Traditional Ecological Knowledge Concepts and Cases List of Contributors

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TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE CONCEPTS AND CASES LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Professor Fikret Berkes, Natural ResourcesInstitute, The Universityof Manitoba,430 Dysart Road,Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada R3T 2N2 Chief Robert Wavey, Fox Lake FirstNation, P.O. Box 369, Gillam, Manitoba, Canada ROB OLO

Dr. Kenneth Ruddle, Matsugaoka-cho 11-20 Nishinomiya-shiHyogo-ken 662,Japan Dr. Robert E. Johannes, CSIRO Marine Laboratories GPO, Box 1538, Hobart 7001, Tasmania, Australia Nancy C. Doubleday,Department of Biology, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6 André Lalonde, R.R. #3, Wakefield,Quebec, Canada JOX 3G0 Miriam McDonald and Brian Fleming, Municipality of Sanikiluaq, Sanikiluaq, N.W.T., Canada XOA OWO Carl Hrenchuk,Secretariat, Canadian Council of Ministers of the Environment, 326 Broadway Ave., Suite 400,Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada R3C OSS Terry Tobias, 615 Perry Street, Fergus, Ontario, Canada N1M 2R5 Dr. Douglas J. Nakashima, Laboratoire d'Ethnobiologie-BiogeographieMuseum National d'Histoire Naturelle, 57 Rue Cuvier, 75231, Paris, France Dr. Peter J. Usher,P.J. Usher Consulting Services, Box 4815, Station E, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1S 5H9

Lloyd W. Binder, Arctic Institute of North America, University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta, Canada Bruce Hanbidge, Joint Secretariat, WildlifeManagement Advisory Committee (NWT), Box 2120, Inuvik, N.W.T., Canada XOE OTO Einar Eythorsson, Finnmark College,Follums vei N-9500, Alta, Norway TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE CONCEPTS AND CASES Edited by Julian T. Inglis

International Program on Traditional Ecological Knowledge and International Development Research Centre

ISBN 1-895926-00-9 ISBN 0-88936-683-7

International Program on Traditional Ecological International Development Research Centre Knowledge o Box 8500 CanadianMuseum of Nature Ottawa, Canada P.O.Box3443 K1G3H9 Station D Ottawa, Ontario K1P 6P4

Cover illustration: Karen Cunningham Designed and produced by TRIUS Design Ltd. CONTENTS

Preface vi

Acknowledgements viii 1. Traditional EcologicalKnowledge in Perspective 1 FikretBerkes

2. International Workshop on Indigenous Knowledgeand Community-based Resource Management: Keynote Address 11 Robert Wavey 3. The Transmission of Traditional EcologicalKnowledge 17 Kenneth Ruddle

4. Integrating Traditional EcologicalKnowledge and Management with EnvironmentalImpact Assessment 33 R. E. Johannes 5. Finding Common Ground:Natural Law and CollectiveWisdom 41 Nancy C. Doubleday 6. African Indigenous Knowledgeand its Relevance to Sustainable Development 55 Andre Lalonde

7. Community-BasedEconomic Development and Resource Management in the HudsonBay Area 63 Miriam McDonaldand Brian Fleming 8. Native Land Use and Common Property: Whose Common? 69 Carl Hrenchuk

9. Stereotyped Village Economies and the PinehouseHarvest Research 87 Terry Tobias 10. AstuteObservers on the Sea Ice Edge: Inuit Knowledge as a Basis for Arctic Co-Management 99 DouglasJ. Nakashima 11. The Beverly-KaminuriakCaribou Management Board: An Experiencein Co-Management 111 PeterJ. Usher 12. Aboriginal People and Resource Co-Management 121 Lloyd N. Binder and Bruce Hanbidge 13. Sami FjordFishermen and the State: Traditional Knowledge and Resource Management in Northern Norway 133 Einar Eythorsson PREFACE

In December 1989,the United Nations General appropriate technologies for hunting, fishing, Assemblycalled for a global meeting that would trapping, agriculture, and forestry, and a holis- devise strategies to halt and reversethe effects of tic knowledge, or "world view" which parallels environmental degradation. In response to this the scientific discipline of ecology. request, the United Nations Conference on En- In September 1991, recognizing the impor- vironment and Development (UNCED), com- tance of TEK in planning and decision-making monly known as the Earth Summit, was held in for sustainable development, UNESCO Canada June 1992 in Rio deJaneiro. Man and the Biosphere Programme (MAB) and The Earth Summit produced agreements on the Canadian Environmental Assessment Re- basic principles for sustainability and estab- search Council (CEARC) jointly sponsored the lished specificrequirements for assuring a more International Workshop on Indigenous Knowl- secure and sustainable future.The principles are edge and Community Based Resource Manage- enshrined in the Rio Declaration and the re- ment.More than 50 indigenous people and spe- quirements in Agenda 21, a comprehensiveand cialists participated in this two-day workshop. far reaching programof action for assuring sus- The workshop recommended that an interna- tainability tional program be established to promote and Critical to the successful implementation of advancethe concept and use of TEK in planning Agenda 21 is the recognition of the contribution and decision-making. of indigenous peoples and their knowledge to The Program was initially developedunder the the quest for a sustainable future. There are nu- auspices of the UNESCO CanadaJMAB pro- merous references to indigenous knowledge, or gram, and it is recognized under the UN Decade what is commonly known as traditional ecolog- for Cultural Development. The International ical knowledge (TEK), in the Rio Declaration, Program has now been formally established the agreements, and Agenda 21, including: under the leadership of the Honourable James • 22 of the Rio Declaration Bourque P.C., Chair, Traditional Ecological Principle at the CanadianMuseum of Nature • Preamble, Articles 8 and 10 of the Knowledge in Canada. Convention on BiologicalDiversity Ottawa, • "Forest The goal of the Program is to promoteand ad- Principles" vance the and use of • Chapter 26 of Agenda 21 recognition, understanding TEK in policy and decision-making for sustainable development. TEK refers to the knowledge base acquired by Program objectivesare: indigenous and local over hun- peoples many • to foster and research into the dreds of years through direct contact with the support use and of environment. It includes an intimate and de- nature, scope, preservation TEK; • to the and tailed knowledge of plants, animals, and natur- promote development imple- mentationof a Code of Ethics and Practice al phenomena, the development and use of regarding the acquisition and use of TEK; vi • to facilitate the communication, and in all resource sectors, as a very real and essen- exchange, ofideas, information, tial contribution to the local, regional and experiences and practices associated national economy. with TEK; In many cases, it is a matter of survival. • to promotethe understanding and use of TEK through the formal, James Bourque, non-formaland informal education Chair systems; International Program on Traditional • to ensure that both traditional EcologicalKnowledge ecological knowledge and western-based science are employed in a complementary JulianT. Inglis manner in planning and decision-making. Executive Director International Program on Traditional The papers in this volume were selected from EcologicalKnowledge presentations made in a number of special ses- sions on TEK, which were held as part of the Patrice LeBlanc Common Property Conference, the second an- Director General nual meeting of the International Association for Federal Environmental Assessment Review the Study of Common Property The meetings Office were attended by indigenous peoples and spe- cialists in the subject from aroundthe world. For further information on the Program and its The papers selected for this volumerepresent publications and activities, please contact: a wide range of perspectives on the nature of The International Program on Traditional TEK. They explore the underlying concepts, EcologicalKnowledge providecase studies, and confirm once againthe Canadian Museum ofNature importanceand, as yet, unrealized potential of P.O. Box 3443 TEK in resource and environmental manage- Station D ment. The papers reinforce the conviction that Ottawa, Ontario TEK can make a major contribution to the de- K1P6P4 livery of Agenda 21 and to sustainable develop- Tel. 613-998-9890 FAX 613-952-9693 ment.The papers also reinforcethe point that indigenous and local peoples have themselves lived in harmony with their environments for many hundreds of years, a relationship which is evident in many of their activities today. The International Program seeks to encourage the useof this knowledge at the community level,

vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project was made possible through the Chairman, NorthernWorking Group,UNESCO financial assistance of the International Devel- Canada Man and the Biosphere Program. The opment Research Centre and Federal Environ- workshop was held in association withthe Com- mental Assessment Review Office and with the mon Property Conference. support of UNESCO Canada, Government of The papers were selected by an editorial com- the Northwest Territories, Department of Indi- mittee comprised of Fikret of an Berkes, University Affairs and Northern Development, and Manitoba, Rick Riewe, University of Alberta, Canadian Museum of Nature. Carl Hrenchuk,Canadian Council of Ministers The papers making up the volumewere for the of the Environment, Patrice LeBlanc, Canadian most part delivered at the Common Property Environmental Assessment Research — Council, Conference the SecondAnnual Meeting of the and Julian Inglis, International Program on International Association for the Study of Com- Traditional EcologicalKnowledge. mon Property, University of Manitoba, Win- Copy editing was the responsibility of Joan nipeg,Manitoba, September 1991.The Keynote Haire,who took on the time consuming task of Address which forms Chapter 2 of the volume shaping the individual contributionsinto a co- was delivered to the International Workshop on herent collection of essays. Credit for the final Indigenous Knowledge and Community Based product must go to her. Editing assistance was Resource Management chaired by Jim Bourque, also provided by Carl Hrenchuk. Government of the Northwest Territories, and

viii I. Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Perspective

Fikret Berkes

"Ecosystems sustain themselves in a dynamic balance based on cycles and fluctuations, which are nonlinearprocesses... Ecological awareness, then, will arise only when we combine our rational knowledge with an intuition for the nonlinear nature of our environment. Such intuitive wisdom is characteristic of traditional,non-literate cultures, especially of American Indian cultures, in which life was organized around a highly refined awareness of the environment" (Capra 1982:41).

Traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) rep- done by anthropologists. Ecological knowledge resents experience acquired over thousands of as studied by ethnoecology (an approach that years of direct human contactwith the environ- focuses on the conceptions of ecological rela- ment. Although the term TEK came into wide- tionships held by a people or a culture),may be spread use in the 198Os, the practice of TEK is considered a subset of ethnoscience (folk sci- as old as ancienthunter-gatherer cultures. In ad- ence), defined by Hardesty (1977:291) as "the dition to ecology,the studyof traditionalknowl- study of systems of knowledge developed by a edge is valued in a number of fields. For exam- given culture to classify the objects, activities, ple, in agriculture, pharmacology and botany and events of its universe." Pioneering work by (ethnobotany), research into traditional knowl- Conklin (1957) and others documented that tra- edge has a rich history. In fact, in comparison to ditionalpeoples such as Philippines horticultur- these fields, the study of indigenous knowledge alists often possessed exceptionally detailed in ecology is relatively recent. knowledge of local plantsand animals and their The earliest systematic studies of TEK were natural history, recognizing in one case some 1 FIKRET BERKES

1,600 plant species. Other kinds of indigenous Professionalsin applied ecology and resource environmental knowledge were acknowledged management fields such as fisheries,wildlife and by scientific experts. For example, Arctic ecolo- forestry have been slow to take up the challenge gist Pruitt has been using Inuit (Eskimo) termi- of TEK. The reasons for this are as complex as nology for types of snow for decades. they are perplexing (Freeman 1989). With the Boreal ecologists deal with aspects of nature,par- recognition of the value of TEK, the growth of ticularly snowand ice phenomena, for which there the field has been rapid, however. It should be are no precise English words. Consequently our noted though that most of these contributions writings and speech are larded with Inuit, Atha- have come from interdisciplinary scholars rather and not in at- paskan, Lappish Tungus words, any than from ecology and resource management tempt to beerudite but to aid in the precision inour speech and thoughts (Pruitt 1978:6). professionals. Book-length works include studies in the transmission of TEK (Ruddle and Chesterfield There has been growing recognition of the 1977); community-based TEK research ap- capabilities of ancientagriculturalists, water en- proaches (Johnson 1992); application of TEK to gineers and architects (for example, Fathy development (Brokenshaet a!. 1980) and to re- 1986). Increased appreciation of ethnoscience, source management (Klee 1980); detailed bio- ancientand contemporary, paved the wayfor the logical/ecological evaluation of fisheriesTEK sys- acceptability ofthe validity oftraditional knowl- tems in Oceania (Johannes 1981); traditional edge in a variety of fields. Ancient ways of know- conservation(Moruata eta1. 1982; McNeely and ing started to receive currency in several disci- Pitt 1985); traditional coastal resource manage- plines, including ecology. Various works showed ment systems (Lasserre and Ruddle 1983); TEK that many indigenous groups in diverse geo- of northern ecosystems (Freeman and Carbyn graphical areas from the Arctic to the Amazon 1988), dryland ecosystems (Niamir 1990) and (forexample, Posey 1985)had their own systems tropical forest ecosystems (Posey and Balee of managing resources. Thus, the feasibility of 1989); environmental philosophy and indige- applying TEK to contemporary resource man- nous knowledge (Knutdson and Suzuki 1992); agement problems in various parts of the world volumes of selected topics (Johannes 1989) and was gradually recognized. As stated in Our studies of traditional marine resource manage- Common Future: mentsystems in Asia and the Pacific (Ruddle and Tribal and indigenous peoples'...lifestyles can offer Johannes 1989; Freeman et a!. 1991). modern societies many lessons in the management A recent volume(Warren et a!. 1993)contains of resources in complexforest, mountain and dry- an authoritative summary of the various indige- land ecosystem (WCED 1987:12). nous knowledge fields from a development Thesecommunities arethe repositories of vast ac- Some of the materialsummarized in cumulationsof perspective. traditionalknowledge and experi- it is based on the work done at the Center for ence that link with its ancient humanity origins. for and Their disappearance is a loss for the larger society, IndigenousKnowledge Agriculture Rural which could learn a great dealfrom their tradition- Development (CIKARD), Iowa StateUniversity, al skillsin sustainably managing very complex eco- which published the newsletter CIKARD News. logical systems (WCED 1987:114-115). As of 1993,this newsletter has been superseded by the Indigenous Knowledgeand Development

