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46 JUST LABOUR vol. 3 (Fall 2003) Forum on Precarious

COMMUNITY UNIONISM: ORGANISING FOR FAIR EMPLOYMENT IN CANADA

Cynthia J. Cranford Department of Sociology, University of Toronto at Mississauga, Mississauga, Canada Deena Ladd Toronto Organising for Fair Employment, Toronto, Canada1

A growing segment of the Canadian section I, we give a brief overview of workforce is precariously employed. the growth of precarious One week they could be hired employment in Canada, which is through a temporary employment prompting the need for community agency, the next week on a contract, unionism. Many different practices and then the next they may be out of of are evident work. When they do have work, in Canada as both community-based they earn low wages and labour in groups and recognised trade unions conditions where employment experiment with tactics to organise standards are not enforced or do not non-union workers. We give several apply. The instability of work contemporary examples of results in more people living in community unionism in section II. poverty. Growing precariousness in In section III, we conceptualise the Canadian labour market community unionism as a range of disproportionately affects recent practices that fall along a continuum immigrants and women workers. with community organising at one Workers are increasingly told to end and organising at adapt to a “new” world of work – to the other. We examine one develop entrepreneurial skills, to “community union”2 more closely, open their own business, to get Toronto Organising for Fair “Canadian experience” in order to Employment (TOFFE), in section IV. compete for the elusive permanent, We conclude by arguing that full-time job. This climate now more community unionism, broadly than ever requires defined, can contribute to building a solutions. Yet the laws that regulate stronger . do not fully cover these precariously employed I. THE GROWTH OF PRECARIOUS workers. In this context, community EMPLOYMENT unionism has (re)emerged. In this article, we focus on Although most workers still have community unionism in Canada. In full-time permanent jobs in Canada, Cranford and Ladd 47 a growing number of people have homeworkers, those treated as “self- only temporary or contract work. employed” include home care The percent of the employed with workers, mail deliverers, newspaper full-time permanent jobs fell from carriers and door-to-door 67% in 1989 to 62% in 2002, while salespeople. However, many of the percent with a “temporary” job these workers do not have the rose from 6% to 10% in the same capital and control akin to period (Vosko, Zukewich and entrepreneurs (Fudge, this issue). Cranford 2003). Statistics Canada Measured by Statistics Canada as measures “temporary” jobs as all the “own-account self employed,” jobs with a pre-determined end date. that is, the self-employed who do This includes those employees not have employees, self-employed working on term or contract, a contracting grew from 7% to 10% of casual or seasonal basis or those total employment between 1989 and working through a temporary 2002 (Vosko, Zukewich and agency. Temporary agency workers Cranford 2003). are more precarious than other Women and recent immigrants of temporary workers, earning less colour are disproportionately money and receiving fewer benefits; concentrated in the most precarious they seek more hours of work, are forms of employment. Recent more likely to have multiple jobs immigrants are discriminated and are less likely to be covered by a against in the Canadian labour union. These workers do not have market and are often pushed into one employer but are party to a temporary agency work upon triangular employment relationship arrival. Temporary agencies justify that allows both the temporary practices such as paying low wages agency and client company to evade and providing no benefits arguing employer responsibilities. The that recent immigrants are receiving temporary help industry now valuable “Canadian experience” and provides a broad range of staffing that women are gaining the services and places workers in light “flexibility” to combine work and manufacturing, construction and de- family (Vosko 2000, 186-195). West skilled clerical work (Vosko 2000). Asians and North Africans are more We are also seeing more likely to be in part-time temporary companies following the practices of wage work and the proportions of the garment industry where the South Asians and Filipinos in this costs of doing business are offloaded very precarious form of wage work through multiple levels of sub- are also high (Cranford, Vosko and contracting. Those at the bottom of Zukewich, this issue). these organisational pyramids are Challenging these triangular and often treated as ‘self-employed’ pyramid employment relations, and contractors. In addition to garment the racialized and gendered 48 JUST LABOUR vol. 3 (Fall 2003) Forum on Precarious Employment

