Mick Fanning (AUS). Both of these men boast sponsorships from major surf companies and have had so much success in the World Surf

League, that Slater and Fanning both run successful, surf-based businesses. The modern surf industry is a huge industry that grosses over $10 billion annually (Lore, 2019). With all of this considered, modern surfing does not pay homage to its ancient Polynesian tradition and has instead plunged toward white upper-class coastal communities

(Housman, 2018). Therefore, the sport is taking bigger steps away from its indigenous origins, which reshapes its place of localism. This research is a synopsis of the complicated culture and history that should be considered before aligning with surf culture (and it doesn’t seem like much of a day at the beach).

Santa Cruz, California, specifically coincides with the surf’s Polynesian origins, and for that reason, the history of surfing in Santa Cruz is very unique. The sport began in

Santa Cruz in 1885, when three Hawaiian princes, Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole, David

Kawananakoa and Edward Keliiahonui, came to California to attend a university in nearby San Mateo (JT, 2015). The three brought surfboards with them and discovered

Santa Cruz as a surf location, and these individuals first rode waves in the outlet of the

San Lorenzo River (JT, 2015). From this time of discovery to the early 1950s, not much notable surfing occurred, until the entrance of Jack O’Neill into the scene, which resulted in an early surf boom (Gaudinski, 2019). Jack O’Neill, founder of the brand O’Neill, invented the wetsuit and surf leash in these Santa Cruz waters. The wetsuit is a neoprene garment that allowed for surfing in the frigid waters of the Pacific Ocean in the San

Francisco Bay Area of Northern California. This expanded the surf season to last well

15 beyond the summer months. O’Neill’s surf leash allowed for the surfer to not lose the board after wiping out or any drastic separation from the surfboard. Both of O’Neill’s additions to the field came out of Santa Cruz and were huge technological jumps in the sport (Gaudinski, 2019). Since O’Neill’s contributions, it has been known as the surf capital of Northern California and established itself as a surf hub with many brands flagship stores located in the area. Santa Cruz has also become recognized for the gritty localism of the surfers that dwell in these waters (JT, 2015). The geographical location of

Santa Cruz is also important in positioning it in this study: Santa Cruz to Pleasure Point

(a small township and extremely popular surf location) is the shape of a Crescent (Fig. 1).

Santa Cruz’s relativity to Silicon Valley results in a unique localized dynamic, because of

Silicon Valley’s large population size. Furthermore, the closest beaches being those of

Santa Cruz.

Figure 1

Santa Cruz Map

The State of Surf: A Literature Review

My contribution to the field aims to bridge the gaps left by past researchers regarding localism in the surf community. These resources, consisting mostly of journal articles, offer a valuable overview of surf scholarship in various fields and institutions.

The topics covered include the rhetoric of surfing, but leave large gaps in regard to communication in surf culture (Dean, 1995; Ormrod, 2007). Dean looks at the way in which the rhetoric associated with surfing becomes derogatory and uses the theoretical grounding of Kenneth Burke to examine scapegoating of outsiders in the pages of surfer magazine (Dean, 1995). Ormrod compares rhetoric in surfing magazines, between

English and American magazine editions. Both of these authors take a communication studies approach to their research. The rhetoric analyzed is these pieces is a great tool to analyze the rhetoric I will also examine. Moreover, this creates a platform for me to research and identify gendered relationships in surfing within the discipline (Henderson,

2001; Doering & Evans, 2019; Thompson, 2008). For instance, Henderson (2001) looks at depictions of men and women in surfing media like in magazines, and Doering &

Evans (2019) look at the way in which Japanese surfers perform masculine identities.

Finally, Thompson (2008) presents the way white masculinity is identified as an exemplar in surf culture. All of these authors take a gender studies approach to surf culture, which is important when you consider the masculine factors previously noted in the sport of surfing, especially forms of toxic masculinity, but none take an ethnographic approach.

The next few sources have created a comprehensive examination of surf culture from many different points of intersection with media. For instance, Keith (2001) and

Booth (2008) both look at the creation of surf films and the uniqueness of this form of media. Surf film has a unique aesthetic, which often focuses on the use of short sub clips of different surfers. Moreover, colors usually have a specific way of presenting themselves, such as consisting of many blues and grays. These authors denote this imagery to the perceived original surf film: Endless Summer (1966). This literature will be useful tools to analyze what I experienced, but none seem to look at a particular population, like I did with Santa Cruz, California. Generally, Bush looks at cultural norms of surfing (Bush, 2014). On the other hand, Wheaton (2016), looks at age associated with the culture as surfers go through life. Bush identifies that people surf well into their later years of life, which is considered unusual when most classify surfing to be a young person sport. Bush expands this idea by proposing the concept of a “silver surfer,” or older participant in the sport, as a unique identity in the culture. Surf culture scholarship is important to consider when evaluating the topic of localism.

Localism

Previous scholarship on localism will help to structure where research on this subject is positioned. Localism, outside of surfing, is defined as the promotion of interest of a locality over a particular resource or event. Topics covered include the connections between globalism and localism (Kharytonava, 2013; Williams 2002). Kharytonava looks at localism associated with language, which includes words, phrases, and sounds associated with “in” groups and “out” groups. Moreover, Kharytonava looks at the way language associated with localism travels to a global scale (Kharytonava, 2013).

Secondly, Williams identifies the way in which the localism of the United States, including specific brands, end up being globalized and pushed into other local

18 communities (Williams 2002). Both Kharytonava and Williams take a communication perspective to localism and globalism. Globalism is the idea that cultures, through the influence of global customs, become more alike over time, and takes a step away from the local community’s customs (Assante & Doku, 2011, p 2). I also evaluated localism when appearing in sports (Usher & Kerstetter, 2015; Beaumont, 2018). Usher and

Kerstetter look at the way in which Nicaraguan surfers form community (Usher &

Kerstetter, 2015), and Beaumont looks at community creation in Cornish surf communities (Beaumont, 2018). Finally, Andersson looks at localism in Finnish municipalities (Andersson, 2013). Interestingly, this article identifies the way in which

Finland is broken down into municipalities and the localism associated with this division.

Now that I have considered the ideas of previous scholars, I will now explain my intended area of study and the methodology I executed in this project.

Chapter 3: Methodology Applied

In this project, I spent a duration of two full weeks living in Santa Cruz, CA, as well as a series of four additional weekends spent specifically observing this space’s culture. These visits took place between January and February of 2021, and specifically included an ongoing 2-week duration between January 5-January 19, 2021. This was ideal for the situation because I was not enrolled in any classes and was able to freely observe a vast chunk of this culture and their practices for consecutive days. During this time, I spent roughly 6 hours a day surfing and embedding myself into the culture. I stayed in a small California bungalow situated in the west side of Santa Cruz, located just five blocks from the beach and seven blocks from the Steamer Lane surf spot (my main point of observation). However, looking forward from this initial operation, my technique did have some variation in the way in which I observed the culture.

