Jogo De Corpo: Capoeira E Ancestralidade&

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Jogo De Corpo: Capoeira E Ancestralidade& Book Reviews Corrido! The Living Ballad of Mexico’s ¡Corrido! is intended as a compan- Western Coast. John Holmes McDowell. ion to McDowell’s excellent book Poetry Albuquerque, NM: University of New and Violence: the Ballad Tradition of Mex- Mexico Press, 2015. 435 pp. ico’s Costa Chica (2000) in which the re- lationship between poetry and violence is Cathy Ragland explained though three modes of analy- University of North Texas sis: celebratory (violent deeds that mostly “Why do young men kill?” John Holmes young men are inspired to emulate), reg- McDowell begins by asking this question ulatory (a moral outcome to violent ac- in the preface of ¡Corrido! “For them, it is tions), and therapeutic (emotional release glorious to die like the heroes in the songs” for those directly or indirectly affected). (xiii), offers an informant from Costa McDowell argued for an integration of all Chica—a region located along the South- three, which he notes can shift depending ern Coast of Guerrero in Western Mexico. on performer, performance context, and The book’s collection of 107 heroic nar- reception. However, when it comes to his rative ballads (corridos)gatheredbetween “therapeutic” thesis, there is not much ev- 1972 and 1996 is, in essence, a forum for idence presented other than to say that it examining the ethos of a society that both is reflected in which stories are told and celebrates and condemns violent behavior. how they are told. In ¡Corrido! the reader For decades, and increasingly since is reminded of this framework (perhaps 1980, Guerrero has been plagued by vi- too often) throughout the book, reveal- olence and mayhem caused by politi- ing what he calls a “complex, multivocal cally motivated guerillas and drug cartels artistic product” (7), but we still are left who repress the local population and take wondering how it plays out among local refuge in the region’s rugged terrain. The performers and listeners. mass kidnapping and suspected murder of Aided by many more song texts with 43 students in the state in 2014 is unique translations, selected musical transcrip- for the global attention the story received, tions, and photographs, we travel to sev- but many more such stories are spun into eral intimate performance venues and are poetry, set to music, and shared locally in introduced to the predominantly Afro- public settings, such as restaurants, canti- mestizo musicians of the region. We learn nas, plazas, and markets, or at private so- how the personal lives of these individ- cial gatherings, such as birthday parties uals are so intricately intertwined with and weddings. the songs, which they either compose The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 189–207. ISSN 1935-4932, online ISSN 1935-4940. C 2017 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/jlca.12274 Book Reviews 189 themselves or adapt and uniquely and his “scribe,” meticulously transcrib- personalize—a vast oral tradition passed ing the songs they collect. But she is clearly on to them by family members, friends, an anomaly and McDowell notes that the neighbors, and acquaintances. The col- place of women in the tradition is as the lection opens with “Regional Standards.” “conscience of the community” and to These are songs in general circulation like “point out the patent insanity of the re- “Simon´ Blanco,” which simultaneously venge cycles depicted in the corridos of the represents the protagonist as a trouble- coast” (251). He notes a few such obser- maker and a victim of his own youth vations from informants and in songs, but (a scenario similar to many corridos says little about women in several corridos found throughout Mexico), stories of local presented in the book (“El corrido de oax- heroes (and anti-heroes) such as “Moises´ aqueno,”˜ “El corrido de Elyria Carmona,” Colon”´ and “Genaro Vazquez”´ alongside “El corrido de Matias Rojas”) as victims historic figures such as “Maximillano de of kidnapping and “bride capture,” a tra- Hapsburgo” (23–80). dition of stealing girls from their families. Subsequent chapters are organized ac- While girls’ families are certainly angered cording to McDowell’s fieldwork logic of by these acts, marriage typically diffuses connecting each song collected first to the the situation and all is forgotten. It is diffi- location, then the performer(s), and fi- cult to recognize a moral outcome or emo- nally,theplacewhereitwasrecorded. tional release for a community that finds Many of these informant/performers this practice acceptable. In fact, Juvencio worked with McDowell for more than reveals that he “captured” then married twenty years and, as readers, we benefit his wife (Meche’s mother). “She got used from his emic observations and descrip- to it,” he assures (127). tions of how these individuals live in and The violent turn that the contempo- through this tradition. One striking ex- rary Mexican corrido has taken in the ample is in Chapter three, titled “Juvencio past three decades—particularly the nar- and