2 Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Perspective

Monitor, the newsletter of the Global Network In this context, ecological knowledge is not of Indigenous Knowledge Resource Centers, the term of preference for traditionalor indige- based in The Hague, The Netherlands. nous peoples themselves. Tn the Canadian North, for example, native peoples often refer to their Defining Traditional Ecological Knowledge knowledge ofthe land ratherthan to ecological There is no universallyaccepted definition of tra- knowledge. Land, however, is more than the ditional ecological knowledge (TEK) in the lit- physical landscape; it includes the living envi- erature. The term is, by necessity, ambiguous ronment. Interestingly,in the history of scientif- since the words traditionaland ecologicalknowl- ic ecology,land was also often used in the sense edge are themselves ambiguous. In the dictio- ofecosystem (Leopold 1949). nary sense, traditionalusually refers to cultural To arrive at a definition of TEK, it is necessary continuity transmittedin the form of social atti- to sift through the various meanings and ele- tudes, beliefs, principles and conventions of be- ments of TEK asemphasized in the majorworks haviour and practice derived from historical ex- on this subject (for example, Lasserre and Rud- perience. However, societies change through dle 1982; Ruddle and Johannes 1989; Freeman time, constantly adopting new practices and and Carbyn 1988). Putting together the most technologies, and making it difficult to define salient attributes of TEK from these sources, one just how much and what kind of change would may arrive at a working definition: affect the labelling of a practice as traditional. TEK is a cumulativebody of knowledge and beliefs, Because of this, many scholars prefer to avoid handeddown through generations by culturaltrans- usingthe term traditional. As well, some purists mission, about the relationship of living beings (in- find the term unacceptable or inappropriate cluding humans) with one another and with their environment. TEK is an attribute of soci- whenreferring to societies such as Native north- Further, eties with historical in resource use prac- ern whose have con- continuity groups lifestyles changed tices; by and large, these are non-industrial or less siderably over the years. For this reason, some technologically advanced societies, many of them prefer the term, indigenous ecological knowl- indigenous or tribal. edge, which helps avoid the debate about tradition, and explicitlyputs the emphasis on indigenous people. Western Scienceand TEK The term ecological knowledge poses defini- There are both similarities and differences be- tional problems ofits own. If ecology is defined tween traditional science and western science. narrowly as a branch of biology in the domain Bronowski considers the practice of science (in- of western science, then strictly speaking there cluding magic) as a fundamental characteristic can be no TEK; most traditionalpeoples are not of humansocieties: "...to me the mostinteresting scientists. If ecological knowledge is defined thing about man is that he is an animal who broadly to refer to the knowledge, however ac- practices art and scienceand, in every known so- quired,of relationships of living beings with one ciety, practices both together" (Bronowski another and with their environment, then the 1978:9). Thus, one can probably say that both term TEK becomes tenable. It is what Levi- western science and TEK (and art) are the result Strauss (1963) has called the "science du con- of the same general intellectual process of creat- cret", native knowledge of the naturalmilieu. ing order out of disorder.

3 FIKRET BERKES

There are also major differences,however, be- 4. In TEK, mind and matter are considered tween the two kinds of science, some of them together (as opposed to a separationof mind substantive and some perceptual. Johannes and matter); observes that "the attitudes of bi- (1989:5) many 5. TEK is moral (as opposed to supposedly ological scientists and natural resource man- value-free); agers to traditional knowledge has frequently been dismissive." Accomplishments of tradi- 6. TEK is spiritual (as opposed to tional societies in such fields as agriculture can- mechanistic); not be most domesticated denied; species pre- 7. TEK is based on empirical observations and date western science. the existence Nevertheless, accumulation of facts by trial-and-error (as of traditional curiosity-driven inquiry among opposed to experimentation and systematic, has been those who re- peoples questioned by deliberate accumulation of fact); gard the knowledge of other cultures as pre-logical or irrational,thus playing down the validity 8. TEK is based on data generated by resource of TEK. users themselves (as opposed to that by a Opinions differ, but there is a great deal of ev- specializedcadre of researchers); idence that traditional do scien- people possess 9. TEK is based on diachronic data, i.e., long tific and that traditional curiosity, knowledge time-series on information on one locality does not matters of immedi- merely encompass (as opposed to synchronic data, i.e., short ate interest. Levi-Strauss has ar- practical (1962) time-series over a large area). gued this point on the grounds that ancient societies could not have acquired such technological skills as those involved in the making of There are exceptions, as always, to the above water-tight pots without a curiosity-driven sci- generalizations. For example, there is evidence entific attitude and a desire for knowledge for its from Feit's (1987) work with subarctic beaver own sake. As Levi-Strauss (1962:3) states it, trappers that TEK can be quantitative; Berkes' "the universe is an object of thought at least as (1977) work shows that Cree fishermen of much as it is a means of satisfying needs." As the subarctic are perfectly adept at carrying Harvey Feit (personal communication) para- out controlled field experiments. As well, of phrasedit, "mooseare not only goodto eat, they course, scientific ecology can and often does use are good to think." holistic approaches, and occasionally produces In general, TEK differs from scientificecolog- diachronic data. ical knowledge in a numberof substantive ways: In contrastto scientificecology, TEK does not aim to control and is not con- 1. TEK is mainlyqualitative (as to nature, primarily opposed cerned with of interest and quantitative); principles general ap- plicability (i.e., theory). TEK is limited in its ca- 2. TEK has an intuitive component (as pacity to verify predictions, and it is markedly opposed to being purely rational); slower than scientific ecology in terms of the at which is accumulated. A 3. TEK is holistic (as opposed to reductionist); speed knowledge major way in which TEK may be further distin- guished from scientific ecology concerns the

4 Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Perspective large social context of TEK. TEK is not merely cultural reasons. For the groupin question, TEK a system of knowledge and practice; it is an in- is a tangible aspect of a way of life that may be tegrated system of knowledge, practice and be- considered valuable (for example, Wavey, this liefs. Thesocial context ofTEK includes the fol- volume). For the rest of the world, there are also lowing dimensions: tangible and practical reasons whyTEK isso im- from the ethical imperative oral portant, quiteapart a) Symbolicmeaning through history, of preserving cultural diversity. The following names and relationships place spiritual list is adapted from the IUCN Programme on (Levi-Strauss 1962; Tanner 1979; Hrenchuk, Traditional for Conservation (IUCN this Knowledge volume); 1986): world a b) A distinctcosmology or view; 1. Traditional for new of the environment that is knowledge biological conceptualization and ecological insights. New scientific different from that of Western science of knowledge can be derived from perceptive which is a 1979; ecology part (Tanner investigationsof traditionalenvironmental Freeman and 1989; Carbyn 1988; Johannes knowledge systems, as in the case of life Nakashima,this volume); cycles of tropical reef fish (Johannes 1981). Relations based on and c) reciprocity 2. Traditional for resource manage- towards both knowledge obligations community ment. Much traditionalknowledge is rele- members and other beings (Fienup-Riordan vant for contemporary natural resource 1990), and communal resource management in such areas as wetlands. institutions based on shared and management, knowledge "Rules of thumb" developed by ancient meaning (Berkes 1989). resource managers and enforced by social and cultural means, are in many ways as Some of the dimensions of the social context good as Western scientific prescriptions ofTEK are capturedin the following quote from (Gadgil and Berkes 1991). for the Earth: Caring 3. Traditional knowledge for protectedareas Hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering or herding and for conservation education. Protected continue to be major sources of food, raw materials areas be set so as to allow resident native commu- may up and income. Moreover, they provide communitiesto continuetheir traditional nities with a ofthemselves as distinct cul- perception with the benefits of conservation tures, confirming continuity with their past and lifestyles, unity with the natural world. Such activities rein- accruing to them. Especially where the local force spiritual values, an ethic of sharing, and a community jointly manages such a protected commitment to stewardship of the land, based on a area, the use of traditionalknowledge for perspective of many generations (IUCN/ UNCEPI conservation education is likely to be very WWF 1991: 61). effective (Gadgil et al., in press). 4. Traditional knowledge for development Practical Significanceof TEK planning. The use of traditionalknowledge It follows from these considerations that the may benefit development agencies in preservation of TEK is important for social and providing more realistic evaluations of

S FIKRET BERKES

natural resources and environment, However, just what TEK can contribute and productionsystems. Involvementof the how is yet to be operationalized. As well, the local in people the planpingprocess question remains as to how scientific knowledge the improves chance of success of and TEK can be integrated — and whether such development (Warren et a!. 1993). integration is desirable in the firstplace. Rooted 5. Traditional knowledge for environmental in different world views and unequal in political assessment. People who are dependent on power base, these two systems of knowledge are local resources for their livelihood are often certainly not easy to combine. Serious attempts able to assess the true costs and benefits of at integration inevitably come up against the development better than any evaluator question of power-sharing in decision-making. coming from the outside. Theirtime-tested, Many of the chapters in this volume are con- in-depthknowledge of the local area is, in tributions towards exploring and resolving these any case, an essential part of any impact issues. assessment (Johannes, this volume).

In addition to these practical uses for TEK, it is also significant, as Carl Hrenchuk (personal communication) has pointed out, that a new- found awareness of TEK in mainstream western society can enhance our appreciation of the cultures that hold this knowledge. As well, the recording ofsuch knowledge is significantin the political realm as a tool for social change. For example, the TEK of northern Canadian indigenous peoples as recorded by Nakashima, Hrenchuk and Tobias in this volume provides insight into the life of the people of these communities, and makes southern governmentstake this knowledge more seriously. In the past, western science aloneprovided biological and ecological insights, the knowledge base for resource management, conservation, development planning and environmental assessment. At this stage of the development of TEK, it is possible to say that indigenous peoples and the knowledge held by them do have something to contribute to each of the above areas. But traditionalknowledge is complementary to western science, not a replacement for it (Knudtson and Suzuki, 1992).

