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Page 3 Page 14 Namibia - ANC what is SA up soldiers in to now9 a Detmas Page 28 court room Historic face the workers' death sumr sentence E D I T O RIAL i-' •' • * < • •

On January 11, 's minister of home to the representations made. affairs and of communications, Stoffel Botha, Finally, on March 2, Botha's office informed warned Work In Progress that an examination of WIP's publishers that no action was being the publication was underway in terms of state of contemplated in terms of the media emergency emergency regulations. regulations. Over a year before, Botha had warned WIP that It is not for WIP to speculate on why the minister unless it ceased 'systematic publication of has chosen to act against some publications, and subversive propaganda', he would act against it. not others. The media emergency regulations The January 11 warning involved possible closure involve arbitrary decisions and personal opinion. of WIP for up to six months, or imposing a There is little point in seeking logic within pre-publication censor - a state official with powers arbitrariness. to censor the contents of the publication. But it is worthwhile re-stating WIP's position on Over the next weeks, enormous support was publishing: that not only do all South Africans have expressed for WIP and its publishing policy. This the right to be fully and accurately informed by a came from editors of mainstream newspapers, wide range of opinions, debates and analyses and trade unions, political organisations, religious reporting. In addition, freedom of speech of its bodies and a host of other interests and nature guarantees the right of publication - and the organisations. right of readers to be exposed to diversity and The Congress of South African Trade Unions contradiction. noted that 'censorship of WIP is a direct attempt to WIP has always been happy to allow readers to stifle free and open debate, and to prevent the flow make their own choices on the basis of a wide of information so vital to the building of range of information and views. This is the democracy'. The National Union of Mineworkers opposite of propaganda, which seeks to impose said that 'every issue of WIP that does not come one view while suppressing others. In this battle for out will be a loss to our members', while the survival with the ministry of home affairs WIP has National Council of Trade Unions referred to the no doubt which side supports the publication of publication's 'intelligent and fearless analysis of systematic propaganda. the political, social and labour trends in our country'. This edition of WIP is unavoidably late - held From within the media world, Business Day back until the outcome of the threatened closure editor Ken Owen spoke of WIP as a 'reliable, had been finalised. intelligent and ethically impeccable publication', No action is currently contemplated against the while Tertius Myburgh of the Sunday Times called publication in terms of media emergency WIP 'an invaluable source of information which regulations at present - although the state still has deserves to be heard by all who are interested in much in its arsenal. serious affairs in South Africa'. But WIP intends surviving - and sees a long-term Representatives of foreign governments strongly future for its publishing programme. One part of condemned proposed action against WIP and other this future is financial stability - a crucial publications, and a number made direct component of independent publishing. representations to the South African government. Ensuring financial stability, together with Two weeks after Botha's warning, WIP responded ever-increasing costs in paper, printing, to his threat of closure in a 40-page memorandum reproduction and postage have forced WIP to raise dealing with the emergency regulations in general, its rates. But these increases are modest - way and the nature of the publication in particular. below rates of inflation - and in some cases are the Botha turned down a suggestion that he meet with first for over three years. a delegation from the publication - and then a The editors thank all those who supported WIP in blanket of silence descended. its most-recent battle for survival • and look By mid-February, two publications warned at the forward to ongoing and increasing support from the same time as WIP had been suspended for three most important component of any publication: its months, and WIP began pushing Botha to respond readers.

Work In Progress 58 -March/April 1989 I

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ftiL Gj^^S- • **'

A Swapo Youth League rally in October 1983 - their message is very dear • Nanso President Paul KaJcnga: Swapo docs not get a two thirds 'Probably 30 percent of the voting majority (and be able to be the The bumps population is aged between 18 and outright government). Many of the 21, and the majority arc politicised South African troops who have done along activists working in the Swapo Youth military service here have been League and in Nanso - they are issued with Namibian identity Namibia's militant Swapo members. South documents'. Africa is trying to exclude these road to people from voting, lowering the The notorious Kocvoct counter number of votes for Swapo'. 3insurgency unit - 'credited' with freedom • Swapo Deputy National 70 percent of all guerilla deaths and Chairperson Dan Tjongarcro: 'They allegedly responsible for some of the s Namibia lurches towards know this age group is a militant worst atrocities in the war - has pro-Swapo portion of the population: supposedly been disbanded and its Aindependence, several one has to ask whether the election members integrated into the regular issues have emerged which will still be free and fair if this is police force. But there is ample could impede a smooth accepted'. evidence (including some seen by transition in the months ahead. this writer) that the members of the The following is a brief outline South Africa is insisting that the unit have simply donned new uniforms. The 3 000 Kocvoct men of some of the points of 2qualifying period of residence for voting be as short as possible. There will form almost half the Namibian disagreement, accompanied by is evidence that Unita rebel troops police force of 6 300 assigned to quotes from some of the key and South African troops arc being 'maintain law and order' in the actors in the Namibian registered as 'citizens* to boost the transition process. settlement plan: ami-Swapo vote. • Picnaar: 'Koevoct no longer • Picnaar: 'My own choice is to exists. The unit has dissolved South Africa is insisting (hat the make the residence period as short as completely, and the men have been 1voting age be 21 years, not 18. possible, something like 12 months*. sent for retraining (as regular Swapo and the Namibian National • Executive of the Council of policemen). Some could not be Students' Organisation (Nanso) say Churches in Namibia (CCN): 'Unita retrained, and they will not have the this is a ploy to exclude the members arc being issued with rank of policemen with powers of thousands of militant youth activists Namibian citizenship to enable them aiTcst'. who support the liberation movement. to vote against Swapo*. * Major General Dolf Gouws, * SA Administrator General Louis • Tjongarcro (speaking at a Swapo commissioner of the SWA Police: Picnaar: 'In South Africa, the term rally in Windhoek): 'Attempts arc "Swapo were not the enemy, they adult means people over 21. As far as being made to enlarge the numbers of were criminals. All criminals arc the I am concerned, the voting age those who arc going to vote for the enemy of the police, and when they should be 21\ enemy in the elections, to make sure stop being criminals, they arc no