inequalities that they shape, requires organise migrant farm workers from a (re)turn to unionism as a broader Mexico and the Caribbean in community affair. Ontario through community-based methods, due to farm workers’ lack II. EXAMPLES OF COMMUNITY of access to collective bargaining.5 UNIONISM IN CONTEMPORARY The CLC, in partnership with the CANADA3 UFWA Canadian office and UFCW Canada, began the Global Justice There has been much focus on CareVan Project in 2001. community unionism as the efforts Coordinated by a full-time UFCW of unions to connect with non- staff member and run by volunteers, labour community groups in order the Project has documented the to organise workers into existing working and living conditions of trade union structures or into pre- migrant farm workers. In 2002, the union associations affiliated with project opened the Migrant trade unions.4 One of the first efforts Agricultural Workers Support was that of the International Ladies Centre where workers can come for Garment Workers Unions (ILGWU) information on health and safety, for (now Union of Needletrades and interpreters to mediate between Industrial Textile Employees themselves and employers, for (UNITE)) to organise immigrant translation at the hospital and a women garment homeworkers in place to register complaints (UFCW Toronto beginning in the late 1980s Canada and CLC 2002; Zwarenstein (Borowy, Gordon and Lebans 1993; 2002). Justicia 4 Migrant Workers, a Das Gupta 1996; Fudge 1994; Tufts group of community, labour, 1998; Yalnizyan 1993). The multi- student and faith activist volunteers, level strategy involved a Coalition is also planning outreach to migrant for Fair Wages and Working farm workers in targeted Conditions for Homeworkers that communities. lobbied for legislative reform to There has been less written in impose joint liability on employers Canada about community unionism up the corporate pyramid, a Clean as the practices of community-based Clothes Campaign that mobilised labour groups who are not consumers to pressure garment participating in a particular union retailers, outreach to the Chinese organising drive or union- and South Asian communities community campaign but are where homeworkers are nevertheless organising non- concentrated and chartering a unionized workers in precarious Homeworkers Association as an employment (but see Leah 1999).6 associate member local. However, organisations that are More recently, unions and hybrids between immigrant service community groups have sought to organisations and immigrant Cranford and Ladd 49 workers’ organisations are another of paid work; 3) they facilitate links type of community unionism. One between immigrant communities example is INTERCEDE, the and unions seeking to unionize new Toronto domestic workers’ workers. They have also launched a organisation. Like the campaigns campaign to amend the Labour mentioned above, INTERCEDE acts Standards Act to better protect as an and has immigrant workers and to raise the worked in coalition with others for .8 The Workers’ broader based bargaining as well as Organising and Resource Centre in changes in immigration policies that Winnipeg is also a place that brings limit the citizenship and labour together advocacy on workers rights of domestic workers (Fudge rights, community organising and 1997; ILGWU and INTERCEDE union organising (Bickerton and 1993). Still unable to organise into a Stearns 2002). trade union in Ontario, domestic The significance of these workers have also sought to examples of contemporary organise a co-operative.7 community unionism becomes clear Community unionism is also from a more conceptual discussion about building the power of non- of community and union organising. unionized workers and the broader community (Ladd III. CONCEPTUALISING 1998; Leah 1999). Workers’ Centres COMMUNITY UNIONISM are often sites of building such power, through education, We conceptualise community networking and organising and unionism as occupying the centre creating broad solidarities. One range along a continuum of example is the Immigrant Workers community organising and union Centre/Centre des Travailleurs et organising. Here we contrast the Travalleuses Immigrant (IWC/CTI) currently dominant model of union founded in October 2000 in Montreal organising, , to to work with immigrants from South the community development mode and Southeast Asia, Eastern Europe, of community organising. We and the Caribbean who labour contrast these two ideal types, the below legal standards, including latter very process oriented and the home workers and domestic former now a model of workers. The IWC/CTI has three representation solidified in laws and main activities: 1) they give classes policies, because a greater focus on on education and rights, including processes of empowerment is labour history, labour laws and needed to build a stronger labour organising training; 2) they provide movement (Ladd 1998; Leah 1999).9 individual services to immigrant By specifying the ideal types on the workers and their