Following these initial two weeks, I examined four additional weekends, all which occurred in the month of February. I had to shift to weekends, because I was enrolled and instructing in person courses at the University of Nevada, Reno. These weekends consisted of two 6-hour days of observing and participating in surf culture. My primary intent was to variate surfing between the two spaces of “Steamer Lane” and “The

Hook.” However, this was not optimal at every point, so I did examine other spaces based on instinct of situation. The primary function of these weekends was to solidify the original data of the two-week visit and add additional observations. This allotted time was a great way to construct an ethnography of this culture. After these 6 hours sessions were completed, I spent 1-hour sessions creating field notes in my car immediately following my observations. This became a bit tricky at times, due to exhaustion and the

20 conditions I was situated in within the space. In surfing, your vehicle is usually where you set up and prepare for a day on the water. Keeping these notes in the locker in my car was ideal to maintain the notes for protection and storage. However, during my time within this space, ethnographic examination brought about a third aspect of this study, which is an auto-ethnographic portion of this study, where I compared the findings to that of my own previous experiences and positionality to the culture. This gave the potential for further solidification of data and theory. The act of surfing primarily involves social distancing, but some party waves1 were observed throughout the ethnographic examination of my research. Throughout the process of my research, COVID-19 was a large consideration during field study, and accordingly, I took many precautions in order to make sure I entered the space safely and ethically. To summarize these precautions, I would wear a mask whenever it was feasible or possible, I maintained social distancing, I would use hand sanitizer before and after surfing, as well as when I came in contact with others, and I maintained a high Vitamin C diet. These practices allowed me to be as safe as possible from the COVID-19 virus while entering in and out of the field.

I stayed with family in the area while doing my research. This gave me some insider information on events and the state of the culture within the area for the time being. This also kept me close to the various social scenes in Santa Cruz and maintained a vantage on the culture, while still being able to fully submerge myself in the place.

Ultimately, I surfed twenty-one times in this period, approximately 126 hours, to gather this data, and I created field notes for every surf session as well as situations outside of

1 This is when multiple surfers ride the same wave. A “party wave” is usually perceived to be an unideal practice.

21 surfing which I believe were important or significant to the culture at hand. To do this, I needed to recognize and record how localism interacts with my own body as well as others in this culture that surround me. I was able to create differing scenarios and reactions of localism through the execution of various surfboards. Moreover, a point of interest was also my body’s interaction with the culture, which was interesting when I entered the space with a gatekeeper (a friend), or without a gatekeeper (by myself). My plethora of experiences typically created welcome or deterrence (Hao, 2012). Welcome would be cultural members accepting me in this space, and deterrence would be the rejection from these members. However, it is important to note that I identify as both an insider and an outsider in this culture. This could potentially have created localist principals to either occur or not occur. Moreover, another idea that I experimented with that I thought might potentially expedite localism is the board that an individual uses and playing with this choice might create localism to pop up or not.

Figure 2

The O.G. Flyer by Channel Islands

Figure 3

The Hayden Shape Hypto Krypto

Figure 4

The Hayden Shape Love Buzz

Figure 5

The Wavestorm

While entering these spaces I used four primary surfboards: the Channel Islands

O.G. flyer, the Hayden Shape Hypto Krypto, the Hayden Shape Love Buzz, and the

Wavestorm. The O.G. flyer by Channel Islands (Fig. 2) is a board that is made in

California, and a staple model for the California surf industry and scene. I identify this board as the local choice. The Hayden Shape Hypto Krypto and Hayden Shape Love

Buzz (Fig. 3 & Fig. 4) are both boards designed in Australia, and are manufactured using the best materials from all over the world. These boards are built in Indonesia and are representative of the globalist surf market. The Wavestorm (Fig. 5) is at the bottom of the

Santa Cruz surf totem pole, because it represents “the Kook”—someone who is an outsider to surfing. This board is usually purchased at a big box store, like Costco, and cost a tenth of the average mid to high end surfboard. Individuals who are outsiders or beginners to surfing usually start on this specific board. Based on my experiences, all of these surf boards influenced my performance and experience in these spaces, especially when I intended to implement my ethnographic approach. However, at times, during this research, the selection of a board in a space was very limited due to wave size, weather, and surf conditions. All of which also influenced my choice of board, dependent on the day.

Furthermore, the way I position my body in these spaces created violence or reactions that are associated with localism. The reason for this being that the surf lineup is a rigid space, where a body is not only expected to perform certain roles, but is also expected to perform accordingly, based on conditions and situation. I performed different body positions in this space, which at times certainly induced localism and created heavy field notes. However, at times, the results of which were not as prominent as anticipated

27 prior to entering the field. When surfing, my choice in performance resulted in different forms of localism recorded in my field notes. The landscape involved many cliffs, which was the perfect place to observe the culture and create thick description from an outsider perspective, which I believe benefitted my project (Geertz, 1973; Conquergood, 1985).

Ultimately, recording my field notes involved watching cultural interactions among the community and creating detailed descriptions based on these observations.

Specifically, my original intentions involved observing two primary beaches and their surrounding areas which are spaces of localized behaviors as identified prior to entering the field site. These two spots are “Opal Avenue” nicknamed “the Hook,” by locals, and the West Cliff area known as “Steamer Lane.” My research carried me into another area, which included the skatepark and Cowell’s Beach. These spaces are extremely influential for surfing in the Santa Cruz area: so much so that surf competitions are held annually in these specific areas, and the quality of the waves is among the highest and most consistent in Santa Cruz (Surfline). It is also worth noting, due to my own observations, that each surf spot is unique hydrodynamically (Surfline). “The Hook” involves a small reef creating a unique wave. This is known as reef break, and this form of wave usually offers a faster, more aggressively tapered wave, but with the drawback of creating shallow sections when the wave is breaking. These create conditions that are prone to board snaps and injury. Personally, I’ve broken a few fins at “the Hook.”

On the other hand, “Steamer Lane” involves a large trench creating some of the largest waves in the Santa Cruz area. One similarity that both “the Hook” and “Steamer

Lane” share is that they are considered two surf spots near the borders of different Santa

Cruz neighborhoods. Unlike the Hook, however, Steamer Lane is referred to as a “point

28 break.” A point break is essentially where a cliff point becomes a surf spot and creates very good competition areas because of the view. Each year the O’Neill Cold Water

Classic (named after Jack O’Neill) is held at Steamer Lane, proving it is a very desirable place to surf. I also produced numerous field notes from time spent at the Santa Cruz skatepark, which boasts a surf aesthetic and is positioned about a mile away from

Steamer Lane. Often, skateboarding is associated with surfing when beach conditions are less than ideal.

The organization of my field notes are a key component in understanding my research. My field notes explain what I have specifically witnessed occurring in the cultural space. This helped create a thick, detail heavy description, which is key to auto/ethnography. I originally planned to mentally remember the experiences of the specific days, and once I finished surfing for the day, recording my field notes immediately. This was primarily the methodology I followed, but on some days due to light conditions, I would have to retreat back to the place I was staying due to weather and time of day.

After creating these field notes, I then coded them to gather consensus based on themes associated with the culture and overall recurrences that I noticed during my time in these spaces. This coding took some time to complete because of the vast amount of field notes that varied in detail. A difficult note worth pointing out in this section is that with the use of ethnography, I was sometimes unsure what I would encounter in these cultural scenes. I was obligated to record no matter what the outcome of these situations were, regardless of my personal biases/opinions. However, this created authenticity in my research and made crucial connections to my research questions.