Work In Progress 3 •««">""•» ^ v^^">^x^aatY>y-^wxTOB»>»«wwaw*w»M :;:;:•:-:•:: longer the enemy „. Everybody in this unit was a policeman before, they are (rained policemen, they will help maintain law and order'. Gouws said in a separate interview with the Times of Namibia that the policing role would keep them employed and 'prevent them taking up arms against Swapo'. * Tjongarero: 'If Kocvoet have been trained to be killers, if they have been trained to be extermination squads, if their only training was towards the extermination of Swapo, one wonders whether the stain on their brains can be diminished in just four months'. * Legal Assistance Centre director David Smuts: 'I have serious doubts about Kocvoct's ability to be impartial... Untag (the United ,. . Nations monitoring force in r«f 11 Namibia) will have to be extremely Swapo's Dan Tjongarero on SA's proposal to change the voting age: vigilant as to what Koevoct is doing "... one has to ask whether the election will still be free and fair'. during the elections, and they don't normal fashion in a normal situation owned by absentee landlords will be seem to have sufficient people to do ... No person was ever arrested or expropriated, and their owners paid that'. kept in detention on an illegal basts out. * Security police chief inspector (by Koevoct) whatsoever'. * Independent economic consultant Derek Brunc: '(The challenge facing Eric Lang, himself a farm owner: 'I the Kocvoet men) is basically to live Swapo, tn its economic policy think the agricultural sector has not in normal society again and to 4document, says it will not been making its just contribution to operate as normal members of expropriate white farms which are the state revenue. Development must society, and not as people whose productive and useful to the start taking place in the rural areas. I primary aim is to hunt trained economy. But those farms which arc believe land that is just being used as terrorists, but to be able to react in a lying idle, used as tax loopholes or weekend hunting lodges is not

smallholding during May 1988, state's indictment: Broederstroom when four residents were detained, * band grenades; and a vast arsenal of arms, explosives * limpet mines; three face and ammunition allegedly * mortars; impounded by police. * a SAM 7 ground-to-air missile; Seventeen of the charges faced by * Makarov, Walthcr and Colt terrorism the accused relate to a March 1 1988 pistols; attack on a South African Air Force * AK 47 and AKM rifles; charges bus in Bcnoni. On this date the * a machine gun; accused are alleged to have caused an * mini-limpet mines; hree alleged members of an explosion damaging the bus, a * explosives and ammunition. TUmkhonto we Sizwc unit are private motor vehicle and a number Accused number 1, Damian de due to face charges of terrorism in of houses. The state claims that the Lange, faces charges of arson and the Regional Court. accused attempted to murder the attempted arson arising out of three In addition, Damian de Lange, Ian occupants of the bus, who were attacks on Progressive Federal Party Robertson and Susan Donelly face 15 members of the SAAF. offices during May 1981. There is no charges of attempted murder, suggestion that these attacks were malicious injury to property, and '.\c accused are alleged to have carried out on behalf of the ANC, unlawful possession of hand T possessed a vast quantity of and the state alleges that De Lange grenades, bombs, arms, explosives military hardware. They stored the only joined the ANC after these 1981 and ammunition. Dc Lange also faces equipment in a number of places: at incidents. three counts of arson or attempted their Broederstroom house; in the arson. Kalahari Gemsbok Park; the ccording to the charge sheet, Dc The charges follow a dramatic Buffclspoon Dam; and Pretoria. The ALange and Robertson entered police raid on a Broederstroom hardware included, according to the South Africa during July 1986 to

4 Work In Progress >wj,«>A™<%: Namibia imports 80 percent of its needs and exports 80 percent of its products. The mines contribute one third of the gross domestic product, provide 85 percent of the exports, and pay just under half the country's total taxes. * CDM diamond mine executive director Abel Bower: 'We have no problems with Swapo, wc can live with them*. * Rossing Uranium general manager Dr Michael Bates (whose company's share of the gross domestic product is between 17 and 20 percent): 'Rossing is looking forward to working in an independent Namibia. We sell uranium on the world market and as a result of the Namibian association with South Africa, sanctions have been having quite an impact on us. Left, Swapo's Publicity Secretary Hidipo Hamutertya, and right, So wc arc looking forward to an end Secretary of Foreign Affairs Nico Bessinger in Vienna in 1987 to that international pressure*. making a contribution to the become white terrorists in their own economy and should be looked at country'. The SADF is touring the very critically*. 6country, telling people not to * Afrikaner Weerstandsbcwcging Swapo says it will want to buy vote for Swapo and offering to leader Hcndrik van As: 'We are 5significant shares in the mining rebuild homesteads. definitely going to fight (this issue), houses (figures of 49 and 50 percent * Democratic Tumhalle Alliance and we will take up the weapons wc are being mentioned) and use their leader Dirk Mudge: 'Every time the need at the moment we need them'. share of the profits to build a military tells people to vote for the * Fanner Hcndrik Kotze: 'If secondary manufacturing sector DTA, it's another vote for Swapo*. Swapo tries to take away our farms, which will help reduce the country's Tony Weaver the majority of white people will dependence on mining. At present.

