ÉOCARREFOUR VOL 78 2/2003 129 Michael DARROCH New Orleans in Montréal : The McGill University ( M o n t r é a l ) Cradle of Jazz in the City of F e s t i v a l s
A B S T R A C T Montréal and New Orleans are cities1 c l o s e l y politanism and cultural vitality of the two cities This paper explores associated with the character of festive celebration. with such an endorsement of the largely representations of New Festivity is an intrinsic part of the urban imaginary fabricated, shared cultural heritage of these two Orleans and Louisiana music that these cities sustain through a variety of regions of postcolonial French North America. This at the Festival International narrative discourses. For many, New Orleans, paper attempts to trace the discursive place-myth de Jazz de Montréal nestled in the balmy nook of the Mississippi delta, of New Orleans as the "cradle of jazz" and that of between 1999 and 2001. It conjures up innumerable romantic images of the Montréal as a "city of festivals" in order to questions how Louisiana mythic "cradle of jazz" and its Mardi Gras f e s t i v a l , understand the representation of New Orleans and Québec have used these enveloped by the spicy regional culture of music in the context of the Festival international de representations to construct Louisiana with its own unique mixtures of musical jazz de Montréal from 1999 to 2001. In this way, I cultural affinities between and culinary traditions. Montréal, the bilingual and investigate the ways in which images of New their francophone histories, multicultural island at the mouth of the St. Orleans and Louisiana culture are appropriated to drawing specifically on the Lawrence River, is conceived as the centre of foster a sense of shared cultural heritage primarily tourist place-images of Canada and Québec’s haute culture, alongside its between the francophone histories of the regions, Montréal and New Orleans own carnivalesque quality epitomised today in its as well as to promote the tourist place-images of as cities of festive renowned summer festivals. Moreover, the history both New Orleans and Montréal as spaces for celebration. First, I frame of both cities is riddled with juxtapositions of their festive celebration. narratives of New Orleans as cultural sophistication and cosmopolitanism to the mythic "birthplace of sleaze, vice and sin-characteristics closely linked to As a form of cultural expression, the music of New jazz" and those of Montréal the proliferation of jazz music. Thus, in Orleans evokes complex notions of authorship and as a "city of festivals" to differentiated but comparable ways, each city i n v e n t i o n : the profoundly seductive image of turn- demonstrate how the enchants the newcomer with visions of high of-the-century New Orleans as the creative scene cultural practice of jazz joins cultural specialities, yet promises simultaneously in which jazz music germinated. In the broader images of the sinful and the the possibility of promiscuity and unbridled image of greater Louisiana, predominantly festive in each city’s urban l i c e n c e . fostered by the tourist industry, the idea of New imaginary. Second, I Orleans as the "cradle of jazz" is additionally bound examine how the origins of Although these cities, as well as the greater up with common perceptions of a French- jazz in New Orleans merge regions of Québec and Louisiana, are indeed influenced regional culture, where various musical with discourses of cultural linked by their French colonial past, they have styles such as Cajun and Zydeco are asserted to be authenticity and tradition in remained largely disconnected both culturally and traditional and, therefore, culturally authentic. First, greater Louisiana, and how economically throughout most of the 19t h and 20t h I wish to outline aspects of the mythologized such representations are centuries, despite an increasing mutual interest place-image of New Orleans by examining seen to be truthfully between the regions since the 1960s (Hero, 1995). discourses of authorship and invention, celebrated in Montréal as a Nevertheless, the mythology of heritage shared authenticity and tradition, foremost with respect to creative, French city with an between the regions is strong, for example, in the the origins of jazz, but also necessarily to the open nightlife. I conclude story of the French Acadians’ expulsion from Nova cultural dynamism of greater Louisiana. To this with the argument that the Scotia by the British in the mid-1700s. Tales such end, I draw on narrative, historical and folkloric joint marketing of each city’s as the legend of Evangeline, the poem written by accounts of New Orleans as jazz’s breeding festive place-image at the Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (1847) about two ground and juxtapose these to the emergence of a jazz festival has occurred lovers separated by the deportation, lend unified symbolic representation of Louisiana within a logic of tourism that themselves well to a longstanding sense of a culture. Second, I investigate the appropriation of has sought to construct a diasporic community spread out in the Mississippi New Orleans’ place-image in the promotion of Francophone diaspora in basin. These stories have taken on an integral Montréal as a place where "traditional" New North America, despite the function in the promotion of Franco-Louisiana as a Orleans music may be "authentically celebrated" - negligible cultural, tourist destination (Le Menestrel 1999, p. 2 7 8 - 3 1 6 ) . a celebration justified in part by the assertion of economic, and even Although the use of French has been endangered francophone cultural links between Québec and historical contact between in