DOCSLIB.ORG

The Complex Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Complex Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement Crameri, K. (2015) Political power and civil counterpower: the complex dynamics of the Catalan independence movement. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 21(1). pp. 104-120. Copyright © 2015 Taylor & Francis, LLC A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge Content must not be changed in any way or reproduced in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder(s) When referring to this work, full bibliographic details must be given http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/101014 Deposited on: 16 March 2015 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Political Power and Civil Counterpower: The Complex Dynamics of the Catalan Independence Movement Abstract Civil pro-independence associations are playing an increasingly significant role in Catalonia’s independence movement, putting pressure on the Catalan government to work decisively towards independence. This has led many Catalans to characterize the movement as a “bottom-up” phenomenon. This contribution analyses the shifting power dynamics within mainstream Catalan nationalism over the last decade, challenging simplistic notions of “top-down” and “bottom-up” pressures for change. In fact, the movement is now inherently multidimensional – partly thanks to the pivotal role of the cultural elites and their grasp of the power of new media – and this in itself accounts in large part for its success. Catalan nationalism has historically concerned itself with Catalonia’s place within Spain, but this stateless nation has recently seen a momentous shift towards mass support for independence. This has now gone so far as to become what Viva Ona Bartkus would define as a “secession crisis”, meaning that support for secession is widespread enough to have forced the Spanish government to react to Catalan demands – if only by a determined refusal to grant them any legitimacy.1 The reasons for this sudden crisis are complex and it is not my intention to address them here.2 Instead, the focus of this contribution is on the remarkable role now being played by civil groups in the independence movement. Civil associations have been the principal protagonists at key moments in the evolution of Catalonia’s recent progress towards majority support for secession. For example, on 10 July 2010, a million people participated in a demonstration in Barcelona in support of Catalonia’s new Statute of Autonomy, which had been the subject of an unfavorable ruling by Spain’s Constitutional Court. On 11 September 2012 (Catalonia’s national day), that figure was beaten by a march – this time for independence – that is estimated to have drawn 1.5 million.3 Even larger numbers participated in events organized to mark the same day in 2013 and 2014. All of these activities were coordinated by civil groups, as – in the end – was the unofficial vote on independence held on 9 November 2014. 1 Apart from these grand-scale events, the civil contribution to pro-independence activism has also included lipdubs, flashmobs, concerts, traditional cultural events, websites, videos, books and international publicity campaigns. There is no doubt that the success and visibility of these activities are a testament to the strong feelings of many Catalans in favor of Catalonia’s “right to decide”. The dynamism of these civil groups has led many Catalans to characterize the independence movement as a “bottom-up” phenomenon (as opposed, for example, to a “top-down” Scottish equivalent).4 Furthermore, it is assumed that the apparent “radicalization” of Catalonia’s main nationalist party Convergència i Unió (CiU, Convergence and Union) since 2012 is substantially attributable to civil pressure. 5 The major partner in the CiU federation – Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya – has certainly shifted from a long-standing tendency to respond positively to territorial accommodation, to an explicitly pro- independence position. Nevertheless, as Richard Gillespie reminds us in the introduction to this collection, nationalist political parties “place emphasis on changing strategic options at different times and in different contexts”.6 However difficult it might appear for CiU to step off the path to independence at this point, the party’s historical desire for accommodation within the Spanish state remains part of its identity, and may re-surface if circumstances change. Similarly, however useful the label “bottom-up” may appear as a shorthand way of referring to the rise of the civil independence movement in Catalonia, it may actually obscure as much as it reveals. Manuel Castells reminds us that all power networks are in fact multidimensional and reliant on “the interactive production of meaning”.7 We therefore need to be alert to the complex mechanisms by which this production of meaning occurs. The aim of this contribution is therefore to examine the place and influence of civil associations within the overall drive for Catalan independence. It begins with a brief analysis of the shifts that have taken place in the last decade, during which independence has unexpectedly come to dominate the political agenda thanks to a change in the focus of Catalan nationalism that can be attributed both to the political elites and to an ever-growing subset of Catalan civil society. In trying to unravel the networks of influence that have come to propel the Catalan polity towards a clash with the Spanish state, the discussion 2 also considers the role of the cultural elites, since their ability to articulate the arguments for independence and to disseminate