families on issues 50 JUST LABOUR vol. 3 (Fall 2003) Forum on Precarious Employment end we can see the significance of Tucker, 128-132). Thus the early the hybrids in the middle. struggles of industrial unions include elements of community Industrial Unionism unionism, particularly but not Industrial unionism emerged exclusively among the radical gradually and unevenly and was unions. The radical unions were characterized by struggles both repressed by state, and employers between workers, employers and the only negotiated with the state and between competing ‘responsible’ industrial unions workers’ organisations.10 The (Fudge and Tucker 2001). Industrial Workers of the World (the The industrial labour relations Wobblies), particularly active among regime that emerged from these railway workers in the 1910s, struggles defined a narrower role for incorporated Asian and European industrial unions and their scope has immigrants and other seasonal been further tapered with renewed workers through transferable employer opposition. Initially the membership cards and a mobile industrial unions in the non- camp-delegate system (Avery 1979, competitive resource and 53). Born in Calgary in 1919, the manufacturing sectors had enough (OBU) was also an power to pressure employers to inclusive and radical organisation bargain at an industry wide level, that sought to bring together skilled but broader-based bargaining is not urban workers with unskilled guaranteed by collective bargaining immigrant workers, and their allies, legislation (Fudge and Tucker 2001, in strategic geographical areas 280-1). Labour board policy (Avery 1979, 59-61; 83-4; Palmer emphasizes the single employer, 1992, 190; 201). Organising in the single location mine towns of the Rocky Mountain (O’Grady 1991; Fudge 1993). Unions region, where employers made little in a weaker position in the economy distinction between the work life were never able to secure industry and home life of the immigrant wide agreements and by the 1990s miners, bridged the sites of employers broke with many of the workplace, neighbourhood and industry-wide agreements in the home and included the militant manufacturing and non-competitive participation of wives and resource sectors. sometimes children (Avery 1979, 57- Within this context, many 8; Woywitka 1978, 15). In the late industrial unions have become 1920 and 1930s, the communist organisations engaged in collective Workers’ Unity League also bargaining between an employer organised entire industries as well as and paid workers in a single the National Unemployed Workers workplace. The industrial model Association (NWUA) (Fudge and was not designed for workers who Cranford and Ladd 51 move between multiple, small of organising that can build working workplaces in the competitive class power at the base. sectors and does not provide an incentive for unions to organise Community Organising as Community these workers (Fudge 1993). Development Nevertheless, community unionism Anti-racist community organising re-emerges in times of crisis. For among immigrant women, and example, during strikes in mine and sometimes men, draws on a steel towns in the 1970s and 1980s community development wives committees mobilized philosophy of organising. This widespread support for the male organising also elevates how paid workers, which in turn racialized and gendered inequalities prompted a struggle over who was a intersect with class relations to member of the union (Luxton 1983 influence modes of working class also Lane 1983).11 Today we see new resistance (Das Gupta 1994; Carty forms of community unionism 1997). emerging, as fewer workers are able Community development refers to organise under the industrial to community work aimed at labour relations regime. enabling people from oppressed There is a growing awareness of groups to bring about change in the need for legislative reform so their lives, as women, as that collective representation is not immigrants, as people of colour and tied to a single employer at a single sometimes as members of the worksite. Temporary agency working class (Das Gupta 1986). workers, for example, labour in The goal of this kind of community multiple locations and switch from organising is not a specific demand one occupation to another (Vosko or benefit, although they do focus on 2000, 261). Self-employed specific issues and services. The contractors must first prove that goal is building community power. they are an “employee” in order to This is a particular philosophy of have access to collective bargaining how to build, and sustain, rights; but even if they are found to community power. It begins with be employees they may not be found personal empowerment. We can to be employees of the entity with define empowerment as the feeling the ultimate power over their wages that one has the capacity to affect and working conditions, for change (Ladd 1998, 13). But example, the garment retailer, the community development is a real estate developer or the process