establish an Umkhooto unit. De Force bus carrying personnel allegation that the ANC bad killed Lange operated as commander of the through Bcnoni. In addition, the his son. unit, while Robertson was the state alleges that both De Lange and Press and other speculation was commissar. In August 1987, Donclly Robertson underwent military fuelled by the selective release of - a British citizen 'joined the unit as instruction in ANC (raining camps. information by police sources, and its communications officer, various dramatic claims were made maintaining contact between the ar a few weeks after the raid on about the unit's activities - most of ANC and the unit. Communication FBreeders!room, police sources which do not appear in the charge systems included telephonic and were unusually forthcoming about sheet. radio link ups, and the use of codes. the course of their investigations into Observers of ANC military trials Until the arrest of its members in the unit's activities. Police have expressed surprise that - apart May 1988, the unit was allegedly confirmed that a fourth member of from one count of terrorism - the involved in the following activities: the unit - Hugh Lugg - had also been accused are charged with common * reconaissance of military and arrested in Broederstroom, and law offences ranging from attempted political targets with the aim of although Lugg remains in police murder to possession of arms and carrying out attacks on these targets; custody, he has not been charged. ammunition. * establishment of munitions In addition, police sources claimed In particular, the state's failure to caches; thai a fifth member of the unit, Paul charge any of the accused with * an experimental explosion against Annagam (check spelling) had left treason, and the scheduling of their a high-voltage pole in KJiprivicr, the unit after a conflict within it, and trial in a regional, rather than near Vereeniging; had subsequently been interned in an supreme court, has raised eyebrows - * a November 1987 attack against a ANC punishment camp. ANC especially after die extravagant communications mast in Linksficld, sources strongly denied this, and it claims made at the time of the Johannesburg; was only some months later that Broederstroom raid. * an attack on a South African Air Annagarn's father withdrew his WIP correspondent-

Work In Progress 5 THE FOURTEENS

The murder of teenage activist Stompie Seipei focused attention on The the small Free State township of Tumahole, where Seipei and a group called the teenagers Fourteens transformed the nature of local protest politics. JO-ANNE COLLINGE looks at the politicisation of Seipei and his fellow fighters, and their decision to challenge the authorities.

tompie Seipei, killed at the age of 14, was accompanied to his Sgrave in Tumahole cemetery by a mass of children singing freedom songs. The burial was filling for a young activist whose prominence lay not only in the manner of his death (he was murdered in Sowcto within days of his alleged abduction by members of the Mandela United Football Club) but in his role as a leader of Tumahole's 'youth army', the Four- teens. Speakers at the funeral referred repeatedly 10 Stompie as a manyr. They looked beyond the immediate circumstances of his death to the broader political strife which pushed him out of his home town. They spoke of his prominent role in the militant Fourteens; of his deten­ tion at the age of 11; of his alleged torture; of the schools which closed their doors in his face, forcing him to leave home for Sowcto to further his schooling.

or the mourners of Tumahole, the Fourteens were a familiar Fpart of their recent past. Many of the funeral crowd bad patrolled the The Fourteens were a direct product high school pupils were a feature of streets with Stompie, who was cer­ of the violence that hit the township this period. They were fuelled by the tainly more than one-among-cquals. outside Parys after residents decided presence of a headmaster who was But to them he was not the disturbing to resist the imposition of rent in­ nicknamed 'Release' for his frequent 'boy general' who set outsiders creases in July 1984. use of the phrase, 'I am going to wondering at his very existence. Protests and boycotts by Tumahole release (expel) you from school' - a

6 Work In Progress THE FOURTEENS

their brothers were fighting', the activist explained. 'Most of (he time 1 met these young pupils between standards one and six and I asked them, "Why don't you go to school'. And they actually cited what was hap­ pening at the high school. They said, "No, our brothers arc not going to school and our sisters are not going to school, so we are also doing it. And some of our brothers have been detained. They have been taken. And until such time as they have been released we are not going back to school*. So it started. 'At most of the civic meetings the young people wanted to be right in the forefront. They were highly im­ pressed with freedom songs from the students and even from some of the middle-aged people - they knew these songs. Later small children started to adopt a hostile attitude to the police, because of the teargassing and sjam- bokking. They were just sjambolckcd at random when pupils started boycotting schools and when they started to bum school property*. The Fourteens, he said, began almost spontaneously during this ferment among pupils. 'The Fourteens started with the boycott of schools. Pupils of a par­ ticular school would move from one school to another, and this would lead to stoncthrowing - they would throw stones on the school roofs. 'One of the Fourteens told me how they had been chased by police after stoning a school. A group of 40 to 50 ran to one house (to hide) and met there. They didn't actually know each other by then. But at that particular stage they decided to have their own group and they called it the Four­ teens. That was more or less their age - between 12 and 15 years. 'After their meeting they just wanted to take some sort of action - just destruction. Police would go for them. They'd come out of jail. The same thing happens again. It was their allegation that they had been electrically shocked, so now they're determined to go forward and smash the police. They are very brave and very angry. With those who are doing standard five or form one, one ex­ phrase used, it seems, at the slightest Tunuholc activist recalled how the pects them to be politically aware. provocation. spiral of conflict sucked in the young But wid» the Fourteens - doing stand­ In contrast to the familiar police as it twisted its way through the ard one, two or three - they are not so theory which portrays children as township. aware. What they are aware of is that tools manipulated in the hands of *Thc high school boycott made the they hate to see policemen. And they their radical elders, a senior primary schools become aware that don't want councillors because coun-

