In the First Half of the Seventeenth Century, Korea Was Swept up in The

INTRODUCTION George Kallander n the first half of the seventeenth century, Korea was swept up Iin the shifting geopolitics of Northeast Asia. At the end of the sixteenth century, thanks to the assistance of China, Korea suc- cessfully defended the peninsula against invasion from Japan, but China paid a heavy price for the help it provided Korea as this endeavor, along with other costly expenditures, weakened China militarily and economically. At this crucial transition point in East Asian history, the Chosŏn dynasty (1392– 1910), a politically sta- ble and culturally vibrant kingdom that was among the most enduring dynasties in the world, ruled the Korean peninsula, while the Ming, one of the most powerful and long- lasting dynasties in Chinese history, ruled China. In accordance with the trib- utary system that had long governed the diplomatic relationship between China and Korea, Korea accepted subordinate status and paid tribute to China as a “superior.” Yet Ming’s weakening state eroded its superior status and created a vacuum into which stepped the Jurchen, a tribe residing in Northeast Asia that had ruled China in the past. Uniting under Nurhachi (1559– 1626) and adopt- ing the name “Manchu,” these mounted warriors would battle xi the Ming for domination of China, capture the capital of Beijing in 1644, and found the Qing dynasty (1644– 1912).1 Before advancing toward Beijing, the Manchu went south to deal with Korea. The second Manchu leader, Hung Taiji, attacked across the Chosŏn frontier in 1627, demanding that Chosŏn’s King Injo sever diplomatic relations with the Ming. While this move forced Chosŏn to formally ally with the Manchu, the Chosŏn dynasty never fully accepted the Manchu as a replacement for the Ming and continued their support of China. King Injo even openly refused to honor the promise he had made in 1627 to be loyal to the Manchu and rejected official communication from them. He also allowed Ming generals into Korean territory and welcomed Ming envoys at his court, which exacerbated the situation. To punish the Chosŏn dynasty for breaking their oath, a much more formidable Manchu army attacked the peninsula in 1636– 1637. In contemporary North and South Korean historiography, the first attack is known as the “invasion of the cyclical year 1627” and the second as the “invasion of the cyclical year 1636– 1637.”2 These attacks were seismic events in Chosŏn history, with long- term consequences. They fortified anti- Manchu sentiment, stimulated proto- national consciousness, and began a process that would turn Koreans away from the over- glorification of Chinese civili- zation to focus their attention on cultural developments in Korea.3 Narrating Korea’s Manchu Experience: Na Man’gap and The Diary of 1636 The Diary of 1636 (Pyŏngjarok) is one of the best- known Korean accounts of the second Manchu assault (the invasion of the cyclical year 1636–1637). 4 Written by a demoted member of the court who was living in exile and was a keen observer, Na Man’gap’s INTRODUCTION Diary details the unprecedented domestic and international cri- xii ses faced by the Chosŏn dynasty. At roughly forty- three thousand characters, Na Man’gap’s work is the longest known nonofficial source on the Manchu invasion. Na wrote the first half of the diary during the attack, as a day- by- day narrative of events he witnessed directly. These include the Manchu demands that Korea honor the 1627 oath of allegiance, the debate at the Chosŏn court over war or peace, the Manchu military attack and Chosŏn resistance, King Injo’s retreat to Namhan Mountain, the siege of the fortress, the negotiations, the surrender of Chosŏn, and the political and military consequences of defeat. In the second half of the diary, which he most likely composed and edited between 1641 and 1642 from oral stories and written documents collected after 1637, Na added political nuance and commentary, sometimes praising, sometimes criticizing those who fought on the battlefield or argued at the court over loyalty to the king. He also offered moralistic tales of individual bravery or deception. Here, Na narrates the war and its aftermath in the areas outside of Namhan Mountain Fortress, including the capture of Kanghwa Island— where Crown Prin- cess Consort Minhoebin (1611– 1646), who was the wife of Crown Prince Sohyŏn (1612– 1645), and other members of the royal family and the elite had fled. Also included are stories of military campaigns along the northern and western regions of Chosŏn, the Manchu treatment of prisoners of war, and the post- invasion debates over Manchu collusion and the proper Confucian etiquette demanded of Koreans in times of war. The diary is of particular interest because of Na’s training and his detailed attention. At one point in his career, he served as a