Meche Vargas.” Juvencio and Meche cocorrido of the northwest coast and in Vargas are a father/daughter team of am- Southern California—has overshadowed ateur folklorists who have dedicated their the Costa Chica tradition, though some lives and, in turn, that of their families to are accessible via YouTube and Internet the preservation of corridos of the Costa sites. However, outside of the work by Mc- Chica. As vibrant performers and enthu- Dowell, little has been known or heard siastic preservationists, McDowell recog- of these songs, save for a very few excel- nizes, at least in Juvencio, an appreciation lent recordings made in the 1960s and of the protagonist’s bravado. We know this 1970s and issued on the Mexican label not only because McDowell’s description Discos Corazon´ in the early 1990s. This of the singing is so emotionally charged, collection is a significant contribution to but in the photos by Patricia Glushko, we the vast corrido literature and the sur- see Juvencio’s face infused with pleasure as prisingly lean amount of research on liv- his body is filled with song. ing regional Mexican ballad traditions. Though an equally animated Meche Most significantly, McDowell offers stu- is a capable singer, we learn that she is dents of folklore, anthropology, and eth- primarily a mother, her father’s keeper, nomusicology a primer on data collection, 190 J ournal of L atin A merican and C aribbean A nthropology interview techniques, analysis, and the Haitian immigration experience. The value of maintaining fruitful and re- authors have also constructed the text warding long-term relationships in the to be appropriate for those in academia field. Sadly, McDowell’s research offers no and accessible for readers outside of the answer to his opening question, and, judg- academy who have a general interest in ing from recent events it is the violent acts Haiti, its people, and their rich religious of the local government that young men practices. have to fear most. Rey and Stepick organize this book by religion, presenting chapters dedicated solely to Catholicism, Vodou, and Protes- Crossing the Water and Keeping the tantism. Although the first three chapters Faith: Haitian Religion in Miami. Terry explore Catholic practice, they each ex- Rey Alex Stepick.NewYork:NewYorkUni- amine a different aspect of the religion: versity Press, 2013. 266 pp. the first focuses on Notre Dame d’Ha¨ıti Carissa Cullum in Little Haiti and Catholic practices University of Florida among lower class Haitians; the second on the relationship between middle class Crossing the Water and Keeping the Faith Haitian practitioners and Catholicism; is the result of its authors’ extensive and the third on the increasingly popu- ethnographic research conducted through lar Catholic Charismatic Renewal move- participant observation, interviews, and ment. The chapter on Vodouworks toward archival research in Miami, Florida, and destigmatizing the religion and explain- Haiti. During their immersion in Haitian ing why so few Haitians continue to prac- culture, authors Rey and Stepick witnessed ticeVodouuponarrivingintheUnited countless important religious events, in- States. Their insight reveals that many shed cluding rituals and ceremonies practiced Vodou practices to avoid marginalization within the context of the three major and the high costs of herbal remedies and religions the book examines: Catholicism, rituals provided by Vodou priests, known Protestantism, and Vodou. Through their as ougans and mambos. The book’s fi- observations of these three religions, the nal chapter presents premier ethnographic authors fulfill their goal of looking at studies of Pentecostalism in the Haitian di- Haitian religion as a whole, instead of aspora. All three religions have churches looking at different religions as separate that operate transnationally, a fact that be- structures that operate autonomously came evident as resources and aid were within the Haitian community. In ad- sent to Haiti and information returned to dition to observing these practices, they the United States following the 2010 earth- gathered information through interviews quake that struck just outside Haiti’s cap- with a number of Haitian immigrants ital of Port-au-Prince. living in the United States, from undocu- The authors acknowledge that be- mented parishioners to prominent figures cause they examine the three religions in within the community. This diversity tandem, rather than focusing exclusively of perspective allowed them to collect on one, they cannot present an in-depth valuable personal stories that portray analysis of any single religion. Neverthe- the role of religious practice within the less, they posit that the juxtaposition of Book Reviews 191 these religions allows them to explore shed light on the importance of religion their commonalities. Through this in the Haitian diaspora, they also recog- approach, they identify two traits that nize some of the significant accomplish- unify all Haitian churchgoers, regardless ments that the Haitian immigrant pop- of religious practice.
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