6 Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Perspective

Overviewof this volume study which debunked popular planning myths. In Chapter2, Chief Wavey of the Fox Lake First Chapters by Nakashima (Chapter 10), Usher Nation, northern Manitoba, sets the stage for (Chapter 11), Binder and Hanbidge (Chapter traditionalecological knowledge discussions by 12) and Eythorsson (Chapter 13) all deal with presenting an indigenous peoples' point ofview. the relationship of indigenous peoples with the Chief Wavey'schapter, based on the keynote ad- state in the management of resources. Naka- dress which he delivered to the International shima explains the traditional knowledge of Workshop on Indigenous Knowledgeand Com- Sanikiluaq Inuit concerning eider ducks, and munity-based Resource Management, makes how this knowledge is an appropriatebasis for explicit the political nature of the issue which is the joint government-local native people co- at the heart of any discussion of TEK. Chapter 3 management of eider. Usher presentsa co-man- by Ruddle addresses the key issue of how knowl- agement study oftwo major caribou herdsin the edge is transmitted from one generation to the Canadian Arctic, which is one of the earliestco- next, based on his classic study of indigenous management agreements involving indigenous peoplesin the Orinoco Delta of South America. peoples in North America. Binder and Hanbidge Johannes (Chapter 4) provides perspectives on provide a second co-management case study of the use of traditionalknowledge for a very prac- a land claims settlement in the CanadianArctic. tical and current issue: environmental impact Eythorsson describes the Sami fisherman of assessment. Doubleday in Chapter S explores northern Norway and explains why local TEK as alternative collectivewisdom relevant to knowledge and local norms provide the neces- a variety of matters at a time when existing sary supplement to scientific knowledge for re- norms, values and laws are increasingly called source co-management. into question. Chapters by Lalonde (Chapter 6) and McDonald and Fleming (Chapter 7) deal with development-related issues. Lalonde discusses the relevanceof African indigenousknowledge to environment and development issues of today. McDonald and Fleming describe community- based economic development and resource management in the HudsonBay Inuit (Eskimo) community ofSanikiluaq in northern Canada. Chap- ters by Hrenchuk (Chapter 8) and Tobias (Chapter 9) deal with the indigenousworldview, and illustrate two major emerging approaches for the documentation of traditional knowledge. Hrenchukdescribes how a community of northern Manitoba Cree Indians in subarctic Canada utilizes an extensive territory for their hunting needs. Tobias deals with a Metis community in northern Saskatchewan,and awildlife harvesting

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References Gadgil, M., F. Berkes, and C. Folke, in press. Berkes, F. 1977. Fishery resource use in a subarctic Indigenous knowledgefor biodiversity Indian community. HumanEcology 5:289-307. conservation. Ambio. Berkes, E, ed. 1989. Common Property Resources: Hardesty, D.L. 1977. Ecological Anthropology. Ecology and Community-BasedSustainable New York, 'Wiley. Development. London, Beihaven Press. IUCN 1986. Tradition, Conservation and Develop- Brokensha, D., D. Warren, and 0. Werner,eds. ment. Occasional Newsletter of the Commission 1980. Indigenous Knowledge Systemsand on Ecology's Working Group on Traditional Development. Washington, DC, UniversityPress EcologicalKnowledge. No. 4. Gland, of America. Switzerland. Bronowski, J. 1978. The Origins ofKnowledge and 1TJCN/UNEPIWWF 1991. Caring for the Earth. Imagination. New Haven and London, Yale A Strategyfor Sustainable Living. Gland, UniversityPress. Switzerland. Capra, E 1982. The Turning Point. Simon and Johannes, R.E. 1981. Words of the Lagoon. Fishing Schuster. and MarineLore in the Paulau Districtof Conklin, H.C. 1957. Hanunoo agriculture. Micronesia. Berkeley, University of California A Report on an integralsystem ofshifting Press. cultivation in the Philippines. Forestry Johannes, R.E., ed. 1989. TraditionalEcological DevelopmentPaper No. 5. FAO Rome. Knowledge:A Collection ofEssays. Gland, Cox, B., ed. 1987. Native Peoples: Native Lands. Switzerland and Cambridge, UK, IIJCN. Ottawa, Carleton UniversityPress. Johnson, M., ed. 1992. Lore. CapturingTraditional Fathy, H. 1986. Natural Energy and Vernacular Environmental Knowledge. Dene Cultural Insti- Architecture. Chicago, Universityof Chicago tute/International DevelopmentResearch Centre, Press. Ottawa. Fienup-Riordan, A. 1990. Eskimo Essays. New Klee, G., ed. 1980. World Systems of Traditional Brunswick NJ and London, Rutgers University ResourceManagement. London, Edward Press. Arnold. Feit, H.A. 1987. Waswanipi Cree management of Knudtson, R, and D. Suzuki. 1992. Wisdom ofthe land and wildlife: Cree culturalecology revisited. Elders. Toronto, Stoddart. in Cox,B. ed. pp.75-91. Lasserre, P. and K. Ruddle. 1983. Traditional Freeman, M.M.R. 1989. Graphsand gaffs: A Knowledge and Management ofMarine Coastal cautionary tale in the common-property Systems.Report of the ad hoc Steering Group. resourcesdebate. in Berkes, F. ed. pp.92-109. Paris, Unesco. Freeman, M.M.R.and L.N. Carbyn, eds. 1988. Leopold, A. 1949. A SandCounty Almanac. TraditionalKnowledge and Renewable Resource Oxford,Oxford University Press. Management in NorthernRegions. Edmonton, Levi-Strauss,C. 1962. La Pensee Sauvage.Paris, University of Alberta. Librarie Plon. Freeman,M.M.R., Y. Matsuda, and K. Ruddle, eds. McNeely,J.A. and D. Pitt, eds. 1985. Culture and 1991. Adaptive Marine ResourceManagement Conservation.Dublin, Groom Helm. Systems in the Pacific. Resource Management Morauta,L., J. Pernetta, and W. Heaney, eds. 1982. and Optimization 8. No.3/4. Traditional Conservation in Papua New Guinea: Gadgil, M. and F. Berkes. 1991. Traditional Implications for Today. Institute of Applied resource management systems. Resource Social and Economic Research, Port Moresby, Management and Optimization 18:127-141. Papua New Guinea.

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Niarnir, M. 1990. Herders'decision-making in natural resources management in arid andsemi- arid Africa. Community Forestry Note No.4. Rome, FAO. Posey, D.A. 1985. Indigenous management of tropicalforest ecosystems: The case of the Kayapo Indiansof the Brazilian Amazon. Agroforestry Systems3:139-158. Posey, D.A. andW. Balee, eds. 1989. Resource Management inAmazonia: Indigenous and Folk Strategies. Advances in Economic Botany 7. Pruitt, Jr., W.O. 1978. Boreal Ecology. London, Edward Arnold. Ruddle, K. and R. Chesterfield.1977. Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Berkeley, Universityof California Press. Ruddle, K. and R.E. Johannes, eds. 1989. Traditional MarineResource Management in the PacificBasin: An Anthology. Jakarta, UnescoIRPSTSEA. Tanner, A. 1979. Bringing HomeAnimals. London, Hurst. Warren, D.M., D. Brokensha, and L.J. Slikkerveer, eds. 1993.Indigenous Knowledge Systems. The CulturalDimension of Development.London, Kegan Paul International. WCED 1987. Our Common Future. The World Commission on Environment and Development. Oxford and New York, Oxford UniversityPress.

9 2. International Workshop on Indigenous Knowledge and Community-based Resource Management: Keynote Address Chief Robert Wavey

Recently,academics, scientific researchers and others have "discovered" that the knowledge which indigenous people hold of the earth, its ecosystems,the wildlife, fisheries, forests and other integrated living systems is extensive and extremely accurate. On the eve of the 500th anniversary of Christopher Columbus having stumbled upon North America, it is appropriateto provide comments from the perspective of an indigenous person in North America on whatthe concept of "discovery" means to us. At the time Europeans firstcontacted Aborig- Europeans came to a resource-rich continent inal peoples, the quality of our environment was after millennia of management and stewardship such that our communities had access to ample of that continent by Aboriginal people. After supplies of clean water, timber and wood, 500 years of continuous exploitation and devel- berries and medicinal plants, beaver, muskrat, opment, guided by science and technological moose, caribou,geese and other wildlife. discovery, non-aboriginal management systems The laws and customs of FirstNations guided have created an era of unprecedented oppor- the sharing and management of resources, and tunityfor widespread ecological catastrophe. ensured that our people could continue to enjoy, As was the case with Columbus, "discovery" on a sustained basis, the resources which pro- is in the eye of the beholder. Itmay bemore accu- vided the needs of our families. These laws and rate to state that the dominant European-based customs are based ongenerations of observation society, after 500 years, has finally stopped and knowledge. Our laws and customs respect- ignoring our traditional knowledge, laws and ing land and resources also form the binding customs. foundationof Aboriginal nations and systemsof As indigenous people, we spend a great deal governance. of our time, through all seasons of the year,

11 ROBERT WAVEY travelling over, drinking, eating, smelling and land for some special purpose, gave you dominion with the which sur- over this land and over the red man. That destiny is living ecological system a to for we do not rounds us. often mystery us, understand when the Aboriginal people notice very buffalo are all the wild horses minor in odour slaughtered, tamed, changes quality, and vitality the secret cornersof the forestheavy with the scent long before it becomes obvious to government of many men, and the view of the ripe hills blotted enforcement agencies, scientists or other ob- by talkingwires. Where is thethicket? Gone. Where is the servers of the same ecological system. eagle? Gone. The end of the living and the of the survival. Governments have begun to view indigenous beginning people and their knowledge of the land as an Chief Seattle spoke these words in 1854. early warningsystem for environmental change, perhaps in much the same way as miners once The United Nations World Commission on viewed canaries. The difference is that a canary Environment and Development found in 1987 does not know why it died, or what was wrong; that: indigenous do. The can not people canary pro- Social discrimination, cultural barriers, and the pose solutions or provide an example of exclusion of [indigenous peoples] from national lifestyles and ethics to restore ecological bal- political processes makes these groups vulnerable ance; indigenous people can. The canary does and subject to exploitation... They become the victims of what could be not foretell environmental change, but indige- described as cultural extinction nous people accurately predict ecological dis- turbance,based on multi-generational accumu- lations of knowledge and experience. In Canada, the process of acquiring Aboriginal Soon after contact with Europeans, indige- lands for agriculture, forestry, mining and set- nous people recognized that the foreign way of tlements was rooted in an official policy of cul- touching, using, and thinking about the earth tural extermination which continuedfor several would ultimately lead to ecological destruction generations. In concert with the churches, and to an uncertain future for all people. Aboriginal children were removed from our Aboriginal leaders warned ofthe ecologicalcon- communitiesyear after year forthe entire school sequences. In the words of Chief Seattle: season. We were prevented from speaking our We know that the white man does not understand languages and we were prevented from practis- our ways. One portion of the land isthe same tohim ing our ceremonies in respect for Mother Earth as the next, for he is a stranger who comes in the and our ancestors. Separating the children from and takes from the night land whatever he needs. the grandparents and elders resulted in many The earth is not his but his and brother, enemy, of our people losing touch with traditional when he has he moves on. He leaves conquered it, resource uses and of his father's graves behind,and he does not care. He knowledge the land. kidnaps theearth from his children, and hedoes not The Government of Canada did not succeed. care.His father's grave, and his children's birthright The traditions,cultures, languages, institutions are forgotten.He treats his mother, the earth, and and beliefs of our people live on and grow his the as brother, sky things to be bought, plun- stronger every day. sold like or dered, sheep bright beads. His appetite Two have the will devour theearth and leavebehind a desert. important things kept Aborigi- only nal of Canada and The But in yourperishing you will shine brightly,fired people strong together. by the strengthof the God who broughtyou to this first is our tremendous sense of community and

12 Keynote Address family. Our traditional means of teaching — by obliterating the reference points and actual with the grandparents teaching the young while resourcesthat these maps are intendedto share. the parents provide for the family — remains Resource developments convert highly valued today within our communities; it has ensured and sought-after family and community knowl- that the young people recover, restore and revi- edge into memories. The UN World Commis- talize their traditions, their languages and their sion describes the disappearance of indigenous way of life. The second is that most Aboriginal cultures as "a loss for the larger society, which peoplein Canada stillhave the land. Without the could learn a great deal from their traditional land, our knowledge of the land and the respect skills in managing very complex ecological sys- that we hold for the land, our communities and tems." The same is true for the loss of tradition- our way of life would not exist because the land al ecological knowledge. and the people are one. A land base and exten- If the concept of ecosystems includes those sive traditional ecological knowledge has en- habitats extensively modified by humans, then sured the cultural survival of Aboriginal people traditional ecological knowledge is used by in Canada. everybodyevery day of their lives; many are just The boreal forest in Manitobais almost road- not aware of it. In the cities of the world, for less and is home to more than 33,000 treaty example, urban survival knowledge is a form of Aboriginal people living in some 30 communi- traditional knowledge. People must use their ties. To Manitoba's northern people, there are adaptive instincts to survive on the streets, in the no frontiers, wilderness or empty lands;the for- school yards, in the factories and in the office est is the First Nations homeland. Manitoba's towers. Urban families accumulate "street boreal forest region is almost completely inter- smarts" which change to meet the times. connected by trails, rivers, lakes and portages. Detailed knowledge of the urban environment is The region also contains hundreds of spring, essential for survival. summer and winter hunting, fishing, gathering There is a major difference between tradition- and trapping encampments. The boreal forest al ecologicalknowledge, which is an instinctive provides considerable direct economic value to adaptationtaking place withina few short years, the communities, values which are largely invis- and the body of traditional ecological knowl- ibleto resource developers, managers and politi- edge, which is accumulated for specific lands cians. In addition to the teaching of skills, each and handed down over many generations. For elder maintains continuity and links to the com- example, many resource developers and govern- munity resource area by transferring a highly ment planners often assume that Aboriginal detailed oral "map" and inventory of resource people are highly adaptive and can survive the values and land use locations. These individual abrupt relocations and changes in the resource and family maps knit together into a rich and base caused by hydroelectric development. complete mosaic which provides integrated Traditional ecological knowledge related to cur- knowledge of the ecosystems within the com- rentareas of land use, occupancy and habitation munity'straditional resource area. is often incorrecfly assumed to allow for an Therefore,major ecologicaldisturbances such instant knowledge of newor alteredhunting and as hydroelectric development and large-scale gathering locations. This attitude was evident forestry activitieshave profound cultural impacts during the diversion of the Churchill River and