It is worth noting some general discussion on how my field notes were constructed, and how they will be analyzed in this project. The field notes obviously varied situationally, but I broke them down into two general formats: surfing field notes and non-surfing field notes. Specifically, surfing field notes consisted of a section on the dates & times, conditions, and a well-detailed description of the day. Moreover, I included quite a bit of details regarding the overall surf spot for discussion purposes. In the few days that I visited the skatepark, I followed this general format as well. The non- surfing field notes were strictly based on thick description and had no sectioning but just the date and followed a general journal entry.

The third area that I identified was some general information on the use of ethnography in the field to help better understand how to implement it into my research.

The resources listed here, including mostly handbooks, offered an extensive overview on how to conduct qualitative methods. Topics covered include general practice (Jensen,

2013; Griffin, 1999; Jankowski, Brennan, 2017; Lindlof & Taylor, 2017). All of these sources have distinct sections on the use of an ethnographic method. Specifically, some key points are the way in which to observe the scenes and the needed presence of a gatekeeper in certain situations (Jensen, 2013; Griffin, 1999; Jankowski, Brennan, 2017;

Lindlof & Taylor, 2017). These sources helped me to utilize and implement good practices of observing these scenes I did encounter. I also tried to incorporate aspects of qualitative research in my project (Conklin, 2008; Davis & Treadwell, 2019). These qualitative aspects are useful tools to someone who has never entered the field for the

30 purposes of research and are valuable resources for preliminary understanding of ethnographic method.

I took an ethnographic approach to this project. According to Lindlof and Taylor

(2017), ethnography involves thick description (Geertz, 1973) of a social scene, and the identifying of cultural points of interest from the researcher. Furthermore, Geertz (1973) puts a heavy influence of understanding signs in ethnographic communication and recording thick description to capture the meaning associated with the cultural action or sign. Therefore, the researcher should not just be capturing or describing the action but attempting to capture the meaning behind the action. This is just what I did in this thesis project. This is the primary method I ultimately used. I entered the space, and using detailed description, I captured the action of signs while determining the meaning behind the signs in this surf community.

It is important to keep in mind that when I was implementing this ethnographic method, I was actually surfing the majority of the times, which, in turn, involves performance in this space. For that reason, I did implement the concept of Conquergood

(1985), and his concept of pushing the boundaries of the aesthetic distancing, and this pushing of boundaries of space will often result in hostility (Conquergood, 1985). This concept is exactly what localism is: when one enters a space of unfamiliarity, the result is some level of violence. The space I entered is one that was once familiar to me, but that I have rarely entered in the past 4 years. This is a concept tackled by Richie Neil Hao

(2012)., and this resource will be one to consult on the principals of reentering this cultural spaces after leaving for quite some time.

I ultimately analyzed this ethnographic project through the lens of intersectionality and answered my research questions using this lens. The research questions previously noted are perfectly suited to be answered through the lens of intersectionality and identifying the way in which identities are influencing the surf experience and identity. Moreover, who is and who is not allowed to be insider or outsider of surf culture. These methods proved to be essential to this work, and in the next chapter, I share my insights into the ethnographic data to answer my research questions for this project.

Chapter 4: Intersectional Analysis of Surfing through Space

The five major themes utilized in this project include aesthetic, crowding, weather/conditions, geographic goals, and the specific space of “Steamer Lane.” All of these themes are connected through intersectional communication and prove to enforce major principals of localism in surfing spaces. Moreover, the observations made about these themes are the driving force that will explain the ways in which localism in the surf community has constitutive operations that are implemented through the communication of intersectionality surrounding ocean spaces.

As previously mentioned, I spent my time in the field collecting ethnographic field notes. This section is a synopsis of my findings in relationship to these themes from my journal entries and are used to identify the nuances surrounding these previously defined concepts. This section also notes why these findings are important to the constitutive origins of localism as implemented through intersectional identity performances in these spaces. This section will address these themes, the connection to my argument, and then make claims to the larger idea of localism and intersectionality.

Aesthetic:

A notable trend in my examination of localism in surfing was the common aesthetic shared by most of the “in” groups surfing members that I encountered. The term

“aesthetic” is defined as various forms of non-verbal communication that a surfer uses to define themselves as a surfer or performing the identity of surfer. Specifically, some of the things that I associated with this aesthetic included physical gear appearance (brand,

33 color, etc) as well as intersections of identity that various surfers communicated throughout my time in the field. These seemed to follow a general theme of non-flashy gear and clothing that was small and pushed toward a more technology driven function and away from Polynesian roots in gear. Specifically the aesthetic of long hardwood boards swapped out in favor of short boards consisting of modern materials. Moreover, the sport in these areas was primarily consisting of white males participating in the actual surfing of these spaces. These intersections and options of communicatory appearance influenced the localism at hand.

My first observation that I noticed was the primarily male dominated nature of the participants in these spaces. Specifically, most days I would consider average, with medium size waves, and good weather are summarized by my analysis of gender performance that I observed in this space. The individuals who were not as experienced in the sport utilized boards of varying colors, and also wetsuits showed some variation in color. Most everyone I encountered participating in this performance, despite their skill level, would wear a full wetsuit that extended to the wrists and ankles for warmth.

Therefore, throughout the group of 35 surfers (on average), at any given time there were some females participating in the surfing. On the other hand, I only noted a very small amount on any given day of upwards of 60-100 surfers throughout the day. Most waves were typically caught by the same surfers over and over. In fact, I noticed approximately

60% of waves were caught by the same people. Moreover, the demographics of the surfers showed that nearly 80% were white Americans. I did experience a lot of talk from male surfers noting the explosion of people surfing due to the quarantine shut down and coronavirus. This synopsis of the space shows that this is a predominantly white, middle

34 to upper class space, and with a very strict gender performance occurring in these spaces.

Specifically, I noticed very (perceived) manly, aggressive, and macho performance occurring regularly. What this synopsis shows is that the “in” group member is primarily a white male, and this is the individual who is most identified with the performance of surfing. However, another thing to take away here, is that the individual most effectively portraying this performance, which is primarily identity driven, absolutely dominated the supply of the waves for the day. This is troublesome because the ability of repetition of performance in this space keeps the identity of a surfer very white in nature, and very focused on expressing aggression with their communication.

Interestingly, this example expresses observations of average days of surfing in the space that I encountered. On bigger days or an area that was producing bigger waves in the space, the identities and aesthetic became even more polarizing. To continue this discussion on gender performance and aesthetic in this space and its effect by wave size, I concluded that many of the people surfing were using very small boards that were white or gray in color, and not many pods or long boards which are often associated with less experienced surfers. In fact, I only noticed just a few long boards within this space on a more heavily populated surf day, but the individuals who were using these boards had a great amount of skill to be able to handle oneself on this board in these larger conditions.