Work In Progress 7 THE FOUHTEENS nothing. So it is better to be arrested for doing something". So that's why there was the stone-throwing, policemen's houses burnt down*. hese thoughts, coming from a senior activist and resident of Tthe township, are vastly dif­ ferent from the official view of the Fourtcens set forth by Major Johan Fouchc, liaison officer for the Nor­ thern Free State, in an interview with Bceld (March 8 1989). According to the Beeld article, 'The two radical groups which incited un­ rest, the Tumahole Civic Association and the Tumaholc Youth Congress, noted that their leaders between the ages of 18 and 2S years were being sent to jail after committing violent actions. These sentences deterred members and prospective members and the movements lost support. 'Leaders of the movements realised cillors arc alleged informers. it would be better to make use of 'When the primary schools were youngsters under the age of 14 be­ imitating their brothers from the high cause they would only get corporal school, they were also influenced by punishment if they were convicted the chanting of songs. All the time and would be able to resume their ac­ they were having slogans. During tivities immediately', states BeehL 1985 the children were definitely the Fouchc is quoted as saying that the people who were composing some of Fourtcens were used to cause chaos the slogans. Kids of about 12 years during unrest and funerals: 'When know the slogans better than wc do. businesses were set alight and stoned, 'So students and pupils were just this gang usually moved in to plunder taking their own direction and wc and rob. Also, during stayaways this actually wanted to talk with them and gang - which eventually grew to be a advise them that this is not a good Mrs Mandela's football club has force of 350 - carried messages and way to go about things. But what they been linked to Stompie's death intimidated those who wished to go to told us is: the police arc not doing assaulted by the police. Initially, work so that they joined the strikers. anything to you. Wc arc the only when wc members of the civic and 'The Under Fourtcens (sic) were ones to feci the punch and the pinch. the youth congress were attested, we also used to distribute pamphlets, Wc arc the only ones. So leave us to were not assaulted. The police treated while stonethrowing and incitement do whatever wc think is best for us. us in a very special way. were their strong points. During un­ 'I've seen a lot of kids in Tumaholc •Now small children of 12, 14 or 16 rest they were responsible for the and other townships. The most im­ years would definitely be assaulted. building of barricades in the streets portant thing regarding the violence This made them hold a negative al­ and the burning of tyres. Like most is the actions of the police - the sjam- titude to the police. Wc said all the other similar gangs they instilled fear bokking and assaulting of students. If time in our meetings that wc arc call­ by threatening one and all with the there is a riotous situation they shoot, ing on people to be obedient to the so-called necklace. The Under Four­ sjambok or beat people. Even in­ law and wc should fight for our rights tcens (sic) were very successful. They nocent people arc being attacked at that particular time. using a non- violent method. 'So the were accepted by the black com­ children said, "No man, there is no munity of Tumahole as part of the •Psychologically they arc influenc­ more time for intellectual*sing in the community and were well concealed ing the children to join those who arc struggle. The likes of Mandela and when they needed to be'. sort of radical - or whatever. So the Luthuli were actually talking to the Fouchc described the Fourtcens as majority of students arc now support­ beers for a long time. But the very 'the only viable youth gang' in the ing any political organisation which same police arc actually the per- Free State area. 'It seems their is seen to be fighting against the pctrators of all this. So wc sec them lifespan was much longer than that of government. Because they were in­ as our enemies'. other rural groups because Parys is nocent and they were assaulted. 'They would say: "You, the civic near to the Reef and the Vaal Triangle 'Young children were actually members, arc merely talking. So now and they were regularly visited and prepared to risk their lives in physical wc arc going to take over. Wc have motivated by radicals from these conflict because they were the ones seen that wc have been assaulted for areas*.

8 Work In Progress PARLIAMENTARY POLITICS right move at the wrong

time How will the new party relate to the mass democratic movement? dislike for each other. black democratic forces outside it. The idea of a The oldest of the three is the Several PFP MPs followed Slabbcn predominantly-white, Progressive Federal Party (PFP). out of the party - although not out of liberal party bridging the Formed 30 years ago as the Progres­ parliament. Most joined Wynand sive Parly breakaway from the Malan's National Democratic Move­ divide between United Party, it has gone through ment (NDM), a party explicitly parliamentary politics and two name changes, and rather more attempting to bridge the gap. Others, mass anti- policy shifts. It has also seen its sup­ like Jan van Eck, followed the ex­ action appears to be port among white voters change ample of PFP provincial councillor dramatically. Stable until 1974, it 'Comrade Molly' Blackburn by waning in the run-up to grew rapidly until the early 1980s, establishing close working relation­ the launch of the main becoming the official opposition (the ships with the popular movement. vehicle for the Idea, the biggest opposition party in parlia­ In doing so they challenged a basic Democratic Party. A WIP ment) in 1977, and then losing article of PFP faith: that white support steadily after the abrupt opponents of apartheid could best correspondent reports. resignation in 1986 of party leader achieve their aim by concentrating Frederick van Zyl Slabbcrt and party their energies in parliament. Operat­ chair Alex Boraine. ing as independents, Van Eck and he fact that people see Slabbcrt's justification for his others began using parliament to the logic of working resignation clearly defined the crisis articulate the opinions and demands together does not mean facing white opposition panics in the of the majority of South Africans Tthey have to enjoy it - or changed political environment denied a parliamentary voice of their even like each other. And the brought about by the huge growth of own. three predominantly-white, non-racial popular opposition in the In 1987, with the country deeply centre-liberal South African par­ mid-1980s. Operating in the tri- divided, the PFP collapsed into the ties which will merge on April 5 camcraJ parliament, Slabbcn and his gulf between the major contending PFP colleagues were pan of an in­ forces, losing its official opposition to become the Democratic Parry stitution rejected by the dominant status to the surging far-right Conser­ clearly don't. elements of the broad anti-apartheid vative Party of Andrics Trcurnicht. Ever since the idea of a merger be­ bloc of which the PFP claimed to be From having the support of two out tween South Africa's three liberal pan. Slabbcn said he was resigning of ten white voters - compared to the white parliamentary panics was first to work towards bridging the divide Nats' five out of ten - the PFP now raised, the most obvious similarity between the democratic voices inside has the support of less than one in between them has been their intense parliament and the predominantly- ten.

Work In Progress 9 IF THE PRESS CAN'T TELL US, WHO WILL ? Shell believes that a free press is a cornerstone of democracy.