Louisiana to a much greater degree than in Louisiana. It is important, first, to outline some the regions. Québec, comparable discourses of cultural definitions of the notion of place-image before preservation and protection are found in both moving to the specific case studies. KEY WORDS r e g i o n s . Montréal, New Orleans, PLACE-IMAGES AND PLACE-MYTHS place-images, tourist Since 1999, the State of Louisiana has invested marketing, jazz festivals, substantially in the Festival international de jazz de The notion of place-image has been developed as cultural authenticity. M o n t r é a l in a bid to promote tourism between the much by cultural and urban geographers as by regions. The Government of Québec warmly urban planners and marketers. In the sphere of R É S U M É welcomed this initiative "to strengthen cultural and urban geography, Tim Hall defines "place-image" Ce travail analyse les heritage ties with the most French-influenced state as a "simplified, generalised, often stereotypical, représentations culturelles in the U.S.", as claimed one press release targeting impression that people have of any place or area" nées de la présence de la Americans (Québec Update, 2000, p. 2). Promo- (Hall, 1998, p. 119). Rob Shields, in his astute social Nouvelle-Orléans et de la tional material from both the Festival and the analysis of spatial and geographical perception, Louisiane au Festival respective regional governments, as well as media defines "place-images" as "the various discrete International de Jazz de reception of the collaboration, often blur the meanings associated with real places or regions Montréal entre 1999 et 2001. discourses and myths surrounding the cosmo- regardless of their character in reality" (Shields, 130 VOL 78 2/2003 New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals
1991, p. 60). Place-images are thus constituted by listen careful for he’s playing something that Il étudie la manière dont le both denotative and connotative mythical sounds like both. I cannot make out the tune and Québec et la Louisiane ont meanings, which collectively can develop into a then I catch on. He’s mixing them up. He’s playing construit un héritage broader place-myth (ibid., p.61). Geoff Stahl, in his the blues and the hymn sadder than the blues and partagé ainsi que des analysis of Montréal’s contemporary Anglo- then the blues sadder than the hymns. That is the affinités culturelles Bohemia scene, elaborates on Shields’ descrip- first time I ever heard hymns and blues cooked up contemporaines entre leurs t i o n : "Place-images are rooted in idiosyncratic t o g e t h e r" (Ondaatje, 1976, p. 80-81). histoires francophones, au symbolic and imaginative frameworks which help travers des "images de to embed individuals and groups in a particular In this image, Buddy Bolden is seen as unique, as lieux" touristiques de place and at the same time serve as framing an inventor - the first and only player capable of Montréal et de la Nouvelle- mechanisms that encourage or circumscribe mixing blues and funeral hymns into a new form. Orléans comme villes cultural activity and expression. Place-images A strong sense of authenticity accompanies this festives. J’introduis tout function in tandem with myth-making to establish m u s i c : he is not playing as an act of performance, d’abord la notion de a city-as-sign" (Stahl, 2001, p.117). but playing "his blues" naturally, a form of pure "l’image de lieu" touristique personal expression to relieve his grief. Here, the - le cadre de significations ou Place-images, therefore, are not necessarily onlooker, a privileged witness to an otherwise de narrations diverses congruous with the notions of "cognitive private occasion, makes an implicit comparison associées à un lieu ou une mapping" or "mental souvenirs", concepts between Bolden’s improvisation and the more région - avant de me frequently drawn upon to describe the social familiar image of his crowd-pleasing performan- pencher sur les discours de perception of urban spaces. ces, of "the men that dance to him and the women la Nouvelle-Orléans en tant that idolize him". Furthering his authenticity, a que "berceau du j a z z" Image building and the promotion of places is mystical aura enshrouds Bolden’s "strange music" mythique, héritage qui fait furthermore an essential ingredient in urban as Dude Botley continues his account : "I’m sort of référence à son caractère marketing strategies. An analysis of media or scared because I know the Lord don’t like that festif autant qu’à son promotional material alone is insufficient to mixing the Devil’s music with His music. But I still caractère tabou, originaire discern the means by which tourists construct an listen because the music sounds so strange and I des bordels. Cette notion image of a particular place, as both common guess I’m hypnotised" (i b i d ., p. 81). This mystique d’authenticité culturelle s’est knowledge and individual experiences can broadly finally places Bolden in a position of power or d’ailleurs étendue à toute la Louisiane pour englober les influence the impressions formulated of a a u t h o r i t y : a musician capable of manipulating musiques francophones destination (Ashworth and Voogd, 1990). Never- devilish and sacred musics, seducing the listener "cadienne" et "zydeco" theless, while the production of urban place- into a mesmerised state of being. images is a complex and subtle process that in parallèlement aux efforts de préservation culturelle de la many ways defies observation, the goal in this Accounts of the origins of jazz music such as this part des folkloristes et des paper is to consider the types of narrative one are consistently framed in attempts to identify élus