whereby individuals begin funding agency (Fudge to see personal problems as broader this issue). This important work on political issues and begin to think legislation reform is complemented about how to address those by studies focusing on the processes problems collectively. Personal 52 JUST LABOUR vol. 3 (Fall 2003) Forum on Precarious Employment empowerment pushes individuals to more closely at one “community take leadership in collective action. union.” However, the goal is not leadership of a few charismatic individuals. A IV. TORONTO ORGANISING FOR broad base of empowered FAIR EMPLOYMENT (TOFFE) individuals is thought to be more enduring, bringing potential for A closer look at one ‘community widespread social change (Das union’ illustrates the power of Gupta 1986, 12 and 37; Stall and drawing on aspects of both union Stoecker 1998). and community organising. Toronto Flowing from this philosophy of Organising for Fair Employment community development, methods (TOFFE) is a community-based of organising are heavily focused on group working with non-union critical learning and popular temporary agency and contract education tied to a critique of workers. These workers are in and systematic , sexism and out of work and constantly looking classism. It also includes collective for stable jobs (see also Lewchuck, problem solving and strategizing deWolff and King, this issue). Thus, and sometimes (Das like the early industrial unions, Gupta 1986; Ladd 1998,16). 12 TOFFE also organises the Networks of community-based unemployed. TOFFE consciously self-help organisations serving outreaches to recently arrived immigrants in Canada have been immigrant women and men of key sites of empowerment and anti- colour and sees their work as part of racist organising (Das Gupta 1986; a broader resistance to racialized Leah 1991). However, it is becoming and gendered class inequalities, as is more difficult for these organisations the case in much community to focus on empowerment in the organising. contemporary climate of funding A self-organising model guides cuts. TOFFE’s work. The self-organising These insights from the model integrates leadership training philosophy of community and education in all the work in development must be joined with a order to build the participation of more explicit focus on labour workers in TOFFE and, more organising. In particular, the early broadly, to build a culture of forms of industrial unionism organising around precarious combined with the philosophy of employment. The method of self- community development can help to organising involves workers in conceptualize an inclusive and strategizing to improve working powerful community unionism. This conditions in their own lives as well project is further aided by looking as in their sector. It highlights the links between critical learning, self- Cranford and Ladd 53 reflection and action, akin to the paid for a public holiday. Members philosophy of community of the Tamil committee had also development. However, unlike experienced this violation of the much community organising, Employment Standards Act and TOFFE also targets employers. expressed an interest in Creating a culture of organising participating in a campaign on this among temporary and contract issue. 15 TOFFE conducted an workers vís-a-vís employers has education and training session on required innovative organising and holiday pay with the workers and leadership building strategies. faxed a public information bulletin TOFFE seeks to develop worker on the statutory requirement of committees to lead the work.13 The payment for public holidays to over Tamil Temp Workers group has 300 temp agencies before Victoria developed into an active committee. Day. TOFFE staff and the committee The group has a range of members informed other temporary overlapping solidarities of sector, workers about their right to public geography, race-ethnicity and holiday pay, and urged them to get ; it is made up of Sri Lankan involved, through a segment on a Tamil women who live in Tamil radio station and by putting Scarborough and are primarily up English and Tamil posters assigned to light manufacturing around temp agencies, community temp work. The committee has centres, popular shopping places focused on several problems related and neighbourhoods. to the lack of enforcement of TOFFE has now assisted employment standards, including numerous temp workers in getting entitlements for vacation and outstanding holiday pay but the holiday pay and minimum 3-hour campaign also helped to build a base pay. They also have participated in of worker leadership. The training the campaign to raise the minimum helped the committee to demand wage in Ontario.14 holiday pay from the temporary The ways in which TOFFE links agencies. Committee members individual leadership development became more confident after to a broader base of worker securing their own rights and they involvement is best illustrated told others in their community through specific campaigns. A about their success. The group has campaign for public holiday pay, a grown in numbers as well as in its joint endeavour of the Tamil Temp leadership abilities. The posters Workers committee and the helped to educate a broader segment Downtown Temp Workers of temporary workers and TOFFE committee, is a case in point. The has received an increase in calls campaign began when a member of from temporary agency workers. the Downtown committee was not 54 JUST LABOUR vol. 3 (Fall 2003) Forum on Precarious Employment

