Down in Davenport: the Social Response of Antebellum Elites To

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Down in Davenport: the Social Response of Antebellum Elites To Book Reviews 674 MARG' ANDERS'N, ]' The American Census:A socialHistory, by samuel p Hays 677 MtcHaEr place MaRrorur,eo., A of Sense:Essays in Searchof the Midwest, by JamesH. Madison 678 Ntcous pr Down in Davenport: Frvirls, An Accountof t]yley Louisiana,by ThomasAuge 680 Ronrnr M' urr-Ey Caaalier .in suirs*ii: GeorgeArmstiong CusteranT the WesternMilitary Frontier,by paul L. Heiren The SocialResponse of Antebellum 68r uARyCLAyroN ANDERSoN aNo AlaN R. WoolwonrH, EDS.,Through !ak91aEyes:_Narratiae Accounts of the MinnesotaIndian Wor'fi-ISAZ, Elites to RegionalUrbanizatron by Herbert T. Hoover 682 THovesVTNNUM, WiId people, JR., Riceand the Ojibway by RobertJ. Gough 683 serrv McMuxxv,Families and Farmhousls in Nineieenti-iiitiii'a*rriro,, VernacularDesign and SocialChange, by Julie noy TrrraorsyR. Mauoxry 686 joHw leii.ef- A. Jaxlr, Ronrnr W BesrnN. eNb ocjucr-es K. Irfifi: Common Housesin America'ssmall Towns:The Atlantic seaboard'to-ihLe _ MississippiVaIIey, by Allen G. Noble BETWEEN 1835 AND 1858 a small group of entrepreneurs, 688 M. JoHrv CoccEsuar-iel.rn Jo ArvruENrsr, vernacularArchitecture in led by town founder Antoine LeClaire, guided Davenport's Southernlllinois: The EthnicHeritage, by Gerald M;rh;i; 689 CHanrEsE.onsrn, Jx, The Material aazii oi tneirriarttii-iiii"t economic development from a small frontier outpost to a sig- Plantation:Historicar Archaeology in the south Carorimaiiiiio"t, nificant regional entrep6t with metropolitan ambitions.l Not by RonaldL. F. Davis. 691 surprisingly, this economic elite sought, at the same time, to BARBARABrvrNc Lor.rc,Des Moines and polk County:FIag on the prairie, by KeachJohnson give their economic status a social dimension. While LeClaire 693 JuonH srelaNprR, Grandplans: progressiaism Business and.-----'social change and his associateswere establishing their businessesand for- in Ohio'sMiami Valley,1,890_1929, by Miureen Ogf" 694 popurar mulating and achieving their local economic goals, they also R'BERTL. GaNaeoNla,ert and Reiigionin EuanfericarAmerica, . 1915-1940,by ErlingJorstad worked to define themselves as a distinctive social group and to 696 BnvcEE. NEr_sor.r, public GoodSchools:The Seattle SchoolSystem, acquire social control over others in town. After arriving in the 1901-1930,by Caroll Engelhardt 697 wavruED. R^lsuu-ssEN.,Taking"the people: early and mid-1830s, they had gradually emerged, through Llniaersityto the -seuenty-fiae - - - -'r Yearsof CooperatiaeExtension, by Kathlrine JellsJn competition, as the relative winners in the local economy. As 699 JeNrr PoppEruorrcxBreadlines , xrrrjo)ip in wheat: FoodAssistance in the winners, they were quick to translate their economic power GreatDepression, by David E. Hamiiton into 7ol - HrrgnvA. WALLACEaruo wrLLrav L. BRowN,Corn and ItsEarly Fathers, social leadership: they were "in," others were "out"; they con- peter by SaraR. Petersonand A. peterson trolled, others followed. Gradually, local society became differ- PaeRLarRc,T9w1.rd a WeIt_FedWorld, Z9? Pq" by Roy V. Scott entiated into groups performing various functions 7o4 HistoricMissouri: A pictoriar Narratiae,uv Wittiain E. parrish and dif- 706 C'rpnonoE. Cmnr, ro.,Minnesota ferentiated by wealth, occupation, J*, in i centuryof Change:o -The '- stateand institutional affiliation, Its Peo_pleSince_1900, by patrickNunnally 708 ^ experience, and origin. Those who came from similar social srEvrru,J.Krrr-lon,,Hy armar'petersen ot' Minneiota: The poriticsof prouincial Independence,by peter T. Harstad environments and who had achieved similar levels of wealth 709 ANNEBosANKo Gnriru, one woman'swar: LettersHome from the women,s pooled their economicresources through partnershipsand joint Arnry Corps,1944-1.946, by Nancy Dem investment ventures, formed institutions and private clubs, and Book Notices 711 MeRy BoyruroruCowony no., The Checkeredyears: A BonanzaFarm Diary, 1884-1888,by SaraBrooks Sundbere 1.1described Davenport's early economic development and the elite's eco- 7 | | RoaeRr Twovsr,y, io., Louissuiliaan: The papers, patricia iubtic by Eckhardt nomic strategies for controlling it in "Down in Davenport: A Regional per- 712 Canor GonveN, America'sFarm Crisis,by Earl M. Ros'ers spective on Antebellum Town Economic Development," Annals of lowa (Summer 1990), 451-74. THE ANNALS OF IOWA 50 (Fall 1990). @The State Historical Societv of Iowa, 1990. s93 .,11 THE ANNALS OF IOWA D0lL1l1 lt1 ULuellport 3 intermarried with each other's families. Through such strate- aware of the inefficienciesof the steamboatsystem and, given giesthey began to define themselvesas the town,s socialelite. their lack of investment in that system, their relative lack of Initially, the dynamics of this local process