qui combattent les discourses that have established New Orleans as a founding figures like Buddy Bolden, seen almost forces d’assimilation signifier of jazz music’s origins in conjunction with as authorial progenitors of a musical discursive Louisiana’s greater image and their role in the anglophones. Montréal est, practice, within the murky history of a mysterious quant à elle, reconnue promotion of Montréal’s jazz festival. p l a c e : turn-of-the-century New Orleans. Folklorist aujourd’hui comme la "ville versions of jazz history tend to glorify an easy des festivals", une NARRATING ORIGINS : NEW ORLEANS AS THE belief in the culturally specific moment in which métropole francophone qui "CRADLE OF JAZZ" jazz was spawned. Such a claim is made, for véhicule tant la haute example, by Alan Lomax in his 1952 book M i s t e r culture québécoise et In his lively book Coming through Slaughter, Jelly Roll about the self-declared inventor of jazz, canadienne que l’image Michael Ondaatje reproduces an account offered pianist Jelly Roll Morton : d’une vie nocturne ouverte à by New Orleans musician Dude Botley of the "Jelly Roll’s life story spans the whole of the 'jazz tous les possibles. La notion renowned Buddy Bolden, a cornet player from age', from the street bands of New Orleans to the de jazz comme pratique turn-of-the-century New Orleans frequently sweet bands of New York. With him we can leave culturelle est donc considered the "first man of jazz": behind the marketplaces of Hollywood and Tin fortement liée aux images "I see him walk to the back of the parlor where the Pan Alley and return to the moment of de la festivité ainsi que de la light is and he come back with a bottle and the germination in New Orleans. In his sorrows and transgression dans cornet. He try first to drink but he begin crying and his fantasies we can find the very quality which l’imaginaire urbain de he put the bottle in the sink. The tears came to my distinguishes jazz from the many other forms of chaque ville. Il s’agit ainsi de eyes too. I got to thinking of all the men that dance American music rooted in Africa - from the montrer dans cet article to him and the women that idolize him as he used spirituals, from the works songs, from the blues comment Montréal est vue to strut up and down the streets. Where are they and ragtime" (Lomax, 1952, p. x v ) . dans le contexte du Festival now I say to myself. Then I hear Bolden’s cornet, de jazz comme un lieu où la very quiet, and I move across the street, closer. Concepts of musical authorship and the culture louisianaise peut être There he is, relaxed back in a chair blowing that authenticity of creation are manifold and address célébrée avec authenticité. silver softly, just above a whisper and I see he’s a number of complex issues. The narrative Je conclus en arguant que le got the hat over the bell of the horn... Thought I examples I have cited demonstrate how a single marketing fondé sur l’image knew his blues before, and the hymns at funerals, individual may be accredited as the creator of, or de lieu festif de chaque ville but what he is playing now is real strange and I the original contributor to, a musical tradition. 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d’une logique touristique qui the case of Buddy Bolden, the various aspects that such as Tony Jackson or a lighter-skinned Creole cherche à construire en contribute to an idea of authorship (uniqueness, such as Jelly Roll Morton, dubbed "piano même temps une d i a s p o r a originality, authenticity, genuineness, mystique, professors" for their reportedly inexhaustible francophone nord- authority) are articulated through an experience repertoires, had an unprecedented opportunity to américaine. Bien que that reveals the affect of his music and thus, if play for an audience of equally varying négligeables, les contacts indirectly, the relation between his performance provenance in the New Orleans landscape. To culturels, économiques et and his audience. We might draw upon a concept maintain popularity, they had to keep their même historiques entre ces of intertextuality - the idea that a work depends on repertoire up-to-date, which meant familiarizing deux régions se rejoignent or is made out of prior works that it takes up, themselves with music of many varieties, from par la mémoire de ce repeats, challenges or transforms - to begin to operas and ragtime to the songs of Tin Pan Alley. m é t i s s a g e . explain how aspects of Bolden’s cornet playing Clearly, not all the music played in these have been remembered and, by extension, how institutions was indigenous to New Orleans ; thus, MOTS CLÉS his music influenced later musicians. In this way, as Storyville historian Al Rose points out, the myth Montréal, la Nouvelle- we could interpret Bolden as representing the that jazz was "born" in Storyville is hardly credible. Orléans, images de lieux, individual transformation of a musical tradition Rather the opposite took place : the fact that marketing t o u r i s t i q u e , that consists of greater collective processes. Music Storyville brothels provided lucrative employment festivals de jazz, a u t h e n t i c i t é historian Martin Williams takes precisely this for a large number of musicians led to common c u l t u r e l l e . approach to Bolden’s musicmaking in his 1967 associations of jazz music as "whorehouse music". book Jazz Masters of New Orleans : "Obviously, Buddy Bolden did not pop out of As much as musicians trained in classical Zeus’s head. He and his band had been there, European traditions denounced early jazz as playing their horns before there was any Lincoln deriving from musical "incompetence" or Park. And just as obviously