13 ROBERT WAVEY the extensive damming ofthe Nelson River sys- the community. It is strictly confidential and tem in northern Manitoba. Although forcibly may be released only with the consent of the relocated Aboriginal people may survive in the resource user and community involved. end, their well-being will be affected for many Through its Natural Resources Secretariat, generations while the patternsof experience and the Council of Manitoba Northern Chiefs, the observations develop into detailed knowledge of Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak (MKO), the alteredlocalized ecology. negotiated an agreement-in-principle to have When the internationalpulp and paper giant MKO First Nations conduct the land use map- REPAP announced the purchase of a Forest ping which was related to the environmental Management Licence covering 108,000 square assessment process. Partly as a result of the kilometres of northern Manitoba, an area the REPAP agreement, MKO installed a geograph- size of Guatemala, the Chiefs of northern ic information system (GIS) supportedby a sys- Manitoba were determined to protectthe tradi- tem to display and analyze remotely-sensed tional resource areas ofthe FirstNations affect- images to ensure that First Nations benefit in ed by documenting the oral and land use maps future from the information collected as part of of resource users in the REPAP cutting area. the assessment of forestryimpacts. Earlier experience with the massive hydro- The MKOGIS Development Project achieved electric projects in northern Manitoba had several importantobjectives. Firstly, the propri- proventhat non-aboriginal developers and gov- etary nature of much of the resource and land ernment considered impacts to Aboriginal land use information of individuals was protected. uses too general to quantify accurately using Use, occupancy and habitation maps are often existing techniques. As a result,they were effec- used during land entitlement selection and set- tively ignored. The Chiefs were determined in tlement, mitigation program assessment and the REPAP case to combine traditionalecologi- other claims negotiations. In addition, impacts cal knowledge with science by developing an could be created by making specific details of independent capacity to document detailed land land use public through publishing maps of use, managing the considerable map data with prime hunting and fishing sites, gravesites and an automated geographic information system former community locations. Second, control of (GIS), and overlayingthis data with maps ofthe the raw land-use information allows the com- REPAP cutting plans. munities to optimize the acknowledged value of Under Manitoba's Environment Act, a joint this information through skills development, Federal-ProvincialReview of the REPAP forestry contracted projects, employment and other expansion and bleached kraft proposals is a means. And finally, MKO now has a compre- mandatoryrequirement. The terms of reference hensive, computer-based geographic informa- for the environmental impactstatement include tion system to incorporate existing and future a detailed assessment of the impacts of logging land use mappingdata, allow overlay and com- and roads on Aboriginal land use. However, the parison of resource inventories and economic Chief ofNorthern Manitoba has refused to pro- activity, and enable effective modelling ofpossi- vide this information directly to consultants ble alternative patterns of development. working for REPAP. Such land use information Maintaining complete indigenous control of is the privateproperty of the resource users and traditionalland use information is a cornerstone

14 Keynote Address in developinga link between traditional ecolog- ural resourcesprotected by Aboriginal rights. In ical knowledge and science. This ensures that fact, the use of resources by Aboriginal people indigenous people develop the skills and capac- and the stewardship of resources have always ity to benefit from the growing interest in tradi- been tied together. Manyspecific sites have been tional ecological knowledge. Development of continuously used by our communities for gen- the capacity for indigenous people to indepen- erations, indicating the success of the existing dently respond to and directly participate in the direct management and continued stewardship resource management activities arising from the by the communities. application of traditionalecological knowledge Although government seeks to regulate lands is also required. and naturalresources, the ability ofgovernment For example, biologists and chemistsworking to manage these vast lands directly has always in field analysis acknowledge that a human been limited. The government ability to actually being can often detect changes in taste, water, manage resources is even more limited nowwith tissue and other substances, at levels below that reductions in budgets and changes in govern- of contemporary testing equipment. Aboriginal mentpriorities. resource harvesters near the Ruttan copper-zinc When governmentand corporatemanagers fly mine in northern Manitoba have refused to into remote regions to set up camps for field- drink water and eat fish and beaver from lakes work, watching them pass overhead are a good which are not related to the licensed discharges number of Aboriginal faces turned to the sky. from the mill. These changes in taste have devel- Aboriginal people watch as exploration camps oped over the pasttwo years. A recent field sam- are built, cut lines made, hydro sites selected, pling program designed by the MKO and timber harvested and resource roads constructed. Environmental Protection Laboratories identi- The people retain a record of what the land fied sample sites and sample types on the basis and the resources have provided for generations, of interviews with the principal resource har- and Aboriginal people are the first to see the vesters. The field sampling technicians con- changes. The Aboriginal resource users are the firmed the significance of the 13 sampling sites principal managers of resources who also bear suggested by an 83 year-old Cree trapper and the burden ofthe long term impacts. Aboriginal others usingthe area. Work is now underway to people must develop unique strategies for develop a permanent First Nations capacity to adjusting to and accommodating these impacts link traditional ecological knowledge-based to continue our direct use of the lands and environmental monitoring with a sampling and resources. laboratory analysis program directed and oper- FirstNations intend to ensure a qualityof the ated by Aboriginal people in northern Manitoba. environment so that our traditionalpursuits are I have often been asked for some positive maintained. First Nations recognize that influ- examples of First Nations management of nat- ence over decisionsconcerning natural resources ural resources. The question implies that First management and the quality ofthe environment Nations management is something that is either is directly tied to the social, cultural and eco- new or developing through agreements with nomic future of Aboriginal people. Ultimately governments. First Nations in Canada have the differencebetween poverty and prosperity is never surrendered the role of managing the nat- determined in large measure by the extent to

15 ROBERT WAVEY which Aboriginal people directly manage and mustplace the highest priority on supporting the control the nature, scale and type of develop- development of permanent technical, scientific ment within our traditionallands. and support capacity under the control and Traditional resource management structures direction of indigenous peoples. There is no can continue to provide effectivestewardship for question that increased access to traditionaleco- lands and ecosystems which are not significant- logical knowledge will allow non-indigenous ly disrupted by development and all the related managers a means for refining and focusing ecological pressures. The need for linking non- environmental regulation and management. traditional, science-based environmental tech- However, I am concerned that science-based nologies and management approaches with tra- management approaches will use the improved ditional ecological knowledge increases in ecological database not to focus on develop- relation to the extent of ecological disruption. ment-related ecological impacts, but to impose This is particularly apparent, for example, when additional regulations and restrictions on the identifying problems related to hazardous resource uses of indigenous peoples. wastes and industrial pollution. However, an Science has never been neutral in relation to identified need for applying science-basedenvi- indigenous peoples, lands, resources and devel- ronmental technologies to a disrupted ecosys- opment. The struggle to control lands and tem does not mean that traditional ecological resources to facilitate development is the princi- knowledge and Aboriginal stewardship should pal feature of the relationship between indige- be replaced with science-based, non-aboriginal nous peoples and governments worldwide. government authority. Traditional ecological Science is based on discovery, and has provided knowledge is an important cornerstone of the foundation for the industrialization of the Aboriginal self-government.I agree withthe UN earth and the concentration of wealth in the World Commission findings that: hands of those nationswith the greatest scientific Traditional is the recognition of traditionalrights must go hand capacity. ecological knowledge in hand with measures to protect the local institu- not another frontier for science to discover. tions that enforce responsibility in resource use. When you contemplate the linking of tradi- And this recognition must also give local communi- tional ecologicalknowledge and science in order ties a decisive voice in the decisions about resource to supportthe healing of MotherEarth, I askyou use in their area. to resist seeking to discover. I urge you instead to accept what is obvious. In Canada, the entrenchment of Aboriginal Traditional ecological knowledge is based on and treaty rights in the Constitution, as well as mutual well-being and sharing. In our severely the recent reinforcementof resource rights by the disrupted global environments, traditionaleco- Supreme Court of Canada, provides for a logical knowledge is now essential for our mutu- mandatory role for First Nations in the man- al survival. The benefits of traditionalecological agement of natural resources. The role remains knowledge can be shared when there is respect, unfulfilled. understanding, the recognition of traditional For science to effectivelysupport traditional rights, and the recognition of existing indige- ecological knowledge and indigenous resource nous stewardship of many regions of the earth. management in Canada and elsewhere, you

16 3 The Transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge Kenneth Ruddle

Although knowledge is the foundation of social life, the sociology of knowledge, and particularly its transmission between or among generations, remains a neglected field.This is extraordinary in view of the fundamental socio-cultural importance of the process. Similarly, although children and young people actively participate in economic activities of households in the Third World, little is known of their contribution to community life nor of the socialization and the transmission of knowledge to them, nor of the related processes through which they eventually become fully productive adult members of society. In rural subsistence communities in particu- the preservation of the system's integrity or its lar, traditional knowledge is a central concern modification are transmittedfrom one genera- for the regulation and balance of exploitative tion to the next. pressures that permit an ecosystem to maintain Becausecontinuity from one generation to the stability and regenerative capacity. But almost next is implicit in the concepts of culture and without exception, most ethnographers, if they society, the ethnographic literature concerned discuss childhood at all, have little to say about with generational transmission of information how traditional knowledge of specific skills is tends to deal with questions of how children are transmitted. The impression conveyed is that incorporated into their groups in only very skills are transmittedand acquired in a disorga- broad analytical terms ofcultural and socialsys- nized, unstructured and highly individualistic tems. Such analysis is more informative about manner. Studies of the ecology of humansubsis- the totality of what children learn than about tence and food procurement neglect the process- how they acquire traditionalecological knowl- es throughwhich information concerning either edge of specific tasks and skills.

17 KENNETH RUDDLE

However, it is clear from the persistence of (5) Tasks are site specific, and are taught in the social and cultural forms that learning at such types of locations where they are to be general levels is not only structured but also cul- performed. there is no reason to turally specific; suppose (6) Fixed periods are specificallyset aside for that the of traditional eco- acquisition particular teaching. nomic and ecological skills is any less so. The scanty data on the subject bear this out. For (7) Tasks are taught by particular kinsfolk, example, Raum (1940) identified the ages when usually one of the learner's parents. are shown which banana Chaga boys leaves are (8) A form of reward or punishment is best for fodder; Wagley (1957) described associated with certain tasks or task Guatemalan Indian miniature boys receiving complexes. hoes; and Mead (1930) detailed the experience of Manus children piloting adult canoes. The typical way in which the organization of subsis- Just as traditional knowledge and its trans- tence training has been mentioned briefly is mission shape society and culture, culture and exemplified by the works of Holmberg (1950), society shape knowledge; these are reciprocal Levineand Levine (1963), Read (1960), (Ruddle phenomena. Thus, vastly differing constructions and Chesterfield 1977), and Whiting (1941), of knowledge and processes of transmission as among others. well as the social uses to which knowledge is put The often fragmented and cursory data on occur worldwide. To exemplify this, I use con- subsistence-levelsocieties throughout the world trasting cases from Venezuela and Polynesia in obtained by researchers from a wide range of the second part of this paper disciplines yield remarkably consistent general- Finally, a caveat is required here. It should be izations about certainstructural and processual asked ifthe topic we are examining is really eco- characteristics ofthe transmission of traditional logical knowledge or environmental knowledge, knowledge. These may be summarized as fol- which includes the social environment. The for- lows (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977): mer term implies an awarenessin a given society of the systemic interactions the (1) There exist specificage divisions for task among compo- nents of an environment, an trainingin economic activities. ethnoecological construct. In the absence of such a concept, and (2) Different tasks are taught by adultsin a with the substitution of a unifying matrix similar and systematic manner. imposed by an outside investigator,which might Withina task erroneously assume local systems thinking, the (3) particular complex (for is traditional in individual topic really environmental knowl- example, gill-netting fisheries) in its broadest sense. tasks are taught in a sequence ranging edge, from simple to complex. The Key Soclo-cultural Role of Traditional (4) Tasks are gender and age specific, and are KnowledgeTransmission' taught by members of the appropriate sex. In addition to its practical aspects of ensuring sustained resource management, the transmission of traditional knowledge has fundamental