Working to make a difference now PARLIAMENTARY POLITICS

he turbulence of the mid- sharply. Very much the child of his 1980s cracked the mould of background, Worrall is almost indis­ Twhite politics. A majority of tinguishable, in his economic white Afrikaners broke with their philosophies, from rightwing traditional political voice, the Western politicians, favouring an National Party, to back cither the far- unfettered freedom for capital to right CP or parliamentary parties to make profits. the Nats' left, to explore ways of Malan, in many senses, has stopping the disintegration of white retained a traditional National Party South African society. view - controlling the economy to English-speaking South Africans, serve the people, rather than the traditionally more liberal, bad reverse. Only his view of who con­ already been breaking ranks in the stitutes 'the people' has changed: no 1970s. The 1980s hastened the longer the Afrikaner volk, but all process, with thousands crossing the South Africans. Like many of the language divide to back PW Botha Afrikaner intellectuals who have and his policy of harsh repression flocked to his banner, he is a social plus limited reform. democrat, favouring a South African These convulsions rocked the variation on Western welfare states. National Party, too. Having lost 22 members of parliament - and split was inevitable - and it thousands of its supporters - to the came quickly. The 'unity CP five years earlier, Botha saw the Atalks' collapsed: Malan estab­ other wing of his party twisting out lished the NDM, and Worrall began of shape under the political pressure ABOVE: Worral - offering risk-free stomping the country to raise support of the times. transition and a free market for his Independent Party (IP). This time, however, he managed to BELOW: Malan - his NDM holds The PFP watched helplessly as the limit the scope of the rebellion, 3,65% of white support two upstarts began eating into its isolating reformist MP Wynand support, already dipping badly. Less Ma I an. Mai an had made the mistake terminally affected, the National of believing the reformist rhetoric of Party was nevertheless concerned as his party leaders, and broke with both began to gnaw into its base in a them over their refusal to take reform way the PFP had never managed. to its logical conclusion by negotiat­ For both parties, the timing was ing with the leaders thrown up by the good: traumatiscd by almost a decade 1984 rebellion, and with probably of vigorous mass resistance, most the one opposition force able to white South Africans had seen their claim leadership of anti- apartheid belief in the viability of permanent opinion, the African National white political domination shattered. Congress. By 1988 even the CP was unable to Other cracks appeared in the persuade almost half of its supporters National Party monolith; and out of that its policies were enforceable. In one emerged Denis Worrall, a other panics an even higher number former Wits University lecturer who recognised that some form of had joined the National Party as a committed to parliamentary opposi­ 'power-sharing' with the majority senator. When the senate was tion, neither Worrall nor Malan was inevitable. The major pillar of abolished, Worrall was sent to Lon­ sought affiliation. They aimed to white political thinking had been don as Pretoria's ambassador, where confront and defeat the ruling party, cracked. he. is probably best remembered for not merely to express criticisms. In Worrall, virtually a one-man show, his aggressive defence of the police that, although in not much else, they compiled an attractive policy package slaughter of 21 mourners at a funeral found common ground - and initiated for white South Africans worried by in Langa in the Eastern Cape during talks about a new, leaner and the economic implications of this 1985. hungrier party to oppose the govern­ drift towards political cgalitarianism. An articulate advocate of Botha's ment. He offered a risk-free transition. 'reforms' while in London, he is But when it came to methods, there His unwavering support for 'the free widely believed to have quit the post was very little common ground to be market' meant, in effect, that the and returned home to contest the found. Malan, deeply influenced by major elements of white economic 1987 general election because he was the popular mood, saw the need for a privilege would survive political refused a cabinet post rather than be­ parliamentary party deeply rooted in change. Shorn of its rhetoric, the IP cause of any basic opposition to a broad democratic front; Worrall, message read like a yuppie T-shirt: apartheid. coming from the splendid isolation 'Don't worry, be happy'. While the PFP was the apparently- of diplomatic life, remained wedded Attracted by Worrall's slick logical place for liberal opponents of to the idea of change from above. presentation and his liccnce-to-print- the government, particularly those In other areas too, they differed money economic policies, big

Work In Progress 11 PARLIAMENTARY POLITICS

business quickly filled his campaign backers - particularly Anglo- developed into a dispute over the chest. They, and one out of every ten American which, always the cautious leadership of the alliance. white voters, also liked the fact that investor, had reportedly bankrolled Unity talks almost collapsed in Worrall saw Kwazulu's Gatsha all three - the IP, PFP and NDM January when the PFP attempted to Buthelczi - another advocate of risk- began talking about unity. force its leader, Zach de Beer, on the free revolution - as the most new party. The other two leaders significant articulator of black side from their doctrinal dif­ countered that they would rather sink demands. ferences, several stumbling their mutual hostility and accept dual By late last year, with the IP within blocks remained. Despite its leadership than allow themselves to A be swallowed by what would become spitting distance of achieving a larger status as the incredible shrinking man support base than the PFP, and with of South African politics, the PFP no more than a renamed PFP. Only rumours of an early election in the brought into the talks the only the intervention of rugby boss Louis first half of 1989, it was clear that functioning national political Luyt and former Rapport editor none of the three parties would machine - neither of the others could Wimpic de Klerk kept the talks emerge in time as the uncontested boast more than isolated regional going. voice of white liberal opinion. pockets of organisation. Because of By agreement, the three will form a Part of the urgency was the ap­ this, the PFP was unable to shake its collective party leadership until a fol­ parently unstoppable growth of arrogant assumption that it was the low-up conference later this year. support for the CP, which claimed senior partner. Meanwhile, the yct-to-be-born more support than the three panics Malan and Worrall were under­ party has already achieved its most combined: 22,8% for the CP, and standably less than respectful of a obvious objective: replacing the CP 22,5% for the three. party which, despite its organisation­ as the second-biggest white party. The notion of unity was already in al strength, was actually dying on its Not that this has much to do with the the air and, under pressure from their feet; the differing views quickly Democratic Party or its three ele-