there was some kind of mistakes, they also correlated it with sin and vice, musical tradition behind him. Still, Bolden was images that had much to do with the coalescence 'King' to the populace by their own proclamation, of jazz forms within a "tenderloin district", that is, and 'a man who started it all' in New Orleans jazz as lowbrow music played in bad taste (Rose, 1974, to the musicians. So what he did was give the p.106). Despite these claims, the Storyville District music a dramatic, secular focus, both for his provided a unique set of conditions for musicians : audiences and for its present and future the formation of a diverse and not overly critical p r a c t i t i o n e r s " (Williams, 1967, p.3). audience, which responded more to what the pianist was playing than demanded that he play in specific ways, meant that piano players had From this viewpoint, Bolden’s authorship consists substantial freedom to experiment (i b i d . , p.107). of a combination of his musical innovation, the historical moment where this music is played Whether or not we are able to trace the origins of publicly, the memory of these performances in the jazz beyond its surfacing in places like Congo communal consciousness, and, importantly, the Square, Lincoln Park, or Storyville, the place-myth places in which he is remembered to have played. of turn-of-the-century New Orleans as the source of jazz music is profound, conjuring up In this way, specific spaces of turn-of-the-century impressions of everything from parade and New Orleans have crystallised in the mythology of carnival music to smoky bar lounges. With time, the creation of jazz music : spaces like Congo many of these place-images have come to be Square, where communal festivities of slaves took associated with the neighbouring, and now iconic, place until such gatherings were prohibited in French Quarter and its central Bourbon Street, the public parks after the American Civil War. These tourist hub of today’s New Orleans : images that 1 - Elements of this paper celebrations were later revived in uptown New continue to inform common perceptions of street were first presented at Sounds Orleans at Lincoln Park, mentioned in the above music and piano bar musicians. Today, the space of the City, the 2002 Annual citation, where Bolden’s band first began to play in that Storyville inhabited is an inner "city project", Conference of the Canadian the 1890s (Barker, 1998, p. 6 - 1 6 ) . which tourist guides warn visitors to avoid at all Branch of the International costs - an image that corresponds with New Association for the Study of Orleans’ contemporary reputation as the crime Popular Music (IASPM- Foremost among the images of such spaces is capital of the United States. Nevertheless, the Canada). I would equally like to Storyville, the infamous red-light district that lived mythology of New Orleans has been established acknowledge the support of out its brief 20-year existence between 1896 and to such a degree that the city’s name alone is the Culture of Cities Project : 1917, possibly the most significant place-image in sufficient to signify the Jazz Age, as F. Scott Montréal, Toronto, Berlin, the mythmaking that enshrouds the origins of jazz Fitzgerald dubbed it, in all its glory. Moreover, the Dublin, a five-year project in New Orleans. A place where vice and sexual popular-festive spirit of New Orleans is available to funded by the Social Sciences gratification were condoned and even encouraged, us today in an array of representations that have and Humanities Research Storyville brought together musicians and patrons been blended into the festive culture of Louisiana, Council of Canada (SSHRC) as from various parts of New Orleans society, from the Mardi Gras carnival to marching bands, part of its Major Collaborative breaking down a complex system of societal from white Dixieland jazz to Louisiana Creole Research Initiatives program- barriers that existed between the white, black and cuisine as well as Cajun and Zydeco music and me (MCRI). Creole populations. In Storyville, a black musician their respective dance rituals. 132 VOL 78 2/2003 New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals
It is not surprising, then, that notions of that the times are tough when there is no salted authenticity and tradition abound as well for the meat to accompany the beans). It is widely many customs of Louisiana regional culture. accepted that the term Zydeco derived from the These can be found at the centre of preservationist liaison made between "l e s" and "h a r i c o t s" in this efforts on the part of local folklorists and elected expression (Le Menestrel, 1999, p. 4 0 4 ) ) . officials combating the forces of assimilation. The French language was banned from the educational The search for authenticity in rural Louisiana has system in 1921, and was only officially recognized thus been a polemic task that is tightly bound up again in 1968 with the creation of CODOFIL, the both with local apprehension towards the Conseil pour le développement du français en deterioration of francophone communities and the L o u i s i a n e. The institution of French immersion commercialization of culture. The ethnologist Sara programmes in elementary and secondary Le Menestrel has demonstrated well how the schools, which have increased substantially since purportedly traditional dance known as Cajun jig the late 1980s, is possibly CODOFIL’s greatest or jitterbug is a tradition that was largely invented achievement. Beyond linguistic preservation, the in the 1970s (1999, p. 325-328). Moreover, protectors of Louisiana French culture, faced with narratives of discovery and salvage by labels such the logics of tourism and globalisation, have as Rounder have fostered a tension between a promoted what they regard as the underpinnings desire to leave origins murky and to pinpoint of their local identity : culinary specialities such as historical sequences that have established Cajun and Creole Gumbo, or the rice-dish particular traditions. Le Menestrel suggests, in this J a m b a l a y a ; the French musical heritage of Cajun way, that the notion of tradition is merely a way of and Zydeco ; and dances such as the waltz and the interpreting the present through the past, implying two-step, as well as the typical instruments that a continual act of constructing and re-constructing accompany all these. Thus, the notions of significance that changes with every form and authenticity and tradition have been equally occasion of its re-enactment (ibid., p . 