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What I Wish My College Students Already Knew About PRC History

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What I Wish My College Students Already Knew About PRC History Social Education 74(1), pp 12–16 ©2010 National Council for the Social Studies What I Wish My College Students Already Knew about PRC History Kristin Stapleton ifferent generations of Americans understand China quite differently. This, Communist Party before 1949 because of course, is true of many topics. However, the turbulence of Chinese they believed its message of discipline Dhistory and U.S.-China relations in the 60 years since the founding of the and “power to the people” could unify People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 has deepened the gaps in generational the country, defeat the Japanese invad- thinking about China.1 If you came of age in the America of the 1950s and 1960s, ers, and sweep out the weak, corrupt you remember when China seemed like North Korea does today—isolated, aggres- Nationalist government. sive, the land of “brain washing.” If you first learned about China in the 1970s, Like Wild Swans, other memoirs then perhaps, like me, you had teachers who were inspired by Maoist rhetoric and of the Red Guard generation explore believed young people could break out of the old culture of self-interest and lead why children born after the Communist the world to a more compassionate future. The disillusion that came with more “Liberation” of China in 1949 put such accurate understanding of the tragedies of the Great Leap Forward and Cultural faith in Mao and his ideas.2 Certainly Revolution led some of us to try to understand China more fully. Many of my the cult of personality played a major college-age students, though, seem to have dismissed most PRC history as just role. The education system relent- another part of the bizarre failed story of world Communism. For current sec- lessly drove home the message that ondary students, the spectacle of the 2008 Olympics and the skyline of bustling Chairman Mao was the source of all Shanghai may make both Mao and the 1989 Tiananmen Square violence seem China’s blessings. But through vivid sto- irrelevant to today’s China. ries like “The Foolish Old Man Who Moved the Mountain,” Maoism also These students will encounter dis- key events, people, and terms I would inspired people with a sense that they parate views of China among various want students to know about. could change the world, an irresistibly generations of Chinese and American (1) The significance of Maoism. attractive idea to young people.3 Even as observers. That poses a challenge to Maoist ideas, no matter how firmly they it seemed to empower people, however, teachers. To help students integrate appear to have landed in the dustbin Maoism elevated self-sacrifice on behalf the disparate accounts, we must teach of history, had a tremendous appeal to of the masses to the position of supreme them to understand the radical transfor- many people in China and abroad. virtue. That message enabled Mao and mations that have marked the 60-year In 2005, Knopf published Mao: The the Gang of Four to induce 12 million history of the PRC. I know that, with Unknown Story by Jung Chang (author Red Guards to volunteer to leave the a crowded curriculum, secondary teach- of the bestseller Wild Swans, Simon & cities for hard labor in the countryside, ers will not have time to delve into Schuster, 1991) and her husband, Jon once these young people had helped the fascinating details of post-1949 Halliday. The authors argue that Mao overthrow Mao’s political adversaries Chinese history, as I do. But, setting Zedong (1893-1976) was an evil man in the Great Proletarian Cultural aside its intrinsic interest to students and his regime was as bad or worse Revolution. The usefulness of the mes- of the “human condition,” China is than Hitler’s Germany or Stalin’s USSR. sage of sacrifice for the people is one increasingly important in the lives of While that is an interesting topic for reason why, in 1981, the Communist Americans and deserves considerably debate, the book makes no attempt to Party officially determined that Mao’s more attention in K-12 education than explain why the Maoist message was policies after 1949 had been 70 per- it usually receives. If I could shape the so powerful. Ironically, Wild Swans cent correct and 30 percent incorrect, secondary curriculum on PRC his- demonstrates the attraction of Maoist maintaining Mao Zedong Thought as tory, I would stress the following five ideology very well in the case of Chang’s a pillar of Party rule even as it repudi- main themes. I’ve marked in bold the parents, who joined the Chinese ated the Cultural Revolution. Social Education 12 The 70-30 judgment remains the offi- cial PRC verdict on Mao’s contributions as leader. Openly challenging it is forbid- den. The bloody crackdown that ended the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests underlined the Party’s determination to resist political liberalization. However, the number of people from all over China who visit Mao’s mausoleum in Tiananmen Square suggests that many continue to respect and admire Mao and the Communist revolution he led. Few of Mao’s writings are required reading anymore, but rising income inequality in post-Mao China is leading some people to lament the displacement of Mao’s egalitarian vision.4 (2) Experiments in governance. Since 1949, PRC leaders have experimented with different ways of organizing the gov- ernment and giving ordinary people a role in it. Most striking, recently, have been the growth in the size of the Communist Party and the security apparatus since 1989, and the growing sophistication with which the state controls dissent. Maoist mass campaigns such as the Great Leap Forward (1958-61) and Cultural Revolution (1966-76) were inspired, in part, by an awareness of the dangers of entrenched and unresponsive bureaucracy, a concern that had been part of Chinese political thought ever since centralized bureaucracy was invented in the Qin period (221-206 BCE). Mao’s This statue of Mao Zedong in Lijiang, Yunnan province, built in 1993 to commemorate Mao’s 100th birthday, is one of a few still left in the country. (Tedd Levy, 2008) speeches include many warnings against “bureaucratism” and calls for the Party to learn from the people and develop policy in accord with the mass line. Experiments with village elections test and nip it in the bud by identifying Urging officials to get “close to the peo- have not convinced the Party that more and denouncing convenient scapegoats, ple” and rewarding those who did was formal democratic practice will serve arresting “ringleaders,” and subject- considered preferable to the “bourgeois its main goals: maintenance of stabil- ing participants to intimidating police democracy” of the U.S., where—Chinese ity and its own hold on power. Some interviews.6 The Communist Party has were taught—a small group of wealthy journalists and lawyers have begun loosened its membership criteria to take men controlled who got elected. publicizing cases of official abuse and in potential rivals. Membership in the Political leaders in the post-Mao era corruption, but the legal system does Party no longer requires a commit- still struggle with how to control the not guarantee their safety if their targets ment to Marxism or Maoism; instead, bureaucracy and keep the people (all 1.3 are sufficiently well connected. it promises access to economic and billion of them) relatively satisfied. In The frequency of popular protest political opportunities. Current mem- an era of economic decentralization and against local governments both on the bership is over 70 million. In a move volatility, appointed officials at all levels ground and on the Internet has risen that should have made Mao roll over in of government have a great deal of power, rapidly since the late 1990s, but so too his crystal sarcophagus, the government and many are accused of corruption.5 has the state’s capacity to monitor pro- has revived Confucian discourse, in January / February 2010 13 which Chinese are encouraged, not to had been crippled by years of warfare decentralized and targets for growth carry out class struggle, but to build and a severely inflated currency. The became more realistic. By the 1970s, a harmonious society that it promises Land Reform it immediately carried many farmers had opted out of col- will be superior to litigious, contentious out was effective although often very lectivized farming altogether, striking “Western” society.7 brutal. Following Soviet practice, the bargains with the commune leadership (3) Economic development. The eco- Party began the collectivization of that left them free to manage land as they nomic boom of the past 30 years has agriculture and nationalization of wished. After Mao died in 1976, his been built on a combination of sup- industry and trade in the 1950s. The successor Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997) portive government policy and entre- Great Leap Forward saw the Party part- promulgated the “responsibility sys- preneurship among millions of Chinese. ing ways with the USSR. Mao called for tem” that legalized the sort of contrac- How long it can continue at its recent the creation of large-scale communes in tual arrangements already in use in the pace is an open question. Some think which private property was largely abol- countryside. In industry, township and the size of China’s domestic market will ished and labor allocated by plan. This, village enterprises (TVEs) also shifted insulate it from global economic down- he believed, would release the energies from collective to contractual manage- turns. Others stress China’s integration of the masses and allow the Chinese ment, and China’s industrial boom was in and vulnerability to world markets.
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