whitc South Africans (the NP's major support base) wanted Botha to stay on - one percent more than wanted him to go. Al­ though the survey did not break down opinions by parliamentary party affilia­ tion, the figures suggest < that well over half of Nat supporters wanted him to stay; * A survey commissioned JZ. by the newspaper Rapport found that NP support is growing while the far-right Conservative Party is Why Botha's losing support. This is despite recent revelations of a scries of massive cor­ ruption scandals involving clinging to power several NP and government figures; * The number of white Ts not often easy to though the first, in 1985, voters 'highly satisfied' A lot has been agree with President was never publicly ac­ with the government's per­ written about why I PW Botha. But right knowledged) he resigned as formance has never been PW Botha should now • amid all the National party leader; but as WIP higher than it was in Party fury over his refusal was going to press, he was January under Botha. get out of politics. to resign as president - it is still clinging to the Nor do the policies of But all of it a little easier than usual. presidency - vowing to FW de Klerk - Botha's suc­ contradicts what Since Botha's stroke in return to office. cessor as NP leader and the Nat supporters late January, he has been From Botha's point of man likely to replace him under intense pressure to view, his stubbornness is as president - explain why say: Botha's doing quit, both as leader of the understandable: he is being hailed by some a good job. NP and as president. Short­ • An opinion poll by the sections of the media as a ly after his stroke Sunday Star showed that reformist saviour. (reportedly his second, al­ 43% of Afrikaans-speaking Since taking over the

12 Work In Progress c PARLIAMENTARY POLITICS menis. A January poll by Rapport Even these figures, however, do newspaper shows that while the three not demonstrate the depth of liberal parties have neither gained nor lost hostility to the forced alliance. The since the talks began, holding a con­ Rapport survey shows that a Wor- sistent 22,5% of the white vote, the rall-led Democratic Party would win CP has slipped badly - under pres­ the support of 7% of white voters sure from the Nats - from 22,8 to currently backing the Nats. But 8% 20,3%. of liberal voters would simply stop Within the alliance, however, there voting, almost doubling the number has been a marked shift: the PFP has who refuse to vote at all. dropped 1,3% to 8,7%. Malan's Thus, far from changing the face of NDM holds 3,65% (up from 3,4%), white opposition politics, the while Worrall is now the senior Democratic Party would merely be partner with 10,2% (up 1.1%). moving the focus closer to the Lack of enthusiasm for the ar­ centre, picking up disgruntled Nat ranged marriage, however, is clear. voters, but losing those on the left. The number of people who would This loss would push the party even not vote at all - according to the sur­ closer to the centre, sucking it vey - has jumped by 1,8% to 8,7%. van Eck - keen on close links further into the tendency towards ex­ The survey also found that with extra-parliamentary forces clusive concentration on parliament Democratic Party support is less than as the vehicle for change. the sum of its parts. Divided, its ele­ under Worrall, the most popular And the bridge between white ments command 22,5% of the white choice as leader - this figure slips to participatory politics and mass vote. As the Democratic Party - even 21,1%. opposition will remain unbuilt.

party leadership, De Klerk general secretary Mohamcd port for the 'KwaNatal duce further sanctions has put forward a vision of Valli points out that, with indaba' proposals. Only in against Pretoria. If Pretoria his version of 'reform*. the country under State of the area of foreign opinion can demonstrate that those Distilled down to their es­ Emergency rule, the result does there appear to be Cabinet members who of­ sentials, there are three: is likely to be 'quite a little some logic in the sudden fered 'some hope' have • Under De Klerk, the indaba', the idea of such a enthusiasm for ditching become more influential National Party remains gathering is not new: Botha Botha. More than any other than Botha, who offered committed to defining himself suggested it last government figure, Botha none, this could weaken political rights by skin year. It was widely rejected is seen internationally as the sanctions initiative. colour. He is, however, (hen, and is unlikely to personifying white South Similar perspectives hold prepared to consider attract much support now; Africa's stubborn refusal to for most of Pretoria's dumping some lesser * Under De Klerk, the end racial oppression. Western allies. However, if manifestations of apartheid cabinet has agreed to Although De Klerk, the new generation of NP - the Group Areas Act and examine the 'KwaNatal Heunis and other ministers leaders appear to offer the Population Registration indaba' proposals for have not been noticeable nothing more than a slick­ Act, for example. racially-determined power- for their resistance to NP ly-presented rehash of past It should be noted, sharing in Natal and policy under Botha, visit­ policies, the passing of however, that while Botha KwaZulu. This marks the ing US Senators Sam Nunn Botha would not be that was temporarily out of of­ only change from Botha's and David Borcn last year significant. Botha is the fice, De Klerk and acting thinking. But there appears said they had found sig­ last veteran still in office of president to be less to it than meets nificant differences the National Party genera­ presided over the the eye: Firstly, because between Botha's views and tion which took power in reintroduction of prosecu­ the proposals have been those of many members of 1948. As such, he has bad tions under the Group decisively rejected by most bis cabinet. 'If Botha's the authority to invoke past Areas Act. For the past two opposition organisations, view is seen as the only symbols of white domina­ years, there has been an in­ which arc unlikely to feci view of the government, tion - the unity of Die formal ban on prosecutions much different if the that would encourage fur­ Volk, the Great Trek etc - of black people living il­ cabinet gives the idea its ther punitive sanctions', to hold together an legally in 'white areas'. stamp of approval. Second­ Borcn said afterwards. increasingly-divided white But March saw prosecu­ ly, the agreement to Meetings with Heunis, community. tions in the Western Cape, examine the proposals ap­ Foreign Minister Pik Botha 'The next generation Durban and Johannesburg; pears to have less to do and Justice Minister Kobie will be no less willing to * In his first public with a genuine interest in Coetsee had offered 'some keep the laager together', speech as NP leader, De trying new constitutional hope', he said. a senior member of the Klerk called for a 'great models than with attempt­ Support from Nunn and African National Con­ indaba' to debate the ing to undercut gains made Borcn will be crucial to the gress said recently. 'But country's future. While by white opposition parties success of current attempts they will be less able'. United Democratic Front in Natal through their sup­ in the US Senate to intro­ Wip Correspondent