of social devel- influence in further developing transPortation to and frorn opment followed the early course of the town,s economic town. Possessinga locational advantage in their trade with Chi- development as, first, a local depot and then a market town or cago, and suspectingthat eastern goods would be cheaperin subregional central place. Located across the river from Rock the Windy City, Davenport's elite quickly abandoned the Island, Davenport was founded in 1832 by Antoine LeClaire steamboat system and agreed to contribute to financing the to and George Davenport, Sr. It quickly emerged in the next dec- construction of the Rock Island Railroad from Chicago ade as the dominant market town along the Great Bend in the Davenport. trade shifted to Mississippi River. At first the town remained a simple depot for Soon after the railroad's arrival in 1854, of the signifi- the sparsely settled hinterland, a stopping-off point for immi- the east, and Davenport, suddenly the railhead an economic boom. Produc- grants into lowa, as well as a steamboat stop along the line cant artery of trade, experienced and corn soared, land values rose, between St. Louis and Galena. As more settlers entered the tion and export of wheat expanded, wealth increased, and the backcountry, however, merchants from New york, Cincinnati, money in circulation of travelers and immigrants coming into town and St. Louis arrived in Davenport to supply ihem. Within a number dramatically. The town's population also rose few years,the sale of farmers'produce into the market at Dav- increased quickly, reaching fifteen thousand within three years.The town enport signaled the town's integration into the regional econ- flooded with entrepreneurs from Chicago and the East omy centered at St. Louis, where merchants increasingly was also seeking to establish both merchant stores and small industries. bought merchandise,sold produce, and banked. In 1g41 Dav- As they did, they put the older factories out of business, com- enport became a supplier of wheat and produce in the regional peted against local merchants, and subsumed local sovereignty marketplace. By mid-decade it had become a significant export io the control of metropolitan managers. A financial crisis center for hinterland production, and a few years after that, it ensued, and after the civil war the railhead functions followed achieved self-sufficiency in flour production. As the center of the roads farther west. As a result, Davenport's economy re- wheat production in the valley moved north into Davenport,s treated to its local central place function, stripped of its local immediate hinterland, the town's role in the regional economy dynamics of development and compelled simply to respond to began to expand, then change. While towns downriver faced metropolitan directives.2 relative declines in the produce trades, activity at Davenport This new broader range of economic strategiesand actions surgedfrom 1851 through 1853.As it did, merchantsand cipi- shifted the pattern and dynamics of social development in talists flooded the town, setting in motion a strong population Rather than focusing entirely on consolidating local increase. town. power within a known society according to a presumably_local Once Davenport merchants had consolidated their local pto."rr of social development, Davenporters were compelled to control, they found themselves competing across their hinter- interact with a broader range of people from acrossthe region' lands with merchants and entrepreneurs from other nearby In some casesthese contacts occurred within the town itself market towns. Members of the burgeoning local elite conse- through interactions with newcomers who came to Davenport quently had to balancelocal economicactions against the con_ to make a new life. But they also came while visiting friends or stant need to formulate strategiesof action that would main_ tain, expand, or redefine the town's economic role within the R. Mahoney,Riaer Towns in the Greatwest: The structure of Pro' regional system. 2. Timothy In particular, as the volume of trade to and aincialllibanization in theAmerican Midwest, 1.820-1870 (New York,1990), from town increased, local merchants became increasingly 246-49:idem, "Down in Davenport,"457-74' JYb IHE ANNALS OF IOWA Down in Dauenport 597 conducting business throughout the region or through corre- AT EVERY STAGE in Davenport's development, the mer- spondence or the newspapers. Either way, these en-"counters chant and professional elite stood at the center of decision mak- provided the information that shaped their broader socialstrat- ing and action in dealing with the region. In Davenport, as in egiesof action in the larger regionar society.on the one hand, many other western towns, the members of the elite were gen- as members of Davenport's
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