18 The Transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge socio-cultural importanceto any society. During order is understandable only in terms of the knowledge transmission over several genera- knowledge that its members have and share. lions, social institutions are gradually crystal- However, this does not necessarily imply com- lized; routine or habitual ways of doing things plex indigenous theoretical constructs about the gradually become the customary way thatthings character of institutions, although this is also are done. For children, a community's custom- important. The primary knowledge is pre-theo- ary way eventually becomes the given-received retical knowledge: "the sum total of 'what every- social world, an analog of the biological-physi- body knows'about a social world" (Berger and cal world with which it overlaps. Luckmann 1984:83). At this level, "every insti- In the process of transmitting knowledge to a tution has a body of transmitted 'recipe knowl- new generation, the transmitter's sense of reali- edge' (Schutz 1960) ...that supplies the institu- ty is strengthened. The social world, which is tionally appropriate rules of conduct."(Berger embodied in traditional knowledge, becomes and Luckmann 1984:83). enlarged during transmission. But, of course, Such knowledge underlies the dynamics of each new generation of receivers of knowledge institutionalized conduct and defines the areas understands the history and context of its soci- of such conduct, as well as both defining and ety's institutions only by increasingly attenuat- constructing the roles to beplayed in the context ed hearsay. The rationale underlying custom, of such institutions. By definition, such knowl- tradition, normative and actual behavior, and edge also controls and predicts conduct by the rules and regulations must therefore be provid- operators within a resource system. Since such edto learners by teachers through consistent and knowledge comprises a body of generally valid comprehensivelegitimation. truths about reality, any deviance from the social The process of knowledge transmission leads order is a departurefrom reality — a deviance logically to that of institutionalization, since the that could be variouslyinterpreted as depravity,a logic of institutions and that of the linkages symptom of mentalillness, ignorance, criminali- among them emerges not from the institutions ty, willfulness,or asign of a power struggle aimed per Se, but from the way in which they are treat- at the eventualusurpation of authorityThat leads ed by conscious reflection by those that operate to the need for social controls to handle deviance within them, especially during the process of and to ensure compliance with social norms. knowledge transmission. When such reflectionis There is a need to control deviance by ensuring common to the various operators, it provides a compliance under the threat of sanctions. logical framework for an institution. This logic Thus, a society's stock of knowledge, when also emerges from the reciprocity that occurs either put into operation or reflected upon, among operators ofdifferent systems, for exam- becomes the local world; it becomes co-exten- ple, as among fishermen and farmers, women sive with the knowable, and provides the frame- and men, and different age sets. Continual acts work through which that which is "not yet of reciprocity establish the collective conscious- known will come to be known in the future" ness of a logical framework for linked resource (Berger and Luckmann 1984:83), that is the systems and their accompanying institutions. acceptance or the rejection of innovation. In Therefore,knowledge assumesa pivotal role in these terms, knowledge is the key dialectic any community; integration of an institutional of society, since knowledge about society both

19 KENNETH RUDDLE captures everyday social reality and continuous- codified, usually in specific linguistic terms, and ly reproduces it. it can then be transmitted coherently to the next A body of knowledge develops over genera- generation. tions to refer to the various activities involvedin "The transmission of the meaning of an insti- a given resource system, and takes on a linguis- tution is based on the social recognition of that tic form. For example, consider fishing: institution as a 'permanent' solution to a 'permanent' and Luckmann Vocabulariesdefine problem." (Berger (1) species, habitats, 1984:87). Therefore, potential "actors of insti- weather sea patterns, conditions, seasons, tutional actions must be systematically fish and the like. behavior, acquainted with these meanings. This necessi- (2) A collection of "recipes" must be learned tates some form ofeducational process" (Berger in order to fish both correctly and with and Luckmann 1984; second emphasis added) consistent success. to structure the transmission of any given body of knowledge, such as traditional ecological (3) Knowledge is also a channeling and knowledge of fishing. controlling force that underlies fishing institutions. The Structureof Traditional Knowledge Transmission in a Mixed PeasantEconomy (4) In the persistence and crystallization of in the Orinoco Delta, Venezuela becomes fishing institutions, knowledge The traditional of trans- the of the system knowledge objective description mission examined on Guara Island, in the activity/institution. Orinoco Delta of Venezuela (Ruddle and Ches- (5) An objective arenalfield/ethnoscienceof terfield 1977), is highly structured and system- fishing develops in parallel with the atic, with either individual or small group activity of fishing. instruction. Emphasis is placed on learning by doing throughrepeated practice over timerather than by simple observation and replication. This body of knowledge is transmitted to the Regardlessof the complex oftasks to be taught, next generation as an objective truth during a teacher's first step is to familiarize the learner socialization, and then it is internalized as sub- verbally and visually with the physical elements jective reality.This transmission yields and gives of the appropriate location. The entire complex identityto a specifictype of person, a fisherman, is demonstrated over a period of time. Proceed- whose principal social universe is constituted by ing additively and sequentially from simple to thatbody ofknowledge. As a consequence,to be complicated steps, the complex is divided into an active fisherman implies that there exists a individual procedures that repeat those already social world defined and controlled by a discrete mastered. Finally, an entire task complex is body of arcane knowledge about fishing. learned, with only occasional verbal correction Only a fraction of an individual's experience needed. When competent, the learner is allowed is consciously retained and thus makes sense. to help the teacher, and to experiment and use What is retained and shared by persons pursu- his or her own initiative. Gradually, the role of ing a common activity such as fishing becomes the teacher is eliminated.

20 The Transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge

In terms of the framework for the transmis- instruction in those aspects of cultivation for sion of traditional knowledge described above, which women are responsible. Though girls the system on Guara Island fits as follows: learn to sow and plant, to select seeds, and to care for the dooryard garden, other aspects of (1) Age cultivation, animal husbandry, fishing, and The learning of tasks is age-specific (Table 1)2. hunting are taught only to boys. Plant and ani- Learning to recognize the namesand character- mal identification, harvesting for the pot, small- istics of the more commonitems of the biota is scale fishing, and the care of animals are learned the earliest ecological knowledge transmitted. by both sexes, mostly during early childhood. Between two and five years of age, when a child is becoming mobile and learning to speak, the (3) Sequencing child begins to become familiar with foodstuffs Task complexes are taught sequentially (Table and other materials used to satisfy household 2)2. The simpler and more familiar parts of a task needs. Older children are mobile and verbal are taught first. Theability to identify foodplants enough to be taught tasks which are prerequi- by nameand characteristic is amongthe earliest sites to livelihood activities, complexes of skills developed. Once a plant's characteristics knowledge associated with household mainte- are known, children are trained to procure it nance and the preparation and processing of from easily accessible sites using implements of food. Children are taken to the fields for the first an appropriate size. As strength and skill time to observe cultivation techniques. Now increase, training is provided for the acquisition ready for formalized instruction in food pro- of a greater quantity of food, for entrance into duction activities, eight-year-oldboys are taught more dangerous locations such as backswamps, to use implements and to use techniques which and for greater discriminatory capabilities. require a minimum ofphysical strength or skill. Both task complexesand individual tasks are Gradually, more demanding task complexes are taught sequentially, building on skills already mastered, until, finally, boys of 11 to 14 years are developed, until an entire complex of tasks has prepared in complexes which are either exceed- been mastered. Age and strength as well as skill ingly difficult to perform or are undertaken in and experience determine advancement to suc- dangerous locations. cessivelevels.

(2) Gender (4) Location Labour is divided according to gender and age Childrenare taught to take advantage of the sea- as are the skills taught to a child. Both sexes are sonal range and local diversity of food resources instructed in household and preparatory tasks with the objective ofensuring full cognizance of (Table 1). 'With the exception of the use of the all local food resources.From earliest training in bush knife, in which boys are given special the dooryard garden and in the river in front of instruction, the training of both sexes is similar. the house, children of both sexes learn the rudi- While eight-year-old boys begin intensive train- ments of food preparation and household main- ing in cultivation and complementary activities, tenance, which prepares them for later parti- girls continue to perfectskills related to house- cipation in food production. Sites for practicing hold maintenance in addition to receiving these skills are the cultivatedfield, where children

21 KENNETH RUDDLE

practice using the bushknife, chi!dcare and culti- to the non-food-producing members of their gen identification, and the pastures and grass- families. Thus, the child's reciprocal responsi- lands, where children practice horseback riding. bilities to its family are emphasized. Cultivation tasks are taught almost entirely Rewards, however, are not entirely lacking: withinthe locale designated for a cultivatedfield small children learning to cook may be given with the exception of early harvesting and plant pieces offood fortheir assistance;boys are urged identification, which is taught in the dooryard to learn cultivation tasks with apromise of their garden. Except for learning to care for and feed own small bush knife or of a smallfield of their animals in the village, all animal husbandry own. Children of both sexes may be rewarded instruction takes place in pastures and grass- for animal care with the ownership of a hen or lands. Children are trained to fish and hunt in pig. Nonetheless, it is felt that the principal sites frequented by target species. Early educa- reward comes from proficient performance in lion takes place in the river and cultivated field, itself, and a steady progression towards recogni- but as a boy grows and becomes more skillful, tion as a person "who knows." he is taught to fish and hunt in the more dangerous backswamps and grasslands. (7) Teaching Labour The input of person-hours to instruction in all (5) Duration food-production activities combined comprises Although it is realized that learning to manipu- 14 percent of the total labour input required to late the complex deltaic ecosystem is a life-long operate the entire household subsistence system undertaking, formal or structured training in (Table 4)2 subsistence pursuits lasts only for about eight Training in cultivation and complementary years, whenboys are between the ages of six and activities, like training in household chores, is 14. During this period,specific times during the almost a family undertaking (Table5)2. Men are daily work routine are allocated for instruction the principal teachersof subsistence activities, (Table 3)2 The duration of these periods is a and women are the principal teachers of house- function of both the complexity ofwhat is being hold chores. Certain cultivation tasks, like har- taught, and of the frequency with which train- vesting in the dooryard garden and some planting isundertaken. Similarly, the durationof both ing tasks, are performed by females, who are intensive training and the number of repetitions also the teachers of these tasks. Beyond the pro- per session dependon both the laboriousness of vision of a basic knowledge of wild fauna, the tasks, and the age at which the learner is imparted to the learner by the entire family, and introduced to them. the aspects of learning fishing, hunting and animal husbandry that take place in the village, (6) Reinforcement training in complementary activities is done by Children are punishedonly for breaching house- the father, sometimes assisted by a child'sgrand- hold rules during early childhood; they are never fatheror older brother. punished for deficiency in skill. Children learning subsistence activities are chastised whenthey Transmissionof Traditional Knowledge on failin atask by being madeashamed of their fail- Pukapuka:a PolynesianContrast ure to fulfill obligations both to themselvesand Astriking contrastwith the traditional education

22 The Transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge system described above for GuaraIsland is found On Pukapuka, verbal instruction is rare. Both on Pukapuka, one of the Cook Islands of children and adults learn by observation fol- Polynesia, as analyzed by Borofsky (1987). lowed later by imitation. Like Tubuai, another Pukapuka appears to be typical of much of Polynesian island where learning is based on Polynesia, where much of the corpus of tradi- close observation, formal instruction isminimal, tional knowledge is transmitted informally, as and questioning, especially by children, discour- on Rotuma (Howard 1973). On Pukapuka, how- aged except where it pertains to concretesitua- ever, both formal and informal patterns occur. tions (Levin 1978). Observation is of paramount In Polynesia, the transmission of traditional importance; "knowledge is something grasped knowledge occurs within the all-pervasivecon- visually (Borofsky 1987:81-82), and most text of status rivalry (Goldman 1970; Howard Polynesians are visually-orientedtoward know!- 1972; Marcus 1978; Ritchie and Ritchie 1979; edge. Listening to the conversations of others is Shore 1982; Borofsky 1987), which is competi- a second important means of acquiring know!- lion over status issues. On Pukupuka,such sta- edge. Repetition of observation, listening and tus issues of relevanceto the transmission oftra- practice are the principal factors in the Puka- ditional knowledge are (1) social hierarchy, pukan transmission of knowledge. dependency, and deference to superiors, and (2) Learners attempt to maintaintheir own status autonomy and peer equality (Borofsky 1987). with teachers by regulating whenand where they Superior persons are deferred to by virtue of will acquire knowledge. Status is also the reason their social rank, not because they possess a why adults do not ask questions of others, since superior knowledge. As an affirmation of their this would reveal one's own ignorance, and own status and worth, people challenge, qualify mightcause the person questioned to either lose or elaborate on the knowledge of others face or to be subject to ridicule if an incorrect or (Borofsky 1987). Further, knowledge is not inadequate answer is given. However, casual, always acquired or used for practical everyday indirect conversation about a topic saves face. purposes, since an appearance of being knowl- Ridicule of others, a "pervasive element in edgeable and the manipulation of knowledge are Pukapukan education" (Borovsky 1987:92), is used to enhancethe status of an individual. an importantmeans of asserting one's own sta- On Pukapuka, mostknowledge is transmitted tus and competence. And childrenare physical- in the context of an activity which is situation- ly punished for doing things incorrectly. In con- ally relevant to performing daily tasks. This is trast, praiseand encouragement are uncommon. similar to the situation on the Polynesian island This seems to be widespread in Polynesia (Levy of Tikopia (Firth 1936), as elsewhere in Poly- 1973; Levin 1978; Hooper 1990). nesia (Ritchie and Ritchie 1979). For example, Challenge,indirect criticism, joking, and teas- place names on a reef and the names and char- ing among adults are also used as educational acteristics ofreef fishes are gradually acquired as tools. The resultantpressure and competition is boys accompany their fathers on fishing trips. a stimulus to learning. Hence, for the young, Some knowledge, however, is taught and learned learning is often a humiliating andpainful expe- for enjoyment, such as the entertainment pro- rience, and many people preferto learn on their vided by the narration of legends that gradually own (Levy 1973; Borofsky 1987). socialize children into a group's traditions.