343). If this is central to commercializing and institutionalizing the case, then indeed all tradition that claims local culture. Interesting in this regard is the authenticity is a case of invention and re- Legislative Act No. 409, which empowers i n v e n t i o n . CODOFIL to "do any and all things necessary to accomplish the development, utilization, and One of the means of selling the tourist place- preservation of the French language as found in image of Louisiana and especially of New Orleans Louisiana for the cultural, economic and t o u r i s t i c has been the proliferation of festivals. Playing on the festive spirit associated, among other things, benefit of the state" (www.codofil.org, my with Mardi Gras carnival, countless festivals now e m p h a s i s ) . take place throughout Louisiana celebrating both local music and cuisine. Foremost among these is Reproductive technologies have clearly the annual New Orleans Jazz and Heritage contributed to the commercialization and F e s t i v a l, founded in 1978. Although the festival dissemination of local musical culture deemed has increasingly showcased international authentic. Although the first recording of a Cajun performers, the focus remains to bring together song, Allons à Lafayette, was produced in 1928 by musicians from all regions of Louisiana to Joe Falcon and Cléoma Breaux, much of the celebrate its polyphony of musical tradition and international representation of Louisiana culture invention. In 1999, Louisiana’s Office of Culture, has been fostered by independent record labels in Recreation and Tourism staged the F r a n c o F ê t e, a search of local folklore, such as Massachusetts- state-wide, yearlong celebration to commemorate based Rounder Records, set up in the early 1970s. simultaneously the 300t h anniversary of French Interestingly, popular international representatives influence in Louisiana and the 100t h anniversary of of Cajun music, such as Zachary Richard - who, the invention of jazz. As part of the promotion of incidentally, has travelled extensively in Québec F r a n c o F ê t e, Louisiana exported its multitude of where his music and poetry remain extremely place-images to the Festival international de Jazz popular - or even the group Beausoleil have de Montréal. frequently met with disdain by folklorists who consider their music a blending of traditional REINVENTING MONTREAL : THE "CITY OF Cajun with rock and pop inspired by New Orleans FESTIVALS" performers such as the Neville Brothers and Dr. John (Le Menestrel, 1999, p. 330). Similarly, Both festive celebration and jazz music make up a Zydeco music, accordion-led French music considerable part of Montréal’s history, although developed originally by African Americans who with profoundly different influences. In the late had adopted the French language, began to take 1 9 t h century, ice dances were a central Montréal shape in its contemporary form with a Rhythm attraction, fancy-dress skating carnivals that took and Blues spin in the 1960s when musician Clifton place on skating rinks around the city. In 1883, Chenier recorded "Les z-haricots sont pas salés" , Montréal staged its first Winter Carnival, the first (the beans are not salted, an expression meaning of its kind in North America, a festivity that, New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals VOL 78 2/2003 133
"having fused traditional Nordic festivities with the reinvented itself internationally as a city of festivals capital, ingenuity, and dynamism of a booming (Germain, 2000, p. 156). Importantly, as Anthony modern industrial metropolis, thoroughly eclipsed Kinik notes, "since the overwhelming majority of those Northern European winter celebrations that these festivals take place during Montréal’s predated it, and became the inspiration and model relatively short but hot and humid summers, the for similar celebrations across the Northern city’s reinvention as a "city of festivals" has also Hemisphere" (Kinik, 2002, p.2). The W i n t e r meant its reinvention as a city of summer C a r n i v a l ’ s mainstay was its Ice Palace, which was pleasures" (Kinik, 2002, p. 9). Montréal’s summer constructed out of solid blocks of clear ice carved festivals, too numerous to list here, include the from the St. Lawrence River. The carnival Festival Franco-Folies de Montréal, a festival developed over the next thirty years into one of celebrating francophone music from around the the city’s most celebrated tourist attractions, and globe, the Festival Juste Pour Rire, a highly demonstrates significantly how the mytholo- successful comedy festival, the Festival des films gization of the winter became a central theme in du monde, the Festival du théâtre des Amériques, Montréal’s transformation into a modern and, of course, the Festival international de jazz de metropolis (i b i d , p. 4 ) . M o n t r é a l.