Work In Progress 13 DELMAS Fighting for POW status - and life itself

Three soldiers of the African National Congress are facing death in a Delmas court. A WIP correspondent reports.

ew mourned the death of Orphan Chaphi. With his burly build and shaven Fhead, 'Hlubi* - as he was known to most residents - was not a popular figure. As a detective sergeant in Soweto's murder and robbery squad, Hlubi had made many enemies. The Wit- watcrsrand CID chief at the time called him 'one of the most brilliant detectives in South Africa', and referred to his death as 'a severe set­ back to the police force'. In the year preceding Hlubi's death, he arrested 97 armed robbers, 34 murderers, 25 car thieves and ten other criminals wanted for serious crimes. Masina: 'Our refusal to participate stems from our belief that this court But it was not a bitter criminal who and this judicial system cannot operate independently from the lay in wait outside Orphan Chaphi's political system within which it functions'. Rockvillc house on the cold night of June 25, 1978. It was Obcd Masina, African civilian court. Germany. a recently-recruited guerilla of the When their trial began on February Potsane, of Dube township in African National Congress, on one of I, Obcd Masina (36), Frans Ting- Soweto, spent 11 years in ANC ranks his firstmissions , Ting Masango (28), Nco Griffith and was trained in Mozambique, An­ Potsanc (26), and Joseph Elias Mak- gola, and East Germany. early II years on, Masina hura (26) and, were alleged to form a And Makhura, from Soshanguve and three other ANC insur­ highly-trained ANC assassination near Pretoria, joined the ANC in N gents faced the death penalty squad. 1980, and underwent military train­ in a Delmas court room. Masina, from Rockvillc, Soweto, ing in Angola, Zambia and Tanzania. These self-proclaimed soldiers of has been an ANC member for 11 When asked to plead on the open­ Umkhonto we Sizwc have refused to years, and received military training ing day they refused to do so. The defend themselves against charges of in Mozambique, Zambia and Angola. accused also informed presiding high treason, terrorism and murder Masango, of Mamclodi, joined the judge Dc Klerk that they would not on the grounds that they do not ANC nine years back and was trained be represented by counsel during recognise the authority of a South in Mozambique, Zambia and East their trial, although they had retained

14 Work In Progress r DELMAS the services of attorneys, who would house which his colleagues defended from the police station. keep a watching brief. by opening Tire on a crowd in the * Planting a landmine on a dirt According to Masina, who ex­ aftermath of the Mamelodi Massacre road in Soshanguve. The mine was plained why he and his co-accused of November 21, 1985. Masango has detonated when a road grader passed refused to plead, the charges they been found responsible for carrying over it on July 21, 1986. The driver faced were 'thai we, in effect, out the killing. of the grader was injured. According allegedly committed certain acts with * David Lukhele, who was shot in to the indictment the landmine was the intention to eradicate the apart­ his Mamelodi home in June 1986, sited on a road which 'was identified heid system so (hat die majority of and whose sister-in-law, Elizabeth as a target which was being used by South Africans could participate in Busiswe Dludlu, was also killed in military vehicles'. All four were the making of the country's laws. the attack. Lukhele was a passionate linked to the planting of the 'Our refusal to participate in the Swazi nationalist and worked tire­ landmine. proceedings stems from our belief lessly for the incorporation of the Surprisingly, the state dropped that this court and this judicial sys­ 'Swazi' of kaNgwane into charges of treason against the tem cannot operate independently Swaziland - a measure which Pretoria accused as their trial neared comple­ from the political system within attempted to implement in the early tion. The charge of high treason which it functions. 1980s, and which would have cost centred on the accuseds' membership 'Furthermore, all of us were held 800 000 South Africans their of and/or support for the ANC - an in solitary confinement without organisation aiming to 'overthrow or access to legal representation for endanger the state authority of the eight months. During this period all Republic of South Africa' - and their of us were tortured and brutally as­ conspiracy to commit the above acts saulted. In the process information to promote the aims of the ANC has been extracted from us by the The accused initially faced various security police, which will, in all alternative charges, including the certainty, be used against us. common law crimes of murder, at­ 'We, as members of Umkhonto wc tempted murder and malicious Sizwe, the military wing of the damage to property, and the statutory ANC, are involved in a war of offence of terrorism. However, once national liberation. This is true. Also the state dropped treason charges, true is that the South African govern­ three accused were found guilty on ment and defence force leaders only the common law alternative constantly state that South Africa is counts, including murder, while all in a state of war. We as soldiers can' were convicted of attempted murder. not and should not stand trial in a civilian court. ccording to the state's indict­ 'We do not stand in isolation in our ment, the accuseds' military perception of South Africa and its Atraining involved the political system. The international handling of firearms, conducting community has repeatedly con­ warfare, air defence and medical demned apartheid as a crime against services. humanity. In doing so, it has recog­ 'The accused received specific nised the legitimacy of the struggle training overseas to act as an assassin of the oppressed people of South (sic) squad in the Republic and to Africa in pursuance of their human execute the orders of the ANC. The rights. assassin squad's training included the 'As MK soldiers, we do not recog­ Makhura - trained In Angola, identification and elimination of nise this civilian court and Zambia and Tanzania persons in the Republic. accordingly refuse to plead to the 'The training of the accused also charges'. nationality. Potsane has been found included the mobilisation and/or guilty of carrying out this assassina­ politicisation of the masses'. hree of the four accused have tion, and of the murder of Lukhcle's It is alleged that Masina and been found guilty of the assas­ sister-in-law. Masango entered South Africa in Tsinations of: Other acts with which the four February 1986 and that Potsane and * Hlubi Chaphi, who was regarded were charged included: Makhura followed at a later, un­ with hatred by an entire generation * Placing a limpet mine outside a specified, date. They are said to have of Soweto students. It is alleged he shopping complex in the Pretoria had a considerable quantity of arms was responsible for the injury and area of Silvcrton on July 4, 1986. and ammunition and to have taken death of many young people in the The explosion occurred at about accommodation in Mamelodi and conflict of 1976-87. Masina alone 5 pm, injuring 17 people. Winterveld. has been found guilty of this killing. The shopping complex is in the In each attack, after they had iden­ • Constable Sinki Vuma of same street block as the Silvcrton tified a target, they reported to the Mamelodi, who was gunned down in police station, and the mine was ANC and received clearance to March 1986 in his house • the same placed at a bus stop about 250 metres proceed, the state alleges.