these through both traditional and new media has been central to the success of the civil pro-independence movement. The Shifting Dynamics of Catalan Nationalism Studies of nationalist movements generally stress the role of intellectual and political elites in formulating nationalist projects, for which they then recruit supporters from different parts of society.8 The study of Catalan nationalism has been no different, painting it as primarily a bourgeois phenomenon that has depended on the intellectual elites at times when Catalonia had no autonomous government of its own, and on the political elites since the re-establishment of the Catalan parliament in 1980.9 Certainly, the twenty-three year period of government by Jordi Pujol and CiU from 1980-2003 saw the consistent top-down dissemination of discourses designed to convince Catalans (and others) that Catalonia was a nation and therefore deserved special treatment.10 José María Aznar’s attempt to clamp down on concessions to Catalonia during his second term as Spanish prime minister from 2000-4 therefore increased Catalans’ hostility to the Spanish state, not just because of the practical effect of this attitude but also because of his attempts to promote a common Spanish national identity.11 It was in this context that discussions first began about reforming the Catalan Statute of Autonomy that had been in force since 1979.12 The process, led by the new president of the Generalitat Pasqual Maragall, was a tortuous one during which an initial consensus in the Catalan parliament disintegrated in the face of changes to the text imposed by the Spanish government. The effects of this were far-reaching, finally leading to the collapse of the three-way coalition that had kept Maragall in power.13 Not only this, but when the revised text was put forward for approval by the Catalan people in a referendum, the turnout failed to reach 50%. Although there was no requirement to reach this threshold, and 73.2% of the voters were in favor, the low turnout was seen by many as an indicator of public apathy towards the Statute and a reflection of the top-down nature of the reform process.14 It was not until four years later that it became 3 clear that this apathy had mutated into an unprecedented level of public engagement, as evidenced by the mass demonstration of July 2010, whose aim was specifically to protest against the changes to the Statute imposed by Spain’s Constitutional Court. This level of civil commitment would not have been possible without top- down stimuli such as the nationalizing project of Jordi Pujol and the growing sophistication of the pro-independence discourse of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC, Republican Left of Catalonia), which had begun to concentrate its arguments for secession on citizens’ welfare and life opportunities rather than the Catalan nation per se.15 However, in the last few years the mobilizing power of political leaders has apparently been eclipsed by that of the civil pro- independence organizations. Is this a chiastic process by which political parties have gradually lost influence while civil organizations have gained it, or has the Catalan independence movement simply become more multidimensional? In an article written to dispute the common perception that Spain’s transition to democracy in the 1970s was almost exclusively a top-down process, Monica Threlfall examines the concept of “co-construction”. She defines this as “a dynamic of change akin to a round of forceful tugs-of-war between opponents”, that can be analyzed as “a narrative of transactions”.16 In other words, the concept of co-construction allows for a more nuanced view of this kind of political process and directly addresses the multidimensionality of power networks highlighted by Castells. It spans both collaborative and antagonistic interactions, but also allows for the possibility of a stable outcome.17 In this
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Claiming Independence in 140 Characters. Uses of Metaphor in the Construction of Scottish and Catalan Political Discourses on Twitter
    CLAIMING INDEPENDENCE IN 140 CHARACTERS. USES OF METAPHOR IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF SCOTTISH AND CATALAN POLITICAL DISCOURSES ON TWITTER Carlota Maria Moragas Fernández ADVERTIMENT. L'accés als continguts d'aquesta tesi doctoral i la seva utilització ha de respectar els drets de la persona autora. Pot ser utilitzada per a consulta o estudi personal, així com en activitats o materials d'investigació i docència en els termes establerts a l'art. 32 del Text Refós de la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual (RDL 1/1996). Per altres utilitzacions es requereix l'autorització prèvia i expressa de la persona autora. En qualsevol cas, en la utilització dels seus continguts caldrà indicar de forma clara el nom i cognoms de la persona autora i el títol de la tesi doctoral. No s'autoritza la seva reproducció o altres formes d'explotació efectuades amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva comunicació pública des d'un lloc aliè al servei TDX. Tampoc s'autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant als continguts de la tesi com als seus resums i índexs. ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis doctoral y su utilización debe respetar los derechos de la persona autora. Puede ser utilizada para consulta o estudio personal, así como en actividades o materiales de investigación y docencia en los términos establecidos en el art. 32 del Texto Refundido de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual (RDL 1/1996). Para otros usos se requiere la autorización previa y expresa de la persona autora.