However, these individuals often had larger physical builds, which has been contradictory to the medium frames I had noted as the average. Moreover, these individuals had a lot of physical power as well. However, on these larger days, the lineup was very spaced out and no one was able to scavenge lost waves, and the spacing was primarily due to safety. Specifically, almost everyone surfing, approximately in the 90

35 percentiles was white/Caucasian, and of a medium physical build (men between 5 foot 9 inches and 6 feet tall, weighing approximately 150 to 180 pounds). It is also worth noting that these more highly populated days were most associated with being dangerous. This results in a super masculine aesthetic where an individual is most often white, able- bodied and of a middle to upper economic class. What these examples show is that there is a stratification of performance identity markers on days of bigger surf. Moreover, the performance of the medium build, white surfer, in a black wetsuit, and small, short board becomes in a way the only intersection in the lineup. The aesthetic of this performance is important in surfing, because it categorizes some individuals as “in” group member and

“out” group members when the opposite is the case and limits the intersections of this unique sport performance.

The synopsis of the spaces discussed above suggest a general aesthetic that I encountered while in the field. Moreover, this aesthetic of color muted, white male communicated the “in” group. Therefore, this identity was most associated with the local surfing in the area. Specifically, the surfers in this area practice a very similar aesthetic with surfers using smaller white to grey boards, black wetsuits, and representing a similar identity or background within the confines of a mildly diverse area. What the gathering of these journal entries suggest about intersectionality is that intersections of identity, including white individuals, who can afford to reiterate this message of surfers are creating this “in” group community. Hence, these intersections are pushing other individuals out of the line up and out of surfing. Furthermore, limiting the numbers of people who are surfing and keeping the “in” group small. This in turn is the constitutive

36 nature because it is providing more waves and keeping the crowds down using intersectional identity.

On the other hand, what does this say about the larger understanding of the world and intersectionality? Identity can help examine aspects like performance based on societal understanding. Therefore, I must ask, what does a typical American think a surfer looks like? What characteristics, both physical and intercultural, are associated with the average surfer’s identity? One is undoubtedly communicating nonverbally the performance they belong to and simultaneously excluding others. This aesthetic has held true for a very long time in my surfing experience. In fact, this white, muted color, small, boarded surfer has been the performance since I’ve been a child, and one can see from my identity and the boards I chose to ride I in some way participated in this “in” group aesthetic.

Crowding:

Crowding includes points of high condensing, physical blocking, and grouping that I noticed in the lineup. This concept is something that surfers who encounter other surfers have to consider at all times. In this sport you have to ask, what is my positionality to another board or body? However, the positionality of one’s body in this space was primarily based on “in” group and “out” group lines. Therefore, all of which had localist principles related to the practice. Moreover. this practice seemed to be connected to the intersectional expressions.

It is worth defining the lineup for individuals who may not exactly know what this is. In surfing, a “lineup” is the area where individuals sit on their boards and wait to paddle into a wave. Some things to know is that there are certain areas in this lineup that

37 are better than others, considering the wave is oriented to break at certain points from the ocean floor. Surfers usually situate themselves around these favorable positions and fight for waves. This can be the most aggressive space that one can encounter in the sport of surfing.

There is absolutely a hierarchical lineup I encountered throughout my time surfing. This example is summarized in my findings that on busy days, “crowding” becomes a necessity of this space, and insiders and outsiders are communicating their positionality in these spaces. Often, insiders congregate around this prime real-estate of surfing with the best surfer holding the best positions in the lineup. This results in surfers who are a part of the “out” group to be pushed to the fringes of the lineup. Consequently, this created a hierarchy in this space, where your position within an “in” or “out” group is communicated nonverbally. However, this became even more problematic with intersectionality playing a primary force as oppressive dynamic reiterated this. Typically, it is with the common intersections of this white, able bodied, male, middle to upper class surfer being positioned in the best spaces. This rigid hierarchy was implemented through many glares and facial expressions that were thrown from this group onto others that attempted to catch the same wave but nevertheless it still happened. Furthermore, all of the insiders used their body’s relativity to the space in order to block outsiders from catching these waves, and at times pushes from an “in” group member on to an “out” group member occurred with some rarity.

What is unique about my experiences is how every surfer was competing for the same small space and there were so many people within that small space. This competition consists of paddling for the same wave, and only one surfer would ultimately

38 catch the wave. Moreover, this conclusion also shows how a group can hold this space uniformly for their own gain. This is important regarding intersectionality and constitutive behavior because of the way in which the individuals looked that were dominating this space. They were in fact following the aesthetic that I previously mentioned. Moreover, it shows how the population was bottlenecked, which was hierarchically based on the intersections of the surfers in the space.

My next example looks at the way in which the lineup can be lost and rules can be broken in these spaces. There are some unwritten rules to surfing to reserve the wave for one surfer, and keep other individuals from interfering. This allows surfers to implement their maneuvers on the breaking waves. However, some rules are often broken based on the conditions, and individuals participating in the surfing. The conclusion I drew from this space regarding rules being held and rule breaking is that the lineup formation really limited the ability to clear the line from certain individuals and surf. One example of this is that the surfer who sits closest to the break has the right of way to that given wave, and others are expected to yield to these individuals with the right of way. Therefore, if you do not have this prime location, you will never have the right of way.

Another thing I noted was an abundance of “party waves,” which is made up of multiple people riding the same wave The individuals I examined seemed to not be disappointed by this phenomenon, which was perceived as frustrating from insiders. This was normal on “lost cause” days. These were days where rules could be broken because so many people were trying to surf in a small area, limiting opportunities on glass, the face of the wave. The standard rules, which I have previously mentioned, did not apply on days that were considered a “lost cause,” or a day with less-than-ideal weather

39 conditions. There was essentially no respect for the person who was closest to the break or who caught the wave first on lost cause days.

This synopsis shows a few unique things happening in the lineup; the pressure of too many surfers and surfers surfing the same wave. This finding is exceptionally important to the constitutive nature of my thesis, because it shows the ways in which overcrowding, and rule breaking can affect the performance of surfing. What is interesting about these finding is that most commonly “in” group members were free from the lineup on these days that are considered lost. Leading me to believe that there are social pressures that these “in” group members are enforcing on the masses of people.

Once again, this is problematic to the concept of intersectionality because these “in” group members often have a very specific identity that is not considered very diverse.

Examples of this became a recurring theme of my research field notes. The most extreme example of this actually resulted in violence occurring from an “in” group member onto “out” group member. Often, I recognized an individual who caught a wave go rail (side) to rail with someone on a foam-top longboard and stick their hands out and push them off their board or begin to yell at the individual after making contact. The lineup would stare for a good while… and not in admiration.

I would sometimes attempt to say something to an individual who participated in the described event, and they responded to the effect of “I was avoiding a collision.” That common response did not match what I saw, as there was a lot of aggression. These were some of the most direct acts of localism occurred in my experiences. I think it was because the “in” group gets frustrated when there are points of rising population. My own

40 experiences lead me to believe that people on soft boards seem to not have an issue if they tap a rail or nose on someone else (this is because they are typically less surfers).

This finding was a direct act of localism that I encountered many times over my time of doing ethnographic field work. It exemplified the way in which the lineup, when not rigidly following rules, can become violent. Moreover, this exemplifies an “enforcer” identity that I encountered. Certain individuals on the water are enforcing these rules through microaggressions and violence in order to constitutively keep the population low or in place. This intersection of identity in the lineup is often accompanied by this aesthetic mentioned in the previous section. This becomes extremely problematic because this lineup is controlled by certain intersectional identities that are centered and normalized in modern society.