Montréal’s imaginary as a city of popular-festive In contrast to the New Orleans festival, the F e s t i v a l celebration was further moulded by the international de jazz de Montréal has sought, since Prohibition acts in the United States and much of its initiation in 1980, to import various forms of Canada around 1920. In 1924, the Québec music to Montréal. Since 1999, the State of government took control of the province’s liquor Louisiana has played a dominant role in sales, transforming Montréal into a prime Montréal’s jazz festival. In each of the last three destination for thirsty Americans. Throughout the years, Louisiana invested up to $ 250 000 (US) in 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, the era of cabarets, festival proceedings. The initial investment came burlesque clubs, jazz clubs and variety theatre, the in 1999, the year of Louisiana’s F r a n c o F ê t e, which city developed the type of vibrant nightlife that coincided conveniently with the 20t h a n n i v e r s a r y comes with the culture of free-flowing liquor. of the Montréal Festival. The Montréal Jazz Throughout this period, Montréal enjoyed more F e s t i v a l has taken place since its early years in and jazz music than any other Canadian city. around the Place-des-Arts, between St. Catherine Nevertheless, there was little to no connection Street W. and de Maisonneuve Boulevard. Every between Montréal’s early jazz scene and the night starting at 5:00 pm for approximately 11 July supposed invention of jazz in New Orleans. Jazz days, the city blocks between St. Catherine and de music spread northward in the decades following Maisonneuve, and Jean-Mance and St-Urbain its emergence in the southern basin, following the streets are blocked to traffic, and visitors are migration of blacks through the recording studios invited to mingle between a variety of stages and of Chicago and New York’s Tin Pan Alley. And yet, street performances. Of some 500 performances not unlike the narratives of Storyville, the story of each year, approximately 350 are offered free to Montréal’s jazz scene is laced with tales of crime, the public as street spectacles, ranging from small corruption, gambling and prostitution - lucrative groups that play in and around the Place-des-Arts situations for musicians and showgirl dancers. In esplanade to spectacles showcased at larger many ways, this period has been engraved into venues. With Louisiana’s participation, a mixture Montréal’s urban imaginary as the blooming of images of its musical tradition and authentic period of Canada’s Sin City, and remains a part of culture - both from New Orleans and from Cajun Montréal’s place-myth as a city of festivity country - have been inscribed onto the landscape (Bélanger et Sumner, 2002 ; Gilmore, 1988 ; Lam, of this utopian inner city music village. To mark the 1 9 9 8 ; Stahl, 2001 ; Straw 1992 ; Weintraub, 1996). onset of evening festivities, an "authentic" New Orleans marching band, the Original Pin Stripe During the late 1950s and 1960s, Montréal’s new Brass Band, led a daily "second-line" parade across mayor, Jean Drapeau, initiated a broad crackdown the festival space, departing from St. Catherine on this culture of iniquity, once again transforming Street and finishing in front of the Louisiana stage the face of Montréal and leading to the now placed in a slightly obscure location on de legendary Expo 1967, a landmark in Montréal’s Maisonneuve Boulevard. Five major concerts were history of festivals and touted as "the most scheduled with performers representing the major successful World’s Fair of the twentieth century". If musical styles of Louisiana, including Harry Expo 67 highlighted Montréal’s status as an Connick Jr. and his big band tour (which had to be international city, it serves today to remind cancelled due to a technician’s strike), the Branford Montréalers of the prolonged economic slump Marsalis Quartett, Cajun star Zachary Richard, and into which the city slid in the years after the fair, a combined "Nuit de la Louisiane" featuring New indubitably highlighted by the overall failure of the Orleans R&B pianist Henry Butler, bluesman 1976 Montréal Olympics (Germain, 2000 ; Kinik, Clarence "Gatemouth" Brown and the King of 2002). In the last 20 years, however, Montréal has Zydeco, accordionist Buckwheat Zydeco. In 134 VOL 78 2/2003 New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals
addition, two daily tours of the St-Lawrence river to criticism that the Gumbo Louisiane stage was were offered as an ersatz-Mississippi experience not located centrally enough, festival organisers on a riverboat conveniently named La Nouvelle- created a "Quartier Louisiane" down the St. Orléans. Departing from the Old Port and circling Catherine street corridor. The Louisiana stage was to the Boucherville islands, the riverboat placed prominently in front of the Complexe showcased live performances ranging from soul Desjardins, and the Parade de la Louisiane was and gospel singers and brass band music to Balfa reversed to cross Place-des-Arts ending at the Toujours, a popular Cajun band that claims to bottom of its sweeping steps. At the kiosk "Gumbo practice traditional music without preserving it "as Louisiane, le goût de la Louisiane", chef Dwight if it were museum piece, but neither [changing] it Landreneau prepared a number of ostensible purely for the sake of modernization" Cajun and Créole fast-food dishes, while everyday (www.balfatoujours.com). Six bands were at the Wyndham hotel, chef René Bajeux prepared showcased on the Louisiana stage itself. These a full Louisiana menu. The band Feufollet returned ranged from Feufollet, a youth Cajun group from to host the evening boat cruise, this year on the Lafayette that claims to uphold French musical more accommodating "Cavalier Maxim" riverboat. heritage, Steve Riley and the Mamou Playboys, a Only one band, paradoxically the Zydeco group cajun-influenced group popular in Louisiana that is Rockin’ Dopsie and the Zydeco Twisters, seen equally to mix tradition with R&B