    [Show full text]
  • Senior Data Manager About the Employer About The
    C/Wellington 30 Barcelona T +34 93 316 09 90 Senior Data Manager About the employer The Barcelonaβeta Brain Research Center (BBRC) is a new research center, constituted by the Pasqual Maragall Foundation. The goal of BBRC is to become an internationally recognized centre of excellence in our understanding of age-related cognitive disability in order to provide practical solutions to the global challenges posed by the world’s aging population. Our goal will be achieved by championing primary and secondary prevention programs for Alzheimer’s disease and other related neurodegenerative disorders, the study and promotion of healthy aging, and the research of the basic physiological mechanisms of cognitive functions affected by healthy or pathological aging such as memory, learning and decision-making, among others. The vision of BBRC is to provide the society with distinct and innovative solutions for age-related cognitive disability by leveraging these complementary research programs in order to attain a multidisciplinary comprehension of the aging process and the pathophysiology of neurodegeneration. At present BBRC deploys its research mission through two Research Programs, the Alzheimer’s Prevention Program and the Memory Program. 5/2013 G65895401 5/2013 NIF/VAT: /0 30 Pasqual Maragall Foundation, Pompeu Fabra University and “La Caixa” Foundation are permanent members of the BBRC Board. International competitive recruitment, state-of-the-art 2765 2765 N. scientific facilities, effective management and continuous high-standard peer-review evaluation are the BBRC core proceedings to ensure achieving world-class research results. BBRC is affiliated and located in the Campus Ciutadella of the Barcelona Pompeu Fabra University, the building contains excellent technical facilities, including a research-dedicated 3T MR scanner, Clinical Trials facilities, EEG and Eye Tracker labs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Catalan Struggle for Independence
    THE CATALAN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE An analysis of the popular support for Catalonia’s secession from Spain Master Thesis Political Science Specialization: International Relations Date: 24.06.2019 Name: Miquel Caruezo (s1006330) Email: [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Angela Wigger Image Source: Photo by NOTAVANDAL on Unsplash (Free for commercial or non-commercial use) Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Resource Mobilization Theory ...................................................................................................... 7 1.1.1 Causal Mechanisms ................................................................................................................ 9 1.1.2 Hypotheses........................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Norm Life Cycle Theory ............................................................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Causal Mechanisms .............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing #12/2019
    BRIEFING #12/2019 A HUNDRED YEARS OF INJUSTICE On 14th October, Spain’s Supreme Court made public its verdict convicting nine political and civil society pro-independence leaders of sedition and sentencing them to a total of 99 years and 6 months of prison and to a similar ban from holding public office1. It is worth remembering that, as pointed out in a communiqué by Agora Judicial- a professional association of judges- “Those found guilty worked together in the calling and the organisation of a referendum on self-determination and that, in itself, is not a crime (...). Such was the decision of the [Spanish] Parliament in 2005 when it excluded from the Criminal Code the call of a referendum without legal base.” Similarly, magistrate and jurist Joaquim Bosch claims that “(…) the verdict attributes to the pro-independence public officials the authorship of sedition through a stream of behaviours linked to the call of the referendum and their calls to go to vote. That attribution of guilt also generates legal doubts, because holding illegal referendums is a conduct that was decriminalized. And encouraging citizens to vote cannot criminalize the summoners for the crimes that may occur subsequently. If it is not a crime to hold a referendum, even less so calling to participate in the consultation. For instance, those who call to take part in a peaceful demonstration cannot be responsible for the offenses that may occur in it. There is no causal link. However, the sentence considers several public officials responsible for sedition, while admitting that they did not participate in acts of passive resistance, nor did they encourage the sitting downs to hinder the actions of [police] agents”.
    [Show full text]
  • An Ever More Divided Union?
    An ever more divided Union? Contemporary separatism in the European Union: a comparative case study of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders MA Thesis by T.M. Wencker (s1386042) European Union Studies, Leiden University [email protected] Supervisor: Prof. Dr. J.Q.T. Rood Second Marker: Dr. Mr. Anne-Isabelle Richard 2 1 Figure A: 'If all separatists had their way... 1 One Europe, If all separatists had their way…, (25-07-2013) accessed at 07-09-2014 via: http://one- europe.info/in-brief/if-all-separatists-had-their-way 3 Table of contents: - Introduction p.6 o Note on sources and methods p.9 o Note on Scottish case p.9 - Part I: An analysis of European separatism o Chapter I: Separatism as a phenomenon . Definitions p.11 . Origins p.12 . Self-determination p.14 . Unilateral Secession p.15 . Chapter review and conclusions p.18 - Part II: The cases of Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders o Chapter II: Scotland . Background p.21 . The case for Scottish independence p.23 . The imagined community of Scotland p.25 . It’s Scotland’s oil! P.28 . Scotland and the EU p.31 . EU-membership: a contested bone p.34 . Chapter review and conclusions p.37 o Chapter III: Catalonia . Background p.39 . The imagined community of Catalonia p.42 . The case for Catalonian independence p.47 . Unilateral secession and the EU? P.50 . Chapter review and conclusions p.54 o Chapter IV: Flanders . Background p.55 . The Belgian imagined communities p.56 . Understanding Flemish separatism p.59 . Flanders and the EU p.61 . Chapter review and conclusions p.62 - Part III: Connecting the dots: conclusions about separatism in the European Union o Chapter V: connecting the dots .