The lineup is the area where intersectionality and a need to constitutively keep the population low comes into effect or manifest in the sport of surfing. The lineup is the space where surf localism becomes a reality. Moreover, this is the space where the localist rules are necessary, and the population level is accounted. To understand the argument of this paper one must understand how the lineup is affected by intersection and population. How this claim connects to a bigger understanding of the world is that in a given space that is very rigid with high demands due to the intersections of identity, nonverbal communication, and the want to kick people out become exclusionary. The goal is to essentially disqualify you by any means necessary.

Weather/Conditions:

Ultimately, it appears that perceived good weather conditions expose localist principles, while bad conditions drove practices of localism down. Moreover,

41 intersectionality played a role on the localism surrounding surfing in these situations that were dictated by weather. Specifically, good weather with good ocean conditions resulted in many people trying to surf. On the other hand, the less favorable weather conditions

(rain, overcast, low temperatures) were usually associated with the availability to surf for anyone and a non-localized space. Surprisingly, it seemed that wave size wasn’t proportionate to population as one might expect rather it was weather. In this section, I will develop the concept of weather and conditions to the ideas of intersectional identity and the constitutive nature of localism that I experienced.

The first conclusion I reached regarding weather conditions is that bad conditions, perceived as “gross” days, resulted in many surfers deciding to stay home. The interesting thing about this is that there was almost no pressure on anyone surfing on these days, because there were enough waves, no matter how bad they were, to go around for all surfers. This situation is positioned in my findings on non-ideal weather. Overcast and cloudy days are often referred to as “sharky” by locals. Many believe cloudy weather and dirty water allow for sharks to be more opportunist and more able to ambush a surfer.

It is also worth noting that I have not seen any sharks on days with this kind of condition.2 Instead, individuals I encountered anticipate huge waves on rainy cloudy days, but that was not the case on many of the days such as during my observations.

Often on days like this, the ocean held a medium height of wave and did not really

2 Santa Cruz is the corner of what is known as the Red Triangle. This is an area known for a large population of Great White Sharks. Therefore, the Great White Shark is firmly established in imagery surrounding Surf Culture in this area (Fimrite, 2012).

42 achieve that huge break height like on these days. Finally, there seems to be more clashing of different types of surfers from varying skill levels on these days of bad surf.

Often, on days of bad weather, I was lucky to see 10 to 20 individuals that came to surf in the time I observed the space. All of these individuals seemed to be very committed to surfing, and many wore hoods and booties attached to their wetsuits, because of the cold and gross (“sharky”) conditions, and to avoid freezing—now that is commitment to the craft. With so few people, the waves seemed to be easily passed around and shared because there was much less competition. Also, everyone seemed to be more friendly towards each other and talkative than past experiences, because of the bad conditions. The people that were surfing were not very diverse with approximately

90% of the surf population being white males on these days. However, what was interesting was that the boards varied greatly with some riding foam top longboards and others riding smaller hard boards. However, all surfers on these days were wearing black wetsuits, and were male.

What this proves is that in points of bad conditions, the lineup becomes a more welcoming space to individuals, because of the lack of pressure being placed on each surfer. There is an expectation among the surfer that there is nothing to really protect, or there is no fear of missing out since the conditions are not ideal for surfing. Therefore, pushing forward this claim I have been making about the constitutive nature of localism.

However, what becomes problematic about this concept regarding intersectionality in this example is that individuals who usually have access to surfing on these low-pressure days are often from a certain socio-economic background. Essentially, living near the beach is expensive, and these are the people who can afford or stay close enough to participate in

43 surfing on the bad days. On the other hand, for someone who must pick and choose their days to surf, these individuals will typically choose to surf on high population or good weather days, and in turn, will be experiencing various forms of localism as a consequence.

Good weather brings out every “surfer” in the area. The first signs of warm, clear weather result in people who have thought about trying surfing, those new to the sport, or just don’t live close enough to the ocean to participate in the Santa Cruz surf community.

Holidays and weekends, specifically Presidents’ Day 3-day weekend, had huge influence on the population in relation to weather. Therefore, the surfing was absolutely packed on these good condition weekend days. There were people out and about in Santa Cruz (not just surfing), and it was extremely hard to find parking. This foreshadows what I would encounter on these days. There were sometimes more than a hundred people in the lineup and making population size hard to track. On these days, direct connections to localism were easily identifiable through aesthetic and lineup. Overall, it was days like this filled with better weather for surfing, and better conditions that resulted in a lot of people encountering localism. On these days I was often cut off, but the lineup was jammed packed, which would sometimes result in violence between surfers. It was not common to see people yelling at each other or staring each other down if interference had occurred.

Comparatively, this excerpt directly out of my field notes exemplifies the reality that good conditions and weather brings out the most people to surf. Once again playing upon this constitutive nature of localism and intersectional class effects, all of which are influenced by weather and conditions. Good conditions bring different people who are not a part of the “in” group, which ultimately constitutes localism, while on the other

44 hand, bad weather does the opposite. This finding was communicated time over time in my field notes, and localism was connected to these weather/condition changes.

Examples of direct violence and aggression were all connected to good weather and conditions.

This classism reiterates that there are long standing effects on the world at play through the application of concepts. Ideal conditions for a given event bring people who are not often most associated with the event or activity. This brings hostilities from the individuals who do, and there is push back. A common analogy of this is the new year’s gym goers who start to attend the gym as a “New Year’s Resolutioner.” Often people who are not a part of this group of gym goers start to attend the gym to change themselves for the upcoming year. On the other hand, frequent gym goers prior to the new year associate a form of stigma or pushback against these people who are new to the space. This example from surf localism illustrates the way in which conditions, similar to the gym example, can situate localism in many aspects, and walks of life. This can be dangerous but understanding these triggers can be important for prevention.

Steamer Lane

This section will explain the space of “Steamer Lane” as the epicenter of the localist world of Santa Cruz, California. Interestingly, this is one of the key surf spots of the area, but I noticed for the most part, it is localism free: either for intimidation factor or the skill level needed to perform there. It is undoubtedly known as the most aggressive surf space in this area. This begs the question, where is the violence from localism in this space? This section will first explain the area for individuals who are unaware of the

45 details surrounding this space, then discuss examples or encounters from my field notes, and then explain the way in which this applies to the larger world.

First off, Steamer Lane is located in the west cliff area on West Cliff Drive in

Santa Cruz, California. The crossroad that leads to Steamer Lane is Pelton Drive, which is another sea view street, and has many highly valued homes. Specifically, this surf spot is on the side of a cliff and is categorized as a previously defined “point break.” This means that waves are breaking along a point. Moreover, Steamer Lane is located under a lighthouse, where the local surfing museum is located, and surfing competitions are held in this spot every year. In fact, Steamer Lane is one of the most iconic surf spots in

Northern California, and is known for having some of the biggest waves in Santa Cruz.

To describe this physical location, there is a pathway that runs along Seacliff Drive that comes up from a few hotels and borders this cliff line. There is a grey railing combined with some vegetation running this expanse. Many tourists roam this area freely. There are two staircases along this cliff that lead up to the light house. The first of which is Cowells

Beach, another surf spot known for having decent small waves, and being more docile in nature, while the second is Steamer Lane. And, as the name describes the waves are much faster and aggressive on any given day at Steamer Lane. However, an interesting note about this spot is do not try to take the staircase down to surf, you should jump off the cliff into the deep water of the point. This will not interfere with the lineup.