23 KENNETH RUDDLE

Conclusion In any society, the transmission of traditional knowledge amonggenerations is a complex and fundamentalprocess embedded within the deep socio-cultural structure. It is this characteristic rather than the inherentcomplexity of any biological and physical environment that deter- mines the intricacy and methods of the transmission process and the complexity of the curriculum. Thus the formal/informal distinc- tion has little relevance since the concern must be with the holistic study of a society. The curriculum and process ofknowledge transmission is culture itself, and it is by no means haphazard or unstructured regardless of the methods of knowledge acquisition used, whether these methods are silent and individual observation and imitation,or additive and sequential direct teaching-learning.

24 Table 1: Division of Task Complexes by Gender and Age of Learner Task Sex Age inYears MF 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 EARLY CHILDHOOD HouseholdTask Corn p/axes: Messenger x x Carry water and wood x x Child care x x Cooking x x Laundering x x Construction x x Preparato,y Task Cornplexes: Identification ofcultigens andanimals x x Care of domestic animals x x Horsebackriding x x Useof machete x Swimming x x Useof piragua x x Linefishing x x CULTIVATION 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II 12 13 Plant Identification Plantsin harvested state x x Food plantsgrowing in dooryard garden x x Ornaments and medicinals x x Conucoplants x x Natural vegetation x x Harvesting Plantsfor home consumption Dooryard garden x x Conucoplants x Largerroot and tree crops x Berryand fruit x Coconuts x Commercial crops Observation x Packingcobs x Cuttingand harvesting own crop x Seed Selection x x Sowing, Planting,Care Observation x x Covering holes x x Planting seeds x x Useof digging stick x Transplanting tree crops x Interplanting x Weeding x Cutting and Burning Observation —cutting x Cuttingwith machete x Cuttingwith axe x Observation —burning x Gatheringand clearing x Actualburning x Marketing x Care and Construction ofTools x ANIMAL HUSBANDRY 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Identification and Care of Small Animals x x Feeding Larger Animals x x HerdingTechniques x Training and Taming x Marking x Curing x FISHING 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Fish Identification x x Line Fishing x x Guarál x Casting Net x Harpoon x Bow and Arrow x Poisons x HUNTING 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Animal Identification x x Lizard Hunting x Netting Birds x TrappingAnimals x Shooting Gun x Bowand Arrow x

25 Table2: Sequenceof Learning Within an Activity

EARLY CHILDHOOD CULTIVATION

HouseholdTask Complexes: Vegetation Identification Messenger Verbalidentification of plants consumedfrom Verbaland physical identification of objects dooryard garden Holding Identificationof medicinalsand decoratives Canying Identificationof tree crops Canying Water and Wood Universally-cultivatedconuco crops Identificationof water andwood sources Specialty crops Carrying small loads Rastrojo Carrying water and wood fordaily needs Grassland Child Care Swamps Cleaningand swaddling Harvesting Assisting to walk Forhome consumption Carryingsmall loads Carryingharvested plants Watching Pullingand picking Cooking Removalof small root crops with machete Fetching foodstuffs Cuthng oflarger rootcrops Preparing utensils Picking berry crops Cooking foodstuffs Commercialcrops Combining offoodstuffs Cutting maize Laundering Chopping smaller tubers Launderingof one piece Cutting large rootcrops Gradual increaseof quantity Picking trees and berries Construction Seed Selection Retrieving Seed plants used at table Hammeringand mixing Grain plants Cutting and shaping Seedlingsfrom tree crops Plantspropagated bycuttings Preparatory Task Complexes: Sowing andPlanting Identification ofCultigens and Animals Sowingof annuals Visual exposure tothose used in cooking Maize Repetitionof names Covering holes Verbalizationof characteristics Placingmaize seeds Retrievalof catch or harvest Use ofdigging stick Care ofDomestic Animals Individualdifferences among annuals Throwing foodto chickensand ducks Planting of root crops Naming ofpersonal pet Cleaningand preparationof clones Bundlingof fodder forlarger animals Layingout ofclones Carrying of bundles Placingand coveringof clones Horseback Riding Use ofshovel Sitting onhorse Transplantingof tree crops Clinging towalking horse Inteiplantingin small conuco Using reins to guide and stop Care Cantering and galloping Weeding Use ofMachete Use ofgrapnel Clearing brush withgrapnel Use of machete Slicing with machete Weedingof maize Swimming Weedingof polyculturalconuco Floating on piece ofwood Protectingconuco from birds Paddling witharms and legs Cutting Dog paddling without wood Collectingcut material Swimming with crawl stroke Slashingunderbrush with machete Use ofPiragua Cutting saplings with axe Playing in boat Cutting trees with axe Pretendingto paddle Construction ofscaffolds Untying boat Identificationof rastrojo Pushing off Burning Entering boat Piling cut material Fishing with Line Clearing offirebreak Catching bait Firing against wind inconuquito Baiting hook Identifyingdegree ofdryness ofcut vegetation Tying hook to line Marketing Pulling in fish Pricing Guarding dugout Sellingfrom dugout Sellingin market Careand Constructionof Tools Sharpeningmachete Locating wood for handles Shaping handles Tyingon blades

26 Table2: Sequenceof Learning Within an Activity (continued)

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY FISHING

Identificationand Care of Small Animals Identificationof Fish Broughtto Village Verbal identification ofcaserfo animals Fishing with Hookand Une Feeding of small animals Use of Guarál Care and feeding ofanimals within caserto Baiting hook Herding, Taming and Marking Pullingin fish Rounding-up piglets Castingguaral Carryingpiglets Playingfish Training of young pigs Casting Net Marking of piglets Pullingin net Naming of cattle Throwingsmall net Feeding cattle and horses Fishing with companion Roping cattle Use ofadult gear Herdingcattle in chiqueros Repairand construction Marking calves Knot net Curing and Butchering Sew net Curing cattle Location ofwood Butchering pigs Shapingof wood Butchering cattle Harpoon Herding cattle to Uracoa Fetching fruit Pull incatch incaño ofwood HUNTING Throwing length Throwing atinanimate objects Throwing atsmall fish Identificationof Animals Broughtto Village at fish Lizard Throwing large Hunting Fishing with harpoon in backswamps Beating of brush Bowand Arrow oflizard Bludgeoning Shooting small bowat large inanimateobjects Netting Shooting birds and animals Cleating undergrowth Shooting fish Scattering grain Construction and repair Constructing blind Locationof wood Pulling net ofwood with small net Shaping Hunting Tying of points Selling surplus Poisons and construction Repair Searohing for plants Knot stream Sew Blocking Throwing poison Trapping fish catch Removing Retrieving cutting trees Searchingfor materials and Marketing Placing tyingtrigger Carryingsurplus tofriends orrelatives Use of miniaturetreps in with father Use of Sellingsurplus village ropetrap Guardingboat in Tucupita market ShootingGun Care andhandling Loading Shooting at large inanimateobjects Shooting at birds Shooting at mammals Hunting in backswamps Bow andArrow Shooting at inanimateobjects Shooting small birds Holding torch Shooting large animals

27 Table 3: Division of TaskComplexes by Length, Frequency and Duration of Training

Durationof Length of Frequency Repetitions intensive Task Age training session ofsession persession training EARLY CHILDHOOD HouseholdTask Complexes: Messenger 2—3 5mins 3times/wk 2—3 2—3mos Carrywater andwood 5—8 10 mins daily 1 or 2 2—3 mos Child care 5—8 2—3timeslwk 1 1 —2 yrs Cooking 6—8 10—15 mins daily 1 1 yr Laundering 6—8 10—15 mins twice/wk 1 1 —2 yrs Construction 4—12 Preparatory TaskComplexes: Identification ofcultigens and animals 2—6 2—3 mins daily 2—3 5yrs Care ofdomestic animals 3—7 5—10 mins daily 20—30 4yrs Horsebackriding 3—8 15—3omins daily 1—2 Syrs Useof machete 6—8 2—3 hrs 1 timelwk 10—12 2 yrs Swimming 2—5 30mins 2—3timeslwk many 2yrs Useof piragua 1—8 15—30mins 2—3times/wk many 3yrs Linefishing 6—8 30 mins 2—3 timeslwk many 2 yrs CULTIVATION Plant Identification Plantsin dooryard garden 2 —6 5 mins daily many 4 yrs Conucoplants 4—6 5 mins daily many 2 yrs Natural vegetation 5—15 5 mins daily many 10 yrs Harvesting Plantsfor homeconsumption Plantsin dooryard garden 2—6 30 mins daily many 2 yrs Conucoplants 6—8 15—30mins daily* many 3—6mos Larger root and tree crops 8—10 30 mins daily* many 3 mos Berryand fruit crops 8—12 30 mins daily* many 3—6 mos Commercial crops 8—12 1 hr daily many 2yrs Seed Selection 4—10 10—15mins daily* many 4yrs Sowing, Planting,Care Covering holes 8—9 30mins oneday 5—6 1 season Placing of seeds 8—9 ½ —1 hr dsily* 5—10 2seasons Laying outcormels 9—10 ½ — 1 hr daily* 5—10 1 season Useof digging stick(shovel) 10—12 ½ — 1 hr daily* many 2seasons Transplanting 10—11 ½ — 1 hr daily* 5—6 1 season Interplanting 10—13 ½ — 1 hr daily many 3yra Protecting plants from birds 8—10 10 mins one 1 —2 1 day Weeding 6—8 1 hr oneday 10—20 2 yrs Cutting 10—14 1 hr daily many 4yrs Burning 10—14 1 hr daily* many 4yrs Marketing 10—11 3Omins 1 —2/wk many 1 yr Care and Construction ofTools 9—14 1 hr whenneeded 5—6 4—5 yrs ANIMAL HUSBANDRY Identification and Careof Small Animals 3—8 5—10 mins daily 20—30 4yrs Feeding of LargerAnimals in Potreros 8—10 30mins daily 4—5 1 yr HerdingTechniques 8—14 1 hr daily* 30—40 1 yr Training and Taming 8—12 1 hr daily* many 1 yr Marking 8—12 1 hr daily* 4—5 1 yr Curing 8—14 1 hr whenneeded 4—5 1 yr FISHING Fish Identification 2—6 2—3 mins 3—5 times/day many 4yrs LineFishing 6—8 30mins 2—3times/mo many 2yrs Guam! 8—10 15—30 mins 1 —2 times/wk many 1 yr Casting Net 8—10 15—30 mins 1-2 times/wk many 1 yr Harpoon 10—12 15—30 mins daily many 4—6 yrs BowandArrow 10—14 1—2hrs 2—3times/wk many 4—6yrs Poisons 8—12 1 hr 3—4 times/yr 2—3 1 yr HUNTING Animal Identification 2—6 2 —3 mins 3—5 times/day many 4yrs Lizard Hunting 6—8 5—10 mins 1/mo 1 —2 1 yr Netting Birds 8—9 ½ — 1 hr 2/mo many 2 yrs Trapping Animals 8—9 ½ — 1 hr I/mo many 2 yrs 8hooting Gun 10—12 15—30 mins 2—3 times/wk many 2 yrs Bow and Arrow 11 —14 1 —2 hrs 2—3 timesfwk many 4—6 yrs * In season Includestime spent in learning the use ofthe machete