    [Show full text]
  • The Regions of Spain
    © 2017 American University Model United Nations Conference All rights reserved. No part of this background guide may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever without express written permission from the American University Model United Nations Conference Secretariat. Please direct all questions to [email protected] A NOTE Julia Clark Chair Estimats Diputats del Parlament de Catalunya, Dear Diputats of the Parliament of Catalonia, My name is Julia Clark and I’ll be serving as your Chair for the Parliament of Catalonia. I cannot wait to meet all of you in February. Time is of the essence and the Catalan Republic needs creating! As for a little bit about myself: MUN is my life! Last year, I served on the AmeriMUNC Secretariat as the Charges D’Affaires and currently I am an Assistant Head Delegate of the AU Model United Nations competitive travel team. I have done MUN for seven years, competing at 24 conferences across the US and Canada, and I once chaired a conference in the Netherlands! I’m proud to say that AmeriMUNC will be my eighth time chairing. Outside of MUN, I am also the President of my sorority, Phi Mu. If you have any questions about greek life or collegiate MUN, I’d love to chat via email or at the conference. I’m personally very excited to be forming our own new nation, the Catalan Republic. I just studied abroad for four months in Madrid, Spain and was at the center of the real life action surrounding the Catalan independence movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
    Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya
    [Show full text]
  • 2617 Hon. Tom Latham
    February 3, 2009 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS, Vol. 155, Pt. 2 2617 A member of the Committee with responsi- succeeded by another outstanding scholar of has proved to be a dynamic partner in the bility for writing education legislation, I Spanish culture, Professor Jo Labanyi. I NYU Center for European and Mediterranean took part in writing all the laws enacted here must also salute the Director of the Studies and a close partner of our King Juan during those years, 1959 to 1981, during the King Juan Carlos Center office in Madrid, Carlos I of Spain Center. Administrations of six Presidents—three Re- John Healey, who has known Spain for many For example, the Catalan Center, orga- publicans: Eisenhower, Nixon and Ford; and years. nized two years ago, has sponsored the fol- three Democrats: Kennedy, Johnson and Another distinguished leader who has lec- lowing events: Carter—laws to assist schools, colleges and tured at our King Juan Carlos I of Spain Cen- ‘‘A Mediterranean Mirror,’’ an exhibition universities; students who attend them; the ter is a longtime friend, someone well known of books on Catalan law, an opening at- arts and the humanities; libraries and muse- to all of you and with whom I met only tended by President Ernest Benach of the ums; and measures to help children, the el- weeks ago in New York City, the distin- Parliament of Catalonia, and Director of the derly, the disabled. guished former Mayor of Barcelona and Institut Ramo´ n Llull, Josep Bargallo´ . You will not be surprised that as a member President of the Generalitat, Pasqual The Catalan Center has also sponsored a of the Democratic Party in my country and, Maragall i Mira.
    [Show full text]
  • The Diary of a Sceptic (Pdf)
    TERESA GIMÉNEZ BARBAT THE DIARY OF A SCEPTIC The Diary of a Sceptic Teresa Giménez Barbat (Introduction by Albert Boadella) Translated by Sandra Killeen © Teresa Giménez Barbat, 2018 © Introduction by Albert Boadella, 2018 © Translated by Sandra Killeen, 2018 © Cover illustration by José María Beroy, 2018 Editorial coordination, page layout and front cover: Editorial Funambulista INTRODUCTION I’m going to try and write as comprehensibly and naturally as Te- resa does in the pages that follow this prologue. The first thing that springs to mind is that this is a book that takes numerous risks. Its diary format is a risk on the current writing scene. Such a realistic narrative form implies the likelihood of a minority reception right from the outset. The elimination of any fictional perspective is cur- rently a sort of literary suicide. Anyone who writes a book free of fantasies could be said to walk a fine line with their readers. The majority want to read simulations. The book also has a feminist air to it, which together with the ostentation of scepticism may initially cause readers to shy away from these pages. Obviously, I write this hypothesis from a masculine point of view and in it I’m attempting to express my first impression when the book I had in my hands was fresh out of the oven. Nonetheless, as I knew the writer person- ally I was inclined to take the theoretical risk. I have to admit here, that I opened the pages of this account out of curiosity about my friend, though this didn’t prevent a certain degree of scepticism on my part and a slight willingness to be distracted when faced with the first undigested page.