Together, TOFFE and the Through this campaign TOFFE Worker's Information Centre and WIC have been able to build the (WIC)16 have been able to turn base of worker leadership. Other individual advocacy work into a workers in connection with TOFFE broader mobilization of non-union or WIC, such as temporary agency workers in a second campaign. The workers, unemployed workers and WIC and other community those who have taken on a bad boss organisations have received a as individuals, have come out to number of phone calls from, leaflet in support of the contractors. primarily recent immigrant, workers Many of the workers share selling high speed internet or digital experiences of racism as new cable services door-to-door hired by immigrants. Temporary and different sub-contractors who unemployed workers can also see contract with a large themselves as “self-employed” telecommunications company. contractors down the road and some Treated as “self-employed” by the have done such work in the past. sub-contractor, the workers were TOFFE and WIC organising has promised a commission for each sale made links between precarious they made. However, if the employment and the systemic customer cancelled their racism and discrimination faced by subscription a month or two later, these workers. the commission was taken away. In The goal of these campaigns is addition, many of the workers did not only to receive back pay or not get paid for any of the sales they holiday pay, although individual made. When the subcontractor was victories are very important. contacted, they blamed the client Through critical learning and company. When the client company teaching, through fighting back was contacted they said it was not against employers workers become their responsibility because they empowered. This personal were not the employer. The workers empowerment can lead to a culture felt that it was important for the of organising as workers support client company to take and mobilize one another and create responsibility. The WIC, Kensington new solidarities not tied to a single Bellwoods Legal Clinic and TOFFE worksite. The ultimate goal is assisted workers in making a related building a base of workers able to employers complaint to the Ministry demand fair employment. of Labour. This legal strategy was combined with a public campaign CONCLUSION including a press conference, leafleting and weekly phone-ins and Community-based labour mailings of postcards to the client organising efforts, like union- company. community alliances and renewed Cranford and Ladd 55 efforts at internal organising among NOTES recognized trade unions, are 1. Cynthia Cranford is a researcher with essential to strengthening the labour ACE and an assistant professor of movement. Indeed, the importance sociology, University of Toronto at of workers’ centres as a pre-union Mississauga. Deena Ladd is the strategy in immigrant communities coordinator of Toronto Organising for Fair Employment (TOFFE), a member of was recognized at the 2002 CLC ACE. Women’s Symposium. However, it 2. The concept of “community unions” is is important to examine community- influenced by work of O’Conner (1964a; based labour organising not only as 1964b). O’Conner argued that long-term a pre-union strategy but also unemployment required a based in communities rather than because the philosophies and workplaces and focused on creating jobs practices of these groups can rather than “getting the man his job contribute to a broader back.” O’Conner saw potential for the understanding of what a union is. student organisations as well as Bringing the community the immigrant social clubs operating in U.S. inner cities in the 1960s to become development philosophy into ‘community unions.’ debates on union renewal, combined 3. Our goal is to give some examples of the with an examination of practices of diversity of community unionism in organising across worksites, elevates Canada, rather than to evaluate the degree of success of each strategy. an understanding of community 4. The term “community unionism” has unionism as working class resistance also been used synonymously with social that is simultaneously anti-racist, movement unionism to refer to the need socialist and feminist. In this way, a to bring the movement aspect back into closer look at community-based the labour movement by focusing on both internal and external organising labour organising contributes to the rather than just servicing (Gindon 1998). important project to change labour There