or swamp originated from New Orleans. Besides the daytime rock, and Nathan and the Zydeco Cha Chas, a shows offered by and large by the same Dixieland contemporary Zydeco R&B group. The nine brass bands as in the previous two years, Louisiana bands that were officially showcased showcased Louisiana bands in 2001 represented made up 20% of all performances at the festival. Franco-Louisiana music, soul, R&B and blues to a Every afternoon, smaller bands either from or greater degree than other forms associated with representing New Orleans played in various "traditional jazz" of New Orleans proper. A locations of the festival grounds. The greatest Louisiana Gospel Brunch was added to the last representation of New Orleans music came from day of the schedule, which took place in the bands such as Streenix, Hot Pepper Dixie, Sweet adjacent Complexe Desjardins. Dixie, Le Dixieband, Bourbon Street, l’Esprit de la Nouvelle-Orleans and Aces of Dixieland, which For the architects of the Québec-Louisiana were almost exclusively oriented to Dixieland jazz initiative, the grafting of a New Orleans/Louisiana and were practically interchangeable. Along St. festive image onto Montréal’s downtown had self- Catherine, the Louisiana Office of Tourism set up explanatory, if unconvincing, roots. According to both information booths and "Gumbo Louisiana" Louisiana Lieutenant Governor Kathleen food kiosks offering specialities such as Babineaux Blanco, "there is a natural affinity Jambalaya, Hushpuppies, and "Crawfish étouffé". between us and this region of Canada. We share The Louisiana Office of Tourism claimed a the same love of music, food and in many cases, resounding success, purporting that tourism from the same last names" (Louisiana Entertains Record Québec increased in their estimation by 300%. Crowds at Montréal Jazz Festival, 2000, p.1). In a With additional media coverage, Louisiana similar vein, then Québec Minister of Tourism, claimed to have garnered a total of $8 million in Maxime Arseneau, claimed : "We have one million r e v e n u e . Acadian people living in Québec state […] I am a Cajun myself. All the Arseneau are descended In the 2000 edition of the Festival, New Orleans from one man who move to Québec (from France) figured more prominently than other areas of in 1671. We are all the same origin and from one Louisiana (only 3 groups were from the smaller family (Québec-Louisiana Strengthen Culture, cities of Lafayette, Shreveport and Eunice). In Heritage Bonds, 1999, p. 1). Philip J. Jones, the organization, the proceedings were largely head of Louisiana’s Department of Culture, identical to the previous year with a daily Recreation and Tourism, echoed these marching band parade, riverboat cruises and a s e n t i m e n t s : "We’re working to raise Canadians’ scattering of Dixieland performances throughout awareness of Louisiana and we’re using our the festival grounds. While the focus of the 2000 natural links - the lifestyle that we share with our edition of the Festival was Brazilian music, much cousins in Québec. There is such a natural link of the festival, including numerous paid ticket between Québec and Louisiana. The people are performances to Louisiana music concerts, was fun-loving, they have great food, and they have dedicated to the 100t h birthday of Louis similar attitudes" (Québec Builds Cultural Ties Armstrong. As in 1999, Louisiana music, food and With Louisiana, 2000, p. 2). David Jobin, the tourist advertising targeted an estimated 1.5 director for the Festival’s 1999 exterior million revellers in Montréal streets, not including programming, similarly described his ambition as the additional reach of media coverage. a focus on roots : "Focus sur les racines […]. On a cherché quel lien The Festival renewed its partnership with les Québécois pouvaient avoir avec les musiques Louisiana once again in 2001. Responding in part louisianaises. Or le lien se trouve dans la musique New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals VOL 78 2/2003 135
cajun et le zydeco, deux genres qui possèdent un Québec culture. My initial investigation into vieux fond de langue française" (Laurence, 1999). images encompassing the origins of jazz music in New Orleans, and the often contradictory Jonathan Tabak, a journalist for New Orleans’ commercialised discourses of authenticity and Offbeat magazine, described the naturalness with tradition that pervade other areas of Louisiana, which New Orleans music was received at the allows us to question how these representations 1999 edition of the festival : merge with the imaginary of Montréal as a "Let it rain, let it storm ! This was the chant led by creative city with a loose nightlife, where these The Original Pin Stripe Brass Band as drops began authenticities and traditions find an environment to fall on the elated crowd jamming the street. But in which they can be truthfully celebrated. this wasn’t a New Orleans street parade or the Newspaper reviews of Louisiana’s presence at the New Orleans Jazz Fest, where you would expect to Montréal Festival, without being overly see such unfettered dancers, spurred by the prescriptive, consistently implicate Montréal as sizzling second line beat and funk horns and some form of New Orleans of the North, where the welcoming the rain as mere lubrication for the St-Lawrence River substitutes for the Mississippi soul. This was Montréal, Canada, site of the 20t h and the festival quarter transforms into a version edition of the Montréal International Jazz Festival. of New Orleans’ French Quarter. As outlined […] Closed off to traffic, the streets teemed with above, historical ties between Louisiana and French Canadians of all ages and hues, tourists Québec are weak at best (even the deportation of from all over the world, and a few foreign Francophones from Acadia actually accounted for journalists like this writer" (Tabak, 1999, p. 2 ) . only a portion of the French-speakers who made up French Louisiana), and economic links have Tabak, however, went on to question the been negligible. Nevertheless, the