28 Table 4: Estimated Labor InputsPer Annum

Pettentagellnput Activities and Total input Man-hours ofman-hours taskcomplexes ofmon-hours spent teaching spent teaching CULTIVATION (per ha) MaizalSite Preparation 220 47 21 Cleaning for Re-Use asConucoa 124 17 14 b Sowingand Planting Conuco 47 20d Weeding° 240 25 10 Harvesting 170 26 15 Marketing9 200 13 6 Subtotal 1309h 175 15h ANIMAL HUSBANDRY Daily Maintenance' 400 48 12 Supplemental Feeding, Marking and Curing 140 32 23 TrainingandTaming 40 10 25 Marketing 140 16 11 Miscellaneous Tasks 50 6 12 Transhumance 64 j _j Subtotal 834 112 13 FISHING WffH: Une' 200 27 14 Guarál 74 15 20 Casting Nets 58 12 21 Harpoon' 36 3 8 Bowand Arrow1 24 3 13 Suffocants 16 2 13 Subtotal 408 62 15 HUNTING k Uzard Hunting 24 2 8 NettingBirds 96 12 13 Trapping Mammals 24 3 13 Shotgun(Use of)1 250 25 10 Bow andArrow (Useof) k 60 7 12 Subtotal 454 49 11

TOTAL 3015m 398 14m

8 Refers tornaisa! only b Calculatedfor conuco only usingdata formaise, beans,manioc, sweet potatoes,cush-cush, and yams. C Laborsupplied byhead-of-household, hiswife, and pre-adultson(s). Percentage calculatedusing 66.6 percent oftotal input ofman-hours. o Calculatedon basisof 5 weedingsper yearin conuco. Totalrefers to conuco and includesmaize (35 hrs.), manioc, sweet potatoes,cush-cush andyams (70 hrs., Musaceae [44hrsJ and tree crops [22 hrs.]). Time includes allowance forsacking, transporting,storing and marketingproduce in caserlo. 9 Not calculatedper ha. h Subtotalreduced by 119 hoursin calculating percentage toallow for 33.3 percent reductionof input in sowing and plantingcorresponding learner's labor input. Task complex performed mostlyby women and children. I Task complextaught in othersituations. k Task complex performed mostlyby boys. Not includingpractice time. m Percentage calculatedfrom atotal reduced bythe 119hours which correspond to learner's labor input per year per ha.in sowing and planting.

29 Table5: Division of Task Complexes by Teacher

Relationship to Learner Father Mother Oldersibling Grandparent Compadre Other Brother Sister GrandfatherGrandmother PRE-ACTIVITYPERIOD EARLYCHILDHOOD HouseholdTask Complexes Messenger — Mo — Mi S Carry Water andwood — Mo — Mi S Childoare — Mo — Mi S Cooking — Mo — Mi S Laundering — Mo — S S Construction Mo — Mi — S PreparatoryTask Complexes Identificationof cultigens and animals Mo S S S S S S Care ofdomestic animals — Mo — S S — — Horsebackriding Mo — Mi — S Useof machete Mo — S — S Swimming — S Mo Mo Useof piragua — S Mo Mo Linefishing S — Mo — ACTIVITIES 1.CULTIVATION Plant Identification Plantsin dooryard garden — Mo — Mi — S Conucoplants Mo — S — S — Natural vegetation Mo — Mi — S — Harvesting Plantsfor home consumption Dooryard garden Mo — Mi — Mi Conucoplants Mo-A — Mi — Mi — Larger root and tree crops Mo-A — Mi — Mi — Berryand fruit crops Mo-A — Mi — Mi — Commercial crops Mo-A — Mi — Mi — Seed Selection Mo S-A — Mi — Mi Sowing, Planting,Care Covering holes S Mo — Mi — Mi Placingof seeds Mi Mo — Mi — Mi Laying out cormels Mi Mo — Mi — Mi Useof digging stick Mo Mi — Transplanting Mo Mi — Interplanting Mo Mi — Protectingyoung plants from birds S — Mo — — Mo Weeding Mo — S S — Cutting Mo S — Burning Mo-A S — S — Marketing Mo-A — Mi — Mi — Care and Constnjctionof Tools Mo S —

2.ANIMAL HUSBANDRY Identification end Careof Small Animals Mo — S — S Feeding LargerAnimals S Mo S S S S Herding Techniques Mo — Mi — Mi — Training andTaming Mo — Mi — Mi — Marking Mo — Mi — Mi — Curing Mo — Mi — Mi —

3.FISHING FishIdentification Mo S S S S S S S Line Fishing S — Mo — Guardl Mo — Mi — S — — — Casting Net Mo-A S — — — Harpoon Mo-A S — — — Bowand Arrow S S — S S Poisons Mo S — S — 4.HUNTING Animal Identification Mo Mi S S S S — — Lizard Hunting — Mo — — — — Mo Netting Birds Mo — Mi — Mi — Mi — Trapping Animals Mo — Mi — Mi — Mi — ShootingGun Mo-A Mi — — — Bowand Arrow Mo-A Mi — — Mi — A: All Task taught exclusively byperson. 8:Some— Person undertakes some share oftraining — Mi: Minimal Only occasionally teachestask. Mo: Most— Task principally taughtby person. —: In normal circumstances task nevertaught by person.

30 The Transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge

Endnotes Marcus, G. 1978. Status Rivalry in a Polynesian (1) I make no apologies for drawing closely on Steady-StateSociety. Ethos 6:242-269. Berger and Luckmann (1984) in this section, since Mead,M. 1930. Growing Up in New Guinea: A elements of their important work provide a sorely Comparative Study ofPrimitive Education. New needed conceptual framework for understanding the York, William Morrow and Co. fundamental socio-culturalimportance of traditional Raum, O.F. 1940. Chaga Childhood, A Description ecological knowledge. of Indigenous Education in an East African (2) Tablesafter Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977. Tribe. London, OxfordUniversity Press. Read, M. 1960. Chil4ren of their Fathers, Growing References up among the Ngoni Nyasaland. New Haven, 1984. The Social of Berger,P. and T. Luckmann. Yale UniversityPress. Construction A Treatisein the ofReality: Ritchie, J. and J. Ritchie. 1979. Growing up in Harmondsworth, Sociology ofKnowledge. Polynesia. Sydney, George Allen and Unwin. PenguinBooks. Ruddle, K. and R. Chesterfield.1977. Education Borofsky, R. 1987. Making History: Pukapukan Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco and Constructions Knowl- for Anthropological of Delta. Ibero-Americana53. Berkeleyand Los UniversityPress. edge. Cambridge, Cambridge Angeles,University of California Press. Allen and Firth, R. 1936. We the Tikopia. London, K. and R.E. eds. 1990. Unwin. Ruddle, Johannes, Traditional MarineResource Management in the Goldman, I. 1970. Ancient PolynesianSociety. Pacific Basin: An Anthology. Jakarta, Chicago, University of Chicago Press. ROSTSEA-UNESCO. Holmberg, A. 1950. Nomads ofthe LongBow. Schutz, A. 1960.Der sinnhafte Aufbau der socialen Smithsonian Social Anthropology Publication Welt. Vienna, Springer. 10. SmithsonianInstitution. Washington D.C., Shore,B. 1982. Sala'ilua: A SamoanMystery. New Hooper, A. 1990. Tokelau Fishingin Traditional York, Columbia University Press. and Modern Contexts. in Ruddle, K. and R.E. Wagley, C. 1957. Santaigo Chimaltenango, Estudio Johannes,eds. pp.2l3-24O. Antropologico-Socialde una Comunidad Howard, A. 1972. PolynesianSocial Stratification Indigena de Huehuetango, Guatemala. Revisited. Reflectionson Castles Built of Sand Guatemala City, Seminario de hitegracion Social (and a few Bits of Coral). American Guatemalteca. 74: 8 11-823. Anthropologist Whiting, B., ed. 1963. Six Cultures. New York and Howard,A. 1973. Education in 'Ama Pumehana': London, John Wiley and Sons. The Hawaiian-AmericanStudent as Hero. in Whiting, J. 1941. Becominga Kwoma, Teaching Kimball, S. and Burnett, eds., J. pp.llS-l3O. and Learning in a New GuineaTribe. New 1973. as Kimball, S. andJ. Burnett, eds. Learning Haven, Yale UniversityPress. Culture. Seattle, University of WashingtonPress. Levin, P. 1978. Students and Teachersin Tubuai: A Cultural Analysis of PolynesianClassroom Interaction. San Diego, University of California, Department of Anthropology,Ph.D. dissertation. Levine,R. A. and B.B. Levine. 1963. Nyansongo: A Gusii Community in Kenya. in Whiting, B., ed. pp.19-2O2. Levy, R. 1973. Tahitians:Mind and Experience in the Society Islands. Chicago, Universityof Chicago Press.

31 4. Integrating Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Management with Environmental Impact Assessment

R.E. Johannes

Indigenous peoples' traditional ecological knowledge and management systems (TEKMS) are the subject of increasing attention in the developed world. Recently, in fact, the study and preservation of traditional indigenous knowledge progressed in one dizzying leap from being the focus of a small, albeit fast-growing fraternity of social and biological researchers to a media-certified public issue, courtesy of a cover story in Time Maga- zine (September 23, 1991).

Four Perspectives used by project designers and implement.ors. TEKMSneeds to beincorporated effectivelyinto the Awareness is spreading that TEKMScan be used development process. to improve development planning in regions inhabited or exploited by indigenous peoples. So how does one systematicallyobtain and or- TEKMS is especially pertinentto environmental ganize information to ensure that it is useful for impact assessment, but as Niamir (1990:98) environmental impactassessment and that it can states: be tightly integrated with informationobtained from other sources? Some have Paying lip service to the need to incorporate investigators (TEKMS) into development design can be just as gathered information on TEKMS indiscrimi- bad as paying lip service to popular participation. nately in an attempt to record everything avail- Too many projects have tacked on a "research on able for a culture, irrespective of its immediate as vol- TEKMS" phase an after thought, resulting in practicalvalue. Others have recorded this infor- umesof but too exhaustive and interesting inappro- mation on an ad hoc basis in the course of study- priateresearch reports,which are then filed and not ing other aspects of indigenous cultures. Both

33 R.E. JOHANNES approaches are valuable, but neither are appro- and the plants and animals associated with each priate for environmental impact assessment. I can provide effective shortcuts for researchers would like to suggest that, for this purpose, investigating the local resource base. Local research on TEKMS should focus on four essen- knowledge may make it possible to survey and tial perspectives or frames of reference: map in a few days what would otherwise take months Howes • taxonomic (for example, 1980). A of this is • spatial good example approach provided • by the geographical informationsystems (GIS) temporal for of northern Manitoba • social portions currently being created by First Nation peoples of the this Taxonomic Frame of Reference region (Wavey, volume). By integrating information from sources as disparate as satel- The first frame of reference for gathering and lite imagery and TEKMS,traditional knowledge organizing traditional environmental knowl- is being put into a format that is exceptionally edge is taxonomic. More has been written about valuable for environmental impact assessment. indigenous plant and animal naming systems Locations of rare or endangered species are than any other aspect of traditionalecological more likely to be identified by local resource knowledge. Many indigenous peoples know users involved in such mapping exercisesthan by only the local language names for most local outside researchersdoing site inventories.Animal plants and animals even when they speak the migration pathways and aggregationsites known outside investigator's language well. Thus, to to local people will not always coincide with studytraditional knowledge about these species, areas judged to be important based on common one mustfirst become familiar with these names. criteria for identifyingsensitive areas such as aes- Thelocal significanceof each indigenousplant thetic qualities or species diversity. However, in and animal as well as soil/rock taxon should be these areas the value of the resources which are determined. Otherwise, researchers are likely to known to local people is sometimesvery great. overlook the importance of some as sources of Such aggregation sites often provideunparal- food, medicine, structural material, tools, soil- leled opportunities to monitor and manage improvers, toterns or other sacred entities. stocks because exceptionally large harvests may be made from them.Indeed, indigenous peoples Spatial Frameof Reference often monitor year-to-year changes in the sizes Fundamental to environmental impact assess- of some of these aggregations and may reduce ment is recording the spatial distribution of liv- their exploitation pressure in periods when ing and non-living resources and amenities by stocks are seen to be low (Johannes 1978). mapping. Knowledge possessed by local users Although not necessarily related,archaeolog- can be invaluable in this context, especially ical sites including burial grounds are often in regions where recorded knowledge of local convenientlymapped at the same time as natur- environments is poor. For example, Conklin al resources. (1957), Dolva et al. (1988) and others have shown that indigenous knowledge of the distri- Temporal Frame of Reference bution and characteristics of different soil types The third suggested framework for gathering