diarist for the Office of Royal Decrees (Kŏmyŏl), and he used his professional skills when writing the diary. There are multiple Korean records of the Manchu wars. One INTRODUCTION well- known source is the Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Dynasty (Chosŏn wangjo sillok; hereafter referred to as Sillok), which provides the official government court records of daily affairs, alongside a collection of the major debates, discussions, deci- sions, and actions of the king and his bureaucracy. Other xiii primary sources include the Records of the Royal Secretariat (Sŭngjŏngwŏn ilgi) and the Records of the Border Defense Command (Pibyŏngsa tŭngnok)— official government chronicles that frequently reflect Sillok materials. Beyond the court, the trauma of the Manchu attacks compelled witnesses to record their involve- ments, and a number of diaries navigate the experiences of those who lived through these events as they attempted to make sense of the chaos of war.5 For instance, the Collected Works of Nagŭm (Nagŭm munjip), by Nagŭm, the brush name of To Kyŏngyu (1596– 1636), describes the period from the 1627 attack through 1636. One of the scholarly officials who attended the crown prince on the 1627 retreat south, To Kyŏngyu was serving the government when he was struck by a bullet and killed during the second attack. The work he left behind was not published until 1906, after it had emerged as a valuable resource for researchers. Mun Chaedo (1575– 1643), a military officer who fought in 1627 and 1637, wrote Namhan Recorded by Hand (Namhan surok), a piece about his experience of the first attack, compiled in theCollected Works of Hyu Hŏn (Hyu Hŏn munjip). The official Sŏk Chihyŏng (1610– ?) composed the Historical Records on Namhan (Namhan haewirok) and The Diary of Namhan (Namhan ilgi). Another valuable resource is the diary by Nam Kŭp (1592– 1671), known by such titles as The Diary of Namhan Mountain Fortress (Namhan ilgi), The Record of 1636 (Pyŏngja ilgi), and The Diary of Nalli (Nalli ilgi). Nam man- aged the palace kitchen (saongwŏn pongsa) and accompanied King Injo to Namhan Mountain Fortress in 1637. His diary cov- ers a period of four months, including various events on Kang- hwa Island and the activities of important scholars and officials. At least two other diaries were written by people living outside the capital: Record of Kanghwa Island (Kangdorok), a short anony- mous description of the Manchu assault of the island, and The Diary of Kanghwa Island (Kangdo ilgi) by Ŏ Hanmyŏng (1592– ŏ INTRODUCTION 1648), which provides insights on Chos n reactions to the attack xiv and the defenses of the island. Taken together, these sources portray a transitional moment for politics and society in the Chosŏn dynasty from inside and outside the circles of power. Na Man’gap’s Diary of 1636 is an important source of unofficial history, or yasa, a notion Na humbly dismissed. Distinct from the didactic or sterile dynastic records that chronicled the daily matters of the bureaucracy, yasa is described by the historian Kim Kyŏngsu as historical sources that record an author’s personal views, often about contentious issues and events of the day.6 Chosŏn- era writers certainly accepted Na’s diary as an unofficial history. For instance, the scholar Yi Kŭngik (1736– 1806) included it in his section of yasa when composing his historical compila- tion of the Chosŏn dynasty.7 This makes it clear that the diary cir- culated among a handful of scholars, although the reception of the work immediately after Na’s death in 1642 is uncertain. As he was out of favor with the court when he wrote it, Na had the free- dom to explore events without fear of political retribution and could thereby offer an alternative view from the official sources. Not all diaries were considered yasa by Chosŏn- era scholars. Most likely a number of factors contributed to the privileging of some over others: the nature of the events covered in the work, the official position of the writer in the government and his political reputation, the literary quality of the writing, and the passing of time. As sources disappeared, and those who witnessed the events passed away, the works that remained became important for the retelling of the past. Na’s position at Namhan Mountain Fortress as witness to the invasion, and his deep familiarity with the political and military situation, contribute to the significance of his diary. Na may have also underestimated the extent to which the diary INTRODUCTION could serve as a source for Manchu and Chinese history. The work describes the early period of Manchu development and expansion around the activities and personalities of key Manchu figures— such as Hung Taiji and his family members who accompanied him to Korea, and top Manchu generals Ingguldai and Mafuta— who xv appear frequently throughout the diary.

Load more