is a large literature on efforts law and legislation in a way that is within trade unions to “feminize unions” inclusive to all workers. (Briskin and McDermott 1993) to bring anti-racist organising and structures into unions (Leah 1999) and other strategies ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS of internal organising. In our brief review we focus only on external The authors would like to recognize the organising. For reviews of union research assistance of Krista Johnston. Some strategies to organise the un-organised of the ideas in this article were influenced by through alliances with community conversations and other collective work with groups see Ladd 1998; Leah 1999; members of the Community University Lévesque and Murray 2002; Yates 2002. Research Alliance on For U.S. reviews and case studies see (CURA), especially Pramila Aggarwal, Tania Cranford 2001; Luce 2001; Milkman 2000; Das Gupta, Judy Fudge, Mary Gellatly and Turner, Katz and Hurd 2001; Wilton and Leah Vosko. The views in this article and Cranford 2002. any mistakes are of course attributed to the 5. When the Ontario Progressive authors alone. Conservative government repealed the law allowing farm workers to organise a 56 JUST LABOUR vol. 3 (Fall 2003) Forum on Precarious Employment

trade union, the UFCW brought a 8. This information is from a pamphlet Charter challenge arguing that the describing their activities and supporters government was violating the farm and their newsletter, IWC Rumblings sent workers’ because to us by the IWC/CTI. employers were not penalized if they 9. Much of the union renewal literature retaliated against farm workers who instead contrasts various unionisms, joined or participated in trade unions. In such as , social Dunmore v. Ontario the Supreme Court unionism, or unionism. agreed that the exclusion of agricultural See Robinson 1994. Calls for union workers from collective bargaining renewal are largely calls for trade unions legislation interfered with their freedom to move along this continuum to the left to associate. The Court gave the Ontario through both mobilizing the membership government 18 months to pass a law that (internal organising) and organising non- protects agricultural workers’ right to union workers (external organising). In join and participate in trade unions practice, particular unions, as well as without retaliation from employers. community groups, fall at different However, the Court did not require that places along this continuum in different the agricultural workers be provided times in history. Community-based collective bargaining rights or the right to organising falls along a continuum as strike. In fact, Court precedent is clear well, from more groups such that collective bargaining is not included as OCAP to community agencies funded in freedom of association rights (Pothier by the government focusing largely on 2002: 3). The Ontario government passed servicing. See Stall and Stoecker 1998. the Agricultural Employees Protection 10. We can only highlight a few examples in Act (Bill 147), which does not give this complex history and we focus only agricultural workers the right to bargain on the community-based aspects of these collectively or strike and does not struggles and their inclusiveness. For include migrant farm workers. Justicia 4 more extensive historical accounts see Migrant Workers organised a campaign Avery 1979, Fudge and Tucker 2001, to challenge Ontario’s Bill 147 but was and Palmer 1992. unsuccessful in this endeavour. 11. There was also a resurgence of a 6. There is a large literature on community- geographical and inclusive community based labour organising outside of unionism in the as a recognized trade unions in the United response to de-industrialization in the States where a weaker labour movement 1980s; See Breecher and Costello 1990. combined with autonomous movements 12. One group that has, perhaps most and organisations of Black, successfully, joined individual Chicano/Latino and Asian Americans empowerment with collective organising have resulted in many workers centres and a broad notion of unionism is the and associations of immigrant workers Self-Employed Women’s Association in and workers of colour who are employed India (see Rose 1992). in precarious service and factory work, 13. One important result of the worker including day labour and paid domestic groups is the development of resource workers, temporary agency workers and materials that outline basic rights for garment workers (Mann 1998; NAFFE temporary agency and community 2002; Louie 2001; Hondagneu-Sotelo and contract workers, include tactics for how Riesgos 1997). to address specific problems and urge 7. This information is based on personal workers to get involved in TOFFE to communication with INTERCEDE staff come up with a strategy to address them. member Jo Campo, May 7, 2001. These materials are available in Tamil, Arabic, Somali and English. Cranford and Ladd 57

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