city-as-sign presentation of Louisiana music at such world representation of Montréal as a city of festivals has events in more objective terms. His fear, like that facilitated an imaginary structure of cultural ties of many supporters of Louisiana’s culture, was between these regions, eliciting a sense of affinity that such commercialization of Louisiana music that clearly resonates with the search for would cause widespread stereotyping of the authenticity and tradition and the perseverance of state’s cultural dynamism, reducing it to the folk culture. Zachary Richard, possibly the most clichéd place-image of New Orleans illustrated in prominent advocate for the preservation of the first part of this article : Franco-Louisiana culture, embodies such a desire "The real fear is that Festival producers, under through imagery of collapsed space between pressure to pander to audience expectations, will Québec and Louisiana in his poem F r a n ç a i s only bring in retro, black entertainers for New d ’ A m é r i q u e ( s u i t e ) : Orleans, reinforcing the idea that our music is Les mêmes goélands de la merely a quaint folk expression rather than a living même couleur grise qui tachent breathing art form that continues to influence the les bords du Saint-Laurent tachent entire music world. […] There is also the fear that Les bords du Mississippi. Louisiana artists themselves will pander to quelques jours de vol, expectations, allowing their own identity to be quelques semaines à la voile, swallowed up by the larger New Orleans identity" Parmi les icebergs fondues de notre mélancolie, (i b i d .) . le courage, l’ivresse de cette promesse de bourgeon tenue au bout des frênes Nevertheless, Tabak agreed that Montréal’s et des planes, festival "managed to transcend these clichés, Sur les plaines d’Abraham, showcasing a wide diversity of Louisiana music in la sève qui nous donne a variety of presentation formats" (i b i d .). Such de l’espoir." examples demonstrate a distinction between (Richard, 2001, p.111) those concerned with Louisiana’s representation in terms of its musical authenticity and continued According to socio-demographic statistics innovation, and those who wish to assert largely collected by the Festival and supported by 1996 fabricated cultural links between the francophone Census data from Statistics Canada, participants in a r e a s . both outdoor street events and indoor events are primarily francophone, while all other languages C o n c l u s i o n groups account for less than 20% of people surveyed (reported in the Festival’s 2001 R a p p o r t Taken together, the representations of Louisiana de synthèse for Louisiana). With these statistics in music in Montréal’s Jazz Festival between 1999 mind, I would question whether the touristic and 2001 provide a framework that links the place- discourse of authenticity and tradition implicated image of New Orleans as the founder of jazz to by the celebration of Franco-Louisiana music Montréal’s festival scene, but within a logic of resonates rather with the festival’s predominantly tourism that attempts to recreate an affinity Franco-Québécois audience within the discourses between francophone histories of Louisiana and of Québec nationalism. For this audience, the New 136 VOL 78 2/2003 New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals
Orleans place-image becomes more than ONDAATJE M., 1976, Coming Through Slaughter, commercial spectacle. Indeed, the Québec- New York, Norton, 156 p. Louisiana initiative is clearly targeted to convince Québécois Francophones to visit Louisiana, a fact RAMSAY F. JR., SMITH C.E. (eds.), 1939 (1977), to which full-page French-only advertisements in J a z z m e n , New York and London, Harvest/Harcourt each year’s mostly bilingual Festival programme Brace Jovanovich, xv-360 p. attest. Consequently, the celebration of New Orleans as the birthplace of jazz, on the one hand, RICHARD Z., 2001, F e u , Montréal, Les Éditions des and the consolidation of Franco-Louisiana culture Intouchables, 134 p. in carnivalesque representations of music, dance and food on the other would seem, in the context ROSE A., 1974, Storyville, New Orleans : Being an of the jazz festival, to evoke tensions between Authentic, Illustrated Account of the Notorious Montréal’s urban imaginary as a creative, Red-Light District, Tuscaloosa, University of pluralistic society and the broader francophone Alabama Press, xii-225 p. support for linguistic and cultural preservation that permeates Québec’s national discourse. SHIELDS R., 1991, Places on the Margin : Alternative Geographies of Modernity, London B I B L I O G R A P H Y and New York, Routledge, xiii-334 p.
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KINIK A., 2002, Montréal : Carnival, Festival, and Conseil pour le développement du français en the Urban Imaginary, Paper presented at the Louisiane. Lafayette, Louisiana. conference The Material City of the Culture of < h t t p : / / w w w . c o d o f i l . o r g > . Cities Project, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, November 2002, 11 p. Festival international de jazz de Montréal, Program guides from 1998-2002. LOMAX A., 1950 (1973), Mister Jelly Roll : The Fortunes of Jelly Roll Morton, New Orleans Creole Festival international de jazz de Montréal : 1999 and “Inventor of Jazz”, 2n d edition, Berkeley, Press Review (condensed version - Louisiana University of California Press, xvii-318 p. articles only) : Presented to Louisiana, Post- Analysis Report. 3 August 1999. LE MENESTREL S., 1999, La voie des Cadiens : Tourisme et identité en Louisiane, Paris, Belin, Festival international de jazz de Montréal : Press 4 3 0 p . Review Louisiana : Year 2000 - 21s t E d i t i o n . New Orleans in Montréal : The Cradle of Jazz in the City of Festivals VOL 78 2/2003 137
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Department of Art History and Communications Studies Mc Gill University Montreal, QC 853 rue Sherbrooke Ouest H3A 2T6
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