The point itself has an odd peninsula that is in the shape of the state of New

Jersey and has a sub inlet to the right of the point if you are looking towards the sea.

There is a small oval parking lot on this expanse below the light house. The light house is small with a brick in color house attached to a white tower. There is a flagpole connected

46 next to this light house. The cliff themselves are a sandy tan in nature, and on most days the water is green in appearance. The area surrounding this white house is some green turf, and most importantly, the wave breaks to the right. The wave, for the most part, is a constant roll or curl. One can see the wharf quite clearly from this spot as well as some of the Santa Cruz Boardwalk. There is also a mound shaped rock just beyond the point that is a tan sand color. Strangely, there is an odd obsession with not putting an ‘s’ on the end of the word Steamer. In fact, surf magazines like The Inertia have written comedy articles claiming violence against individuals from San Jose for calling it “Steamers.” There is also a bronze statue of a man standing in front of a surfboard in this area. This is paying homage to the culture of surfing established at this spot, and the history behind it.

However, the man seems to be rather European in appearance and based on his board construction. Steamer Lane is positioned on Lighthouse Field State Beach. However, this name is misleading, because the majority of the time there is no beach to be seen. One of the interesting things about Steamer Lane is that from the vantage point of this surf spot, a viewer can see everything going on in the line up from the cliff.

The driving assumption of this section is that Steamer Lane is the crown jewel of surfing in this area. It is undoubtedly perceived as the most desirable spot to surf in Santa

Cruz. However, this proposes the question of why is this spot impacted to no end and why is every person not lining up to surf this spot. The response is that individuals recognize that this is not a place for outsiders nor for individuals who are learning to surf for the first time. This I because of localism present in this area. Moreover, the accessibility of the cliff side is discouraging to many.

Smaller boards that contribute to the aesthetic are key in this space. Every time I have surfed this area, I used my most aggressive boards. Moreover, the individuals in this space also typically use smaller boards. It is worth noting that nearly everyone I encountered surfing at Steamer Lane was a male, and the vast majority were predominately white. Moreover, many in this space were concerned about all the new surfers coming out of the COVID quarantine, and many were concerned about this

“issue” effecting the exclusivity of the space.

My ultimate synopsis is that Steamer Lane is the jewel of the surf culture in this area, and that a lot of these practices are done to keep this area in a way free of “out” group members. This is illustrated in the way that people operate in this space, as well as the areas surrounding it. This jewel is primarily protected by the enforcement of intersectional localism in the surrounding areas to protect this specific area. For the most part, this area was localism free since almost all individuals in this space are “in” group members.

The main take away I gathered from this finding is this space is dominated almost completely by all insider or “in” group members. Moreover, outsiders are on the beaches surfing the spaces around this area all the time. So why hasn’t anyone moseyed on up from one of these other beaches to surf at Steamer Lane? It is the intimidation factors that are being enforced through communication practices on other beaches that is deterring them. Therefore, outsiders often think “I don’t look like, I don’t surf like them,” and “I might not perform like them in order for them to consider this migration.” Ultimately, the insider group might know or might not know that this is working and keeping this space

48 safe of outsiders. Therefore, the localism in this area is working and keeping the space available for the insider group to be free to surf.

My next point about this ideal localized space that is Steamer Lane is the stratified intersections that dominate this spot. The people in this space were white, able-bodied, and cisgender males, many of whom came from a certain class background. This seemed to be the dominant intersections of the “in” group members throughout my field work, but at Steamer Lane, this communication message was brought to a whole new level, where one can almost talk in absolutes about the population surfing and was noticeably different from other areas.

Very few waves go unused in the space of Steamer Lane. All of the surfers down in this area seem to be white and to be in very good shape physically. This space seems to be dominated by the most athletic individuals. This spot seems as if it is locally dominated, because outside of a few accidental party waves, and some paddle battling it seems to be very uniform and free of localism. On the other hand, reflecting on my time in this space it made me realize a few things. I benefited from my previous experiences with this space because I was allowed to move through this space. Moreover, all the individuals were wearing black wetsuits and high-performance small boards, and I was also communicating these messages.

These summaries reiterate my point that this is basically a locals only spot, where ones’ intersectional identities (if majoritarian in nature), and experiences are allowing one to surf in this area. Moreover, this spot being the crown jewel, because there are almost no localist tendencies other than nonverbal communication occurring. There is nearly no violence and microaggressions are kept to a minimal. However, one might ask why is this

49 occurring? This is because the areas around this space are being harshly localist enforced.

People don’t attempt to surf this area because they have been repositioned by enforcers in other spaces. The issue is even more problematic when you consider this is the spot that one can most likely make a name for themselves surfing through sponsorship, professional endeavors, and competitions. It is an untouchable line that many are unable to cross ever. Do not get me wrong, I am not trying to make the argument that no acts of aggression occur here, but I am trying to say that there is an invisible line in the sand that keep outsiders, out.

This Steamer Lane principle is one that many may experience in many walks of their everyday life outside of surfing--from school, to jobs, to hobbies, to other sports. It leaves one thinking about the talent that has been limited by exclusionary concepts such as these, and who would be where without them. There is a reason that something once rooted in Polynesian culture has been rerouted in the white reimagination of the sport. It is these enforcements of intersectional principals in localism.

Chapter 5: Conclusion on Intersectionality and Surfing

The experiences in the field of surfing through this cultural space of Santa Cruz,

California drove me to recognize the ways in which intersectionality is connected to this place, and the systematic oppressive behavior that surfers often implement in order to keep the population size small and keep control of the spaces that make up this place.

This is most ideal to surf for the “insider” group, in contrast to a surfer in the “outsider” group. I used the methodology of ethnography/autoethnography and performance studies to analyze this space. During this period of my research, I spent a series of weeks entering this space and recording the notes on what I experienced, and what I saw being inflicted upon others. I experimented with different variations of surfboards, in order to recognize how this space reacted to my presence during these research sessions. The connections driven from the method of performance studies and ethnography show strong ties to the concept of a matrix of oppression implemented through intersectionality being situated in the themes that I discussed, including aesthetic, crowding, weather/conditions, and Steamer Lane. All of these are common tropes associated with the culture of surfing in Santa Cruz, California, and are implemented through various aggressions.

The aesthetic demonstrated how often the middle to upper class, able bodied, white male is most commonly communicated as the ideal performance of surfer in these spaces. This identity is directly correlated with “in” group performance, and the common surf aesthetic. This identity communicating surfer is nothing new with common depictions in surf media, portraying this same identity being in these spaces. Some may imagine the stereotype of the shaggy haired blonde surfer with puka shells around their neck being the surf identity--to some degree, this is what I am trying to push back

51 against. This surfing space is far too rigid in relation to identity, and this space should truly be fluid in its identities. This was also seen in the dress of aesthetic, which was very rigid, and often portrayed a very athletic-white understanding of the sport. This was very high performance dominated with small boards and sleek black wetsuits. This is the globalist surf identity that is beginning to reproduce in all areas where this subculture is occurring. No matter what the location or who the people are around this location, this identity persists in these surf spaces. Even when locally, it could be potentially very diverse, and the socioeconomics of the area have in turn made this local identity in this space. Similar to that of most team sports, and unlike the cultural practice of Polynesian

Royalty. Moreover, this common aesthetic is reproducing this same identity being on the

“in” group and surfing in these spaces. Contributing to a matrix of bias towards those who do not perform or claim this identity in this space.