34 Integrating Traditional Ecological andorganizing traditional ecologicalknowledge perspective is the hardest to bring into sharp is temporal. Indigenous resource users usually focus, but it is no less important than the pre- know the location and timing of a host of sig- ceding three frames of reference. Traditional nificant biological events. Areas that appear as ecologicalknowledge cannot be usedproperly in unremarkable to an environmental impact isolation from the social and political structure assessment researcher during a site inventory in in which it is imbedded. There is a burgeoning one period may serve as aggregation sites or literature on this subject. migration routes for important animals in For environmental impact assessment, one another. A relatively barren beach in September important issue is often overlooked by people may be thronged with nesting turtles in May. studying the sociology of traditional ecological Habitats that hold few birdsduring the day may knowledge: that is, the differing awareness fill with roostingbirds at night after the resource among cultures of the impact that people can inventory-takers have gone home. have on their natural environment. Some cul- While interviewing and working with Palauan tures clearly possess a traditional conservation fishermen in the mid 1970s, I was told of the ethic, by which I mean an awareness that people monthsand lunar periods as well as the precise can deplete or otherwise damage their natural locations of spawning aggregations of some resources,coupled with a commitment to reduce fifty-five species of food fish in this tiny archi- or eliminate the problem (Johannes 1978). pelago(Johannes 1981). This amounted to more Other cultures apparently perceive little or no than twice as many species of fish exhibiting relationship between theiractivities andthe state lunar spawning periodicity as had been of their natural resources. (Carrier 1982; described in the scientificliterature for the entire Johannes and MacFarlane 1991). Still others world. Such information provides important appear to have had a traditional conservation spatio-temporal focuses for fisheries monitoring ethic, but one which has been eroded by exter- and management (Johannes 1980, 1991). nal influences (Johannes 1978). In northern Australia, white people name Environmental impact assessment should only two seasons —"thewet" and "the dry" — cover not only the direct impacts of a project on whereas Aborigines name six that are precisely the environment, but also the impacts of altered defined by predictable changes in weather, tides, human access to natural resources. The latter plant blooming and fruiting cycles, insect abun- will depend in part on the nature — or absence dance, and the breeding cycles and migrations of — of a traditional conservation ethic among fishes, mammals and birds (Davis 1988). The local people. For example, a road built through value of such information for environmental aremote area to allow access to anew minegives impactassessment (EIA) is obvious, but it would access not only to miners but also to local take years for an EIA team to assemble it using peoples. How will the latter respond to these conventional means. new opportunities? Will they exploit the newly accessible wildlife, timber and fish rapaciously Social Frame of Reference or in moderation? The answer will depend in The social frame of reference includes the way part on the extent to which they understandthe indigenous peoples perceive, use, allocate, trans- consequences of uncontrolled harvesting. Where fer, and manage their natural resources. This a traditionalconservation ethic is weak or ab-

35 R.E. JOHANNES sent, those responsiblefor environmentalimpact social frame of reference. When it comes to assessments need to help to provide guidelines, methods for studying traditional ecological especially through education, for reducing the knowledge, I have learned far more from social environmental impactsof the local people. scientists than from biologists. But neither natural scientistsnor social scientistscan do the job On Methods well without the expertise of the other. Some researchers attempt to gather and record A flagrant deficiency in much of the literature traditional knowledge on environmental sub- describing traditional ecological knowledge is jects about which they are not well informed. the absence of any effort to determine its validi- This is unsatisfactory for several reasons. In- ty. An informantwho is an acknowledged local digenousexperts in traditional ecologicalknowl- experton environmental matters is just as con- edge are usuallyproud of this knowledge and are cerned with getting the facts right as the not likely to be enthusiastic about imparting it researcher. However, there is always a tempta- to investigators who obviously do not appreci- tion to embroider the facts to influence the out- ate the finer points. Diamond (1989) recounts an come ofany development initiative so as to favor amusing but apt story illustrating this point. the TEK expert's people — for example, toexag- Moreover, biologically unsophisticated re- gerate the environmental significance of an area searchers are not well equipped to determine being considered for development so as to what portions of the information they obtain are extract greater concessions from the developer. new, important, already well-known or implau- Furthermore, in some cultures, some individuals sible. They cannotask the appropriate questions who are not TEK experts may pretend to be. to pursue promising biological leads opened up Obviously, it is desirable to test informants' by the local expert. Some older anthropological assertions in the field at the appropriate times writings are loaded with tantalizing bits ofinfor- and places. But under the time constraints of mation on traditional ecological knowledge EIA preparation this will often be impractical. which were not explored further. This is because So how does one gauge the reliability of one's the researcher was untrainedin the appropriate informants? I ask a series of relevant questions environmental subjects, and therefore unaware to which I already know the answers. I also ask of the potentialsignificance of such information. a series of questions that sound plausible but to Opportunities to record large quantities ofvalu- which the informantcould not possibly know able traditionalecological knowledge have been the answers. An unequivocal "I don't know" in lost irretrievablyfor this reason. response to the latter provides some assurance I do not mean to implythat the study of tra- that the information given by the informantwill ditional ecological knowledge is the exclusive be reliable. domain of biologists. Such knowledge should be Because even the best experts are sometimes recorded and evaluated by people who possess wrong, it is useful to differentiate between an appropriatebackground in biology, ecology observation and interpretation. While observa- and resource management, and in the social sci- tions of natural phenomena may be acute, the ences, which provide the appropriate skills for conclusions drawn from themmay not be accu- translating information from one culture and rate. Being alert to this helps prevent accepting language to another and for addressing the incorrect information. But by dismissing false

36 Integrating Traditional Ecological interpretations ofnatural phenomena too quick- even advancing the opposing notion that tradi- ly, the investigator risks overlooking the possible tional environmental practices were basically value of the underlying empirical knowledge unsound (for example, Diamond 1987). (Johannes 1981:137). The truth lies somewhere in between. Wise and unwise environmental practices and valid Attitudes of Researchers to TEKMS and invalid environmental beliefs coexist in Many biologists still have an "attitude problem" many cultures. To assume differently is to when it comes to TEKMS. They dismiss the assume that with respect to natural resource knowledge gained by indigenous peoples during management indigenous peoples are either centuries of practical experience as anecdotal inherently superior or inherently inferior to the and unsubstantiated. However, their own spe- cultures of the developed world. Both of these cialized knowledge is based typically on studies extreme images — noble or ignoble savage — carried out over much shorter periods of time connote prejudice and do not serve the needs of under conditions where being wrong does not development planners. entail the risk of going hungry. But romantic and uncritical claims for tradi- Proprietary TEK tional environmental knowledge and manage- Many cultures are not proprietary about their ment practices represent an extreme which is TEK. Some have even asked their governments almost as unfortunate. A taboo on the hunting to bring in researchers to recordit for them.This of a species, assumed with little reflection by is especially importantwhere TEK is being lost. some social scientists to be an obvious conser- And percentage-wise, cultures are disappearing vation measure (McDonald 1977), may put today much faster than species, while TEK is increased pressure on some other, more easily disappearing even faster. depleted species. Locallyprescribed methods for But local people who reveal their traditional improving fishing or hunting which focus on ecologicalknowledge are relinquishing a degree propitiating spirits or counteracting the effects of status and power. They may be reluctant to of sorcery may divert attention fromthe real and revealtheir knowledge ifthey can see no benefits sometimes correctable causes. from its disclosure, or if they fear that competi- Underthe circumstances, it is exasperating to tors mightprofit at their expense, or that devel- read assertions that superstitions and myths can opment aidedby their knowledge mightdamage be taken for granted to conceal functional eco- their resources or restrict their use of them logical concerns. Some almost certainly do. But (Wavey, this volume). the assertion that all do impliesthat the only pre- Simeon Jiminez Turon, a member of the occupation of indigenous peoples is with their Ye'cuna tribe of Venezuela has said: natural environment. Understand learned one that there can be no inter- Some claims about the environmentalwisdom mediary who understands our region betterthan we of traditional cultures have been so overblown do, or who knows us betterthan we know ourselves. that have a backlash. To counter- Those who wantto learn fromus maydo so, butyou they provoked to act these some writers now dwell sin- must also teachus the laws and the useful means excesses, our and before the official on of bad natural re- pursue goals petitions gle-mindedly examples authorities. In so faras you helpus, we will helpyou. source management amongindigenous peoples, (Brownrigg, 1982)

37 R.E. JOHANNES

To pave the way for research on traditional ecological knowledge, development planners should have some incentives in mind, including leasepayments, greater legal recognition of local authority over local resources, better protection from uncontrolled outside encroachment, en- hanced income from tourism,assistance in deal- ings with the outsideworld, and employment in local natural resource management. Social scientists are comfortable with research that involves such tradeoffs; biologists who study TEK must learn to follow suit. For some cultures, some portionsof their TEK are strictly proprietary for good reasons. Robert Wavey, Chief of the Fox Lake First Nation of Manitoba states,for example, that, for his people, "maintaining complete indigenous control of the raw traditionalland use information must be a cornerstone of linking TEK and science." This "allows communities to optimize the acknowledged value of this information through skills development, contracted projects and employment and other means." He also points out that, "it could be an impactin itself to make certain specific details of land use maps public by publishing maps of prime hunting and fishing sites, gravesites and former community locations" (Wavey, this volume). Conclusion For those to whom the importance of integrating TEKMS with environmental impact assessment has been obvious, widespread recognition has been avery long time in coming. We can now expect accelerating growth in activities in this area; I hope that the observations presented here will seem mundane within a very few years. Moreimportantly, we hope that indigenous peoples will have much greater voices in planning development that affects the environments we all depend on.

38 Integrating Traditional Ecological

References Johannes, R. E. 1981. Words ofthe Lagoon:Fishing Bardach, J., J. Magnuson, R. May and J. Reinhart, and Marine Lore in the Palau Districtof eds. 1980. Fish Behavior and Fisheries Micronesia.Berkeley, Universityof California Management (Capture and Culture). Manila, Press. ICLARM. Johannes, R.E. 1991. Some suggested management Brokensha, D., D.M. Warren, and 0. Werner, eds. initiatives in Palau's nearshore fisheries,and the 1980.Indigenous KnowledgeSystems and relevanceof traditional management. ms rept. to Development. Lanham, Maryland, University the South Pacific Commission and the Palau Press of America. Division of MarineResources. Brownrigg, L.A. 1982. Native cultures and Johannes, R.E. and W. MacFarlane. 1991. protected areas: management options. Paper Traditional Fishing in the Torres StraitIslands. presented at the World National Parks Congress, Hobart: CSIRO. Bali, Indonesia McDonald, D.R. 1977. Food taboos: a primitive Carrier, J. 1982. Conservation and Conceptions of Environmental Protection Agency (South the Environment: A Manus case study in America).Anthropos 73:734-48. Morauta, L. et al. pp.239-49. Morauta,L., J. Pernetta and W. Heaney, eds. Conklin, H. C. 1957. Hanunoo Agriculture: a Traditional Conservation in PapuaNew Guinea: Report on an IntegralSystem of Shifting Implications for Today. Institute of Applied Cultivation in the Philippines. Forestry Social and Economic Research, Port Moresby, Development Paper No. 5. FAO, Rome. Papua New Guinea. Davis, S. 1988. Aboriginal tenure of the sea in Niamir, M. 1990. Herder's decision-making in NorthernArnhem Land. in Gray, E et al. naturalresources management in arid and pp.68-98. semi-arid Africa. Community Forestry Note Diamond, J.M. 1987. The environmentalistmyth. No.4. Rome, FAO. Nature 324, pp. 19-20. Diamond, J.M. 1989. The ethnobiologist's dilemma. Natural History 89 (6). pp.26-30. Dolva, H., B.M. Mwale, R. Renna and C.M. Simute. 1988.Indigenous Soil Classificationin Northern Provinceof Zambia, Preliminary Report. Kasama, Misasmfu Regional Research Station. Gray, F. and L. Zann, eds. 1988. Traditional Knowledge ofthe MarineEnvironment in NorthernAustralia. Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority, Workshop Series No. 8. Howes, M. 1980. The uses ofindigenous technical knowledge in development, in Brokensha, D. et al. pp.335-351 Johannes, R. E. 1978. Traditional marine conservation measures in Oceania and their demise. AnnualReview of Ecology and Systematics9, pp.349-364. Johannes, R. E. 1980. Usingknowledge of the reproductive behavior ofreef and lagoon fishes to improve yields. in Bardach, J. et al. pp.247-70.