    [Show full text]
  • The Presence of Political Agents in News Broadcasts
    The presence of political agents in news broadcasts Laura Rodas . This article basically answers the following questions: Analysis of government voices which political agents have spoken? And when have they spoken? It is also a preliminary analysis of the In order to analyse the comparative weight of government behaviour of the broadcasters analysed regarding voices, only three broadcasters have been taken into political pluralism. Always in terms of speaking time, account (TV3, TVE in Catalonia and BTV), those with the government voices are analysed compared with all most homogeneous sample over the period analysed. In political voices; the political agents who, individually, this respect, the three channels coincide in granting a rela- have spoken more in news broadcasts and which tively similar proportion, between 41.3% and 47%, to the groups of political agents have been more prominent. three main governmental spheres as a whole (the Catalan government, the Spanish government and local govern- ment, including the government of Barcelona Council and that of the rest of the Catalan municipalities). However, the distribution of this speaking time among each of the spheres of authority varies according to the channel, especially in the Keywords case of the local sphere1, which ranges from 6.1% on TV3 Pluralism, news broadcasts, politics, Catalonia, (covering the autonomous community of Catalonia) to Spain 19.6% on BTV (local coverage). On observing the data, we can go no further than merely compare the channels because, as no standard has been established regarding what the relative weight of the governments should be compared with the rest of the political agents, it is impossible to verify this standard.
    [Show full text]
  • La Liga Iberoamericana
    Documento de trabajo Agenda prevista completa La Liga Iberoamericana 26 de abril, 2017 Martes 2 de mayo 2017 Lugar: Centre Esplai/ El Prat de Llobregat/Barcelona. Actividad Lugar Comentarios 9.00 Visita guiada a Centre Centre Invitados/as: Esplai Esplai, Delegaciones El Prat de iberoamericanas Llobregat 10.00 Inicio de la reunión de Centre Invitados/as: Junta Directiva de La Liga Esplai, Junta Directiva de La Iberoamericana El Prat de Liga Llobregat 10.00 Actividades de la agenda El Prat de Invitados/as: social, cultural y turística Llobregat Delegaciones “Parque Agrario del Prat de iberoamericanas Llobregat” 12:00 Acreditaciones Recepción Invitados/as: Centre -Delegaciones Esplai iberoamericanas El Prat de -Jóvenes Semana Llobregat -Jóvenes Valor -Comisión Delegada Fundesplai - Comité Ejecutivo Fundesplai -Comité Director y Técnico del Foro 13.00 Recepción Ayuntamiento de Ayuntamie Invitados/as: El Prat de Llobregat. nto del -Delegaciones Bienvenida por parte del Sr. Prat de iberoamericanas Lluís Tejedor, Alcalde de El Prat Llobregat -Jóvenes Semana de Llobregat. -Jóvenes Valor Refrigerio/almuerzo -Comisión Delegada Fundesplai - Comité Ejecutivo Fundesplai -Comité Director y Técnico del Foro 100 personas 16.00 Acreditaciones en el Parlament Invitados/as: Parlament de Catalunya. de 80 personas Catalunya Barcelona 2 16.30 Recepción en el Parlament Parlament Invitados/as: de Catalunya. de Delegaciones Sra. Carme Forcadell, Catalunya iberoamericanas Presidenta del Parlament de Barcelona -Comisión Delegada Catalunya. En hemiciclo. Fundesplai
    [Show full text]
  • Daniela Ortiz + Xose Quiroga Estat Nació Part I
    angelsbarcelona.com I NP I eng Daniela Ortiz + Xose Quiroga Estat Nació Part I 14.02.14, 20 h. The system of nation state is characterized by a clearly defined territory, a constant population with common cultural and linguistic traits, ruled by a government and organized on the basis of laws that apply to the population and to the different bodies and entities that are developed within it. The project Estat Nació (nation state) outlines a critical look at the construction of sovereignty through the use of discourses, laws and regulations involving people not recognized as citizens by the various immigration laws and regulations affecting the rights and freedoms of migrants. In turn, the project presents an analysis of various historical figures linked to colonial processes recognized in the public space today. The recognition that is given today by the city of Barcelona to historical figures and their direct involvement in colonial processes is being analyzed here through a series of photographs. At the same time, a video projection shows a Catalan language class given to non-EU migrants in which the learning process of language pronunciation it’s being performed through the repetition of several Catalan political discourses in relation to the subject of immigration. Likewise, the students in class were invited to transcribe a series of newspaper articles and official documents that are also displayed in the exhibition space . The exhibition ends with the video projection CC-13 that shows images that were recorded during the event of the Via Catalana * (Catalan Way) on the 11th of September 2013.
    [Show full text]