Crowding was another theme that drove my dissection of intersectionality in this space. “Crowding” is most associated with positioning in the space. Essentially, “in” group members would crowd certain areas of the lineup, and in turn, would push “out” group members out of the spaces that were most ideal with surfing. The relation to intersectionality in this theme being is that certain identities could swim through this space without question: that a white, male, able-bodied, higher class individual who was riding a smaller board. This observation of the way that crowding took place furthered my point that localism is playing out through intersectional identity in the spaces. Often, if you were not performing this cumulative identity, your rights to surf was very limited and contributing to a matrix of bias in this space. This global identity of surfer is thriving in these spaces, which often times are not reminiscent of local identity, and in turn,

52 control the localist practices of his space through the practice of crowding in the lineup.

Therefore, this matrix of intersectional bias is visibly communicated in practices of the lineup.

Weather/Conditions also pushed this perceived local identity, but were nonetheless situated in intersectional identity and changing global perspective in the space. Often, as I mentioned in the analysis section, on good weather/conditions days, many diverse identities decided to practice surfing in these spaces. On the other hand, bad weather days were almost exclusively practiced by this white male, upper class, able- bodied identity that I have discussed. However, on good weather/condition days, localist aggression went up to control population size, while on the other hand, bad weather/condition days presented consistent displays of aggression. What this showed me is that localism is playing a role in population control of these spaces, and making the space more ideal to surf. This is contributing to this oppressive matrix picture I have tried to paint through the use of ethnography and performance studies. On the other hand, this dynamic of local and global identity plays out in this space and matrix. One can be perceived as a local to this area or what should rightfully be an insider, but not communicate this performance identity and be pushed to the fringes of surfing space.

This is troubling nature of this globalist/localist dynamic being so rigid and being communicated by intersectional identity. These days of weather either heightened or lowered aggression based on the perceived population size.

My last main point was that of Steamer Lane. Specifically, I identified Steamer

Lane as this perceived localist “crown jewel.” The other spaces that are surrounding this area were highly localized, but this space was relatively free of many direct acts of

53 aggression, because this was an insider group only area. This space was rigid in performance, but actual acts of aggression like pushing, name calling, and other acts of violence were relatively non-existent. Outsiders felt so unwelcome in this space to the point of not even trying to attempt to surf at Steamer Lane. This pointed me to identifying this as almost the spear head of localism. Therefore, this is the goal of the matrix in this culture that is being implemented through intersectional identity. Ideally, this is an area that is being protected. Moreover, to take an autoethnographic point to this theme, this is the area I have seen the harshest localism, when someone breaks the line, and an outsider/beginner enters this space. I have seen people assaulted, harshly screamed at, and boards thrown/broken in this space. Moreover, to recall one of my own experiences when I was getting to the skill level of being able to surf in this space, I distinctly recall a relative say, “if you are not ready, you will be punched… so you better be ready.” This globalist/localist act is once again complicated in nature when examining this jewel of localism because all these people are perceived insiders. They are communicating this globalist surf market performance that reoccurs in these spaces.

Overall, this restatement of my analysis reiterates my argument that localism occurs through intersectional communicative dynamics through aggressive behaviors from “in” group members onto “out” group members, which is exemplified through the concepts of aesthetic, crowding, conditions, and the space of Steamer Lane. This argument reveals the way in which intersectionality is creating a space of unwelcoming aggressions of varying degrees to keep control of a space and population size down.

Ideally, surfers want to stay consistently surfing, and surf more waves, free of crowds, with the opportunity to execute the maneuvers they see fit in this space. If the population

54 size becomes too big or one is not in the correct space, these surfers will not have this opportunity. However, I have reiterated in these themes this localist/globalist identity has become a complicated one throughout my research because the local “in” groups are often portraying this identity of the globalist surf market. Finally, not representing the actual demographics, experiences, and culture of the actual area. However, this localist identity is something new and patched together of both ends of the trope of localism/globalism.

This study builds upon intersectionality as the primary locator of “in” groups and

“out” groups regarding localism within surfing. Surfing is a highly dogmatic intercultural sport with intersections playing a major role since the previous analysis claims that these intersections are controlling the space, image, and overall, where one can surf in these areas. If you are considered an “in” group member, you can move and manipulate these spaces, and in turn, you can become a better surfer. On the other hand, if you do not share these identities, then you are typically limited, and space becomes more rigid regarding surfing performances. The way in which I am developing and expanding upon the subject of intersectionality is to look at the way in which spatiality and moments are positioned into hierarchies and area based on intersectionality. For example, in surfing these milliseconds of surfing, which position one’s identity as a surfer is dictated by intersections of non-verbal communication. Specifically, others have looked at hierarchies of intersections, but this ethnographic study examines the way in which milliseconds of nonverbals and performance position one as a greater identity or a cumulation of these intersections into an overarching title of what constitutes a “surfer.”

This results in the creation of an identity of a surfer: a series of intersectional and performative maneuvers to communicate this identity over time and space.

What my research states about intersectionality and the examination of this surf culture vacuum can be perceived as many different advancements. The first of which is that matrixes can occur in many different cultures and micro spaces. Although oppression is occurring on a societal level in modern U.S. culture, there is a larger matrix at play across society in relation to identity. There can be a microcosm of this matrix in any given space with a diverse set of goals that is initiated through intersectional identity. The primary goal of the space I examined is that of population control and opportunity to practice this sport. On the other hand, examining other such cultures can have different intentions in their space/society. This sociological paradigm that is explained by a matrix of domination can be applied to smaller groups with different goals and ideas.

Another push on the concept of intersectionality that this research can be used to develop is that of people/performance sharing a cumulation of identity that led to this synergy identity. I briefly mention how Hollywood has framed the surfer in a specific way, but what comes to mind when you think of this type of person? Is it long blonde hair? Or a tanned white complexion with a medium physical build? This concept of this specific identity is rather rigid in what or who is expected to perform this role. The idea I am trying to develop is that there is cumulative identity in intersectionality. A surfer is this synergy identity of accumulation from many different intersections and levels of power. Therefore, it is very rigid instance, where if one does not perform it in the expected way they are positioned as an “out” group member. The original conception of intersectionality by Kimberly Crenshaw looks at the way in which overlapping identity is

56 developed to explain levels of oppression people face. I examine the way these identities become disqualifiers in a rigid conception of surfer identity. Which leads me to the statement that triggered this research; “you don’t look like a … (fill in the blank).” I often heard this phrase when I traveled to other places, because typically, the localist cumulative identity where I am from does not project this Hollywood portrayal. In the sport of surfing, the goal is to disqualify others from the “in” group or the “out” group to keep population size down. I remember an individual in my college communication studies department telling me, “you don’t look like a surfer,” and this led me to wonder, what piece of my identity leads him to believe that? Moreover, it leads one to think why identity and performance is conceptualized and implemented into a rigid and non-fluid understanding in American culture.

Another finding within this thesis that can be related to intersectionality is that of this globalist and localist dynamic evident in the surf community. Identity can be complicated process when you consider the changing dynamics and the actual local population. The truth of the matter is that Santa Cruz, California has changed a lot, just when considering my lifetime. From a once odd, excluded place, to an area that is experiencing a lot of gentrification, and urban growth. With the economically prestigeousSilicon Valley located just 20 minutes up Highway 17 from Santa Cruz, a lot of locals have been pushed out of this area, which results in a redefinition of culture within the area. Although the identities of the population might be changing, the intersections that denote surfer have remained constant, with only minor tweaks to the aesthetic, at least since my childhood. Why is that? Is it some sort of surf mafia concept?

In a way, it is an intersectional surf mafia. This identity has remanifested itself as insider

57 since almost the development of the culture over a 100 years ago. Over time, this identity has just reiterated itself as the insider cumulative identity, and very few have tried to push back against this. This has become a vicious circle of self-fulfilling prophecy. Where this ties into the globalist/localist dichotomy, is that Santa Cruz is one of the major industry creators of surf culture. Some of the biggest surf brands originated in this space, including O’Neill and Santa Cruz surf brand. These are brands that someone could tell you about in Australia, Japan, or even South Africa. Representation of this localized culture has reproduced this cumulative identity being the standard surf identity all over the world. The California identity, from places like Santa Cruz, become the common identity of surfers. This identity and localist principles get exported to a global level and take over other local cultures of surfers.

Overall, intersectionality is the theory I needed to examine this ethnographic project using performance studies. This theory helped me understand and recognize where and why localism is happening. Moreover, this study takes new steps with the theory of intersectionality and the development of intersectional research in communication studies. Therefore, many researchers have applied intersectionality to different concept and societal areas, but none have used this theory to examine the way surfing is influenced by intersectional identity. This allowed for my ethnographic/autoethnographic examination of performance studies torecognize the ways the dichotomy of globalism/localism is constantly occurring. Moreover, it had a unique twist on the methodology of applied theory of intersectionality.

This thesis has researched deep dives into my own personal life and experiences in the world of surf culture. This project allowed me to finally close the book on a wound

58 that has been open for many years. I am currently 26 years of age, and I am a cisgender white male attending the University of Nevada, Reno to earn my master’s degree in

Communication Studies. My connection with this topic runs deep: I have been surfing and skateboarding since I was just four years old.

I think part of the reason I did this project was to understand how different my reality is impacted based on my early life experiences in Santa Cruz. However, due to the changing environment of this area, my family and I eventually relocated to a more urban area, which put me in a weird, localized situation when I visited and surfed in my hometown. Was I a local or was I not? It seemed to vary a lot based on each situation.

Moreover, surfing has always been one of my passions, and it seemed to be the term or idea that I most align myself with. Surfing experiences shaped a lot of who I am today, and the way I look at the world.

Interestingly, I have learned so much about this culture in recent years, and in doing so, realized the necessity of referring to the cultural appropriation of this intended project to pay homage to the sport’s Polynesian, indigenous, and royal roots, that are sometimes lost in portrayals today. For as long as I can remember, this is what defined me and my identity in this world. However, my choices led me to be zapped out of this space, which I initially thought was for the better, but I never understood why I kept coming back to this subculture. The only real reason I could gather through this journey is because I think about the educational identity of where I come from. Professional surfing is one of the only sports where no individual who is in the professional tour has a college degree. Moreover, the real culture, not just some guy who picked up a

Wavestorm board a few times, is associated with being absent minded, and a lack of

59 higher-level educational achievement. This journey has been an attempt to flip the narrative and push back against stereotypes associated with the sport of surfing. I am attempting to be a surfer and an intellectual.

Another thing that I grappled within my research was my complacency in the localism matrix that I observed and participated in. This middle class, white, able bodied, medium build surfer that I developed as the “insider” identity in the matrix is the same intersection that I belong to. My experiences and time spent surfing contributed to this matrix of insider and outsider dynamics as well as controlling space. When you grow up doing these things, you are taught to do them for various reasons such as safety or the need for the availability of the wave to surf. However, you do not understand the real reason you are doing these things to create an unwelcoming environment and keeping the population as small as possible to create a gang of pirates that can skate across these spaces. I would be lying if I said I did not feel guilty for knowing what I do now after this thesis, which says something about masculinity within the sport. Nevertheless, when it comes to surfing, my identity would shift into this super rigid hierarchy that I painted in this thesis, where I was practicing the same principles which I have just condemned. The toxicity in these spaces absolutely thrive, and the most common terminologies I have heard used to describe young white male surfers in these spaces are guns, cowboys, and pirates. I think these toxic words provide a synopsis of this toxic identity that is supported in these spaces.

In conclusion, this ethnographic project functioned as a tool of understanding for many people who have yet to have an encounter with this cultural community of surfing.

This research exhibits how intersectional communication can be applied on the

60 microlevel to smaller communities and culture. Additionally, through the intersectional communication lens, surf localism dictates experiences associated with the sport of surfing, and without intersectional research, one can become the victim of this subject as the power dynamics are multileveled and multidimensional. The matrix of domination in this space which I have observed has led to an understanding of the many ways that localism and globalism can play out in everyday communicative life, and the way identity dictates the space one performs. I grew up in this space. Santa Cruz, California is the perfect place to identify the reality of these practices, because of the changing socioeconomics of the area and its long history with the sport of surfing. This area is one of the epicenters of surf culture for many reasons, and many globally recognized companies call this area home, which makes Santa Cruz an exportation hub of surf culture to other parts of the world. This local identity of surfer has now been positioned as the global identity of a surfer. This is the interesting point of globalism/localist dynamic that is at play in this space. Intersections are fueling these localized principles and resulting in a hegemonic structure or power, which institutes violent behaviors and situations oftentimes rooted in patriarchal and capitalist structures. Ones’ cumulation of identities has come to represent a surfer in these spaces and has been self-fulfilling even when the demographics and socioeconomic of a space have changed.

This project was perfect for individuals to understand certain aspects of surf culture, specifically the concept of localism, and various forms of the culture that are often overlooked in relation to their existence. Localism makes up huge parts of an individual’s identity, whether you are a teacher or are skimming along water that has traveled thousands of miles. The reality of it is that localism plays a function in many of

61 these communities. The concept is a recurring one in many cultures, and the goal of this project is to understand just what this is, and why this is performed. In this particular space, it is identity driven and keeping the population size low and keeping individuals in control of a given surfing space. It is usually enforced based on intersectional identity or verbal/nonverbal aggressions, and done in order to control population or resources.

Ultimately, I believe that through the chosen themes, the questions I set out to examine, and my overall thesis subject have been confirmed. There is a constitutive nature to surf localism that is enforced through intersectionality. The applications of these themes can apply to many individuals’ everyday lives when they encounter localism.

This field of study can be applied to many different theories as a microcosm of other larger realities, including practices of nonverbal, interpersonal, and intercultural communication around the field. This research adds a layer of analysis to the existing scholarship on this topic. Further, my research reveals information that can contribute to better understanding about the existing surf culture in the United States as it operates at the local/global level.

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