Work In Progress 15 DELMAS

he fust Delmas treason trial - north-west of Pretoria, living in a the time recorded that he was shot involving UDF and black mud hut with no electricity and no shortly after returning from a trip to Tconsciousness leaders - was source of purified water. He left the Swaziland to further this cause. notable for the high profile per­ country in 1979, when he is alleged At the time of his death Lukhele sonalities in the dock. But the second to have joined the ANC. was deputy president of the Inyatsi treason trial in this town features ya Maswati National Movement and accused whose backgrounds are he first assassination men­ secretary of the Swazi Council of obscure but who arc charged with tioned in the Delmas trial Chiefs of South Africa. He was killing men who loomed large and Tindictment is that of Chaphi. instrumental in setting up the tribal controversially within their com­ At the time of his assassination, the authority on which the bantustan was munities. Post newspaper recalled that he had based and attempted to coax Swazis The personal histories of the men played 'a leading role in suppressing living on farms within 'white' South in the dock at Delmas vary, some unrest after the *76 disturbances and Africa to move into the area destined showing clear signs of political com­ has been the target of student abuse to become kaNgwanc. mitment before disappearing from and hatred'. Several reports men­ During May 1986 a pamphlet dis­ home while others did not. tioned a petrol-bomb attack on his tributed in the townships quoted Obed Masina, at 36 years the oldest house during the conflict of 1976-77. Lukhele as saying that Enoch of the four, had little interest in Although Hlubi was attached to the Mabuza's Inyandza National Move­ liberation politics before leaving the ment had failed to take 'sticks to country to seek educational oppor­ fight the students like Inkatha is tunities at the end of 1977. He was doing in kwaZulu'. Lukhele denied the oldest surviving son in a large he was responsible for the pamphlet, Sowcto family and was obliged to but within a month he had been leave school in Form I to help sup­ gunned down in his Mamclodi home port the family. and his sister-in-law had died with At the age of 24, he managed to him. return to school. Two years later the The final assassination victim listed fury of 1976 descended on Sowcto in the indictment is Constable Sinki and Masina's hopes of completing Vuma of Mamclodi. He too was shot his schooling were in shreds. inside his home in March 1986. Frans TingTing Masango of Vuma was unpopular among Mamclodi was involved in overt township youth. His death provoked political work before he left the young Mamelodi residents to rewrite country in 1977. The event which a popular song by Yvonne Chaka precipitated his leaving was the Chaka so that they announced: 'Sinki execution of ANC guerilla Solomon is dead*. Mahlangu. Masango had campaigned He was also disliked by the taxi strongly against the hanging and had fraternity because he had imple­ chaired the vigil for Mahlangu when Potsane - found guilty of assassinating Swazi nationalist mented disruptive halt-and-search the execution was carried out. He left procedures even before the state of the country soon after the vigil be­ David Lukhele emergency was proclaimed. He is cause there were signs that the murder and robbery squad, young alleged to have shot a taxi driver in a security police wanted him. He was Sowcto residents claim he played a moving vehicle, which then crashed - 19 years old. quasi-security role during the 1976 killing the driver. Nco Griffith Potsane was one of uprising. Nearly 13 years after the Vuma's home was attacked and set the generation of Sowcto 1976. He uprising, few have forgotten the alight on November 21, 1985, the was involved in student protests, in­ name Hlubi and most recall that he day of the Mamclodi Massacre when cluding the historic march of June evoked terror among students. police opened fire on thousands of 16, and was shot through the ear in Even as an 'ordinary policeman' he peaceful rent demonstrators, killing 1977. His assailants travelled in the was known to resort freely to the use at least 12 and injuring scores. Mem­ infamous 'green car' - a light green of his gun. One newspaper report bers of the police force rushed to Chcv which was known to cruise the remarked that he had sent 'hundreds extinguish the blaze at Vuma's house streets of the township leaving of criminals to jail - and many to the and at least one. Constable Philmon injured youths in its wake. Many of grave'. Morudu, fired into the crowd, the 1976 generation describe how the David Lukhele, assassinated in according to evidence at the inquest occupants of the vehicle - black men June 1986 in his Mamclodi home, on the massacre victims. and white men, dressed in plain was a bantustan politician and avid clothes but widely believed to be proponent of ethnic development. enior ANC member Ebrahim policemen - would travel with their His dearest wish was to sec the Ismail Ebrahim, recently sen­ shotguns projecting from the car's 'Swazi' bantustan of kaNgwaoc tenced in Pretoria to 20 years windows. S (which is only partly inhabited by for treason, commented after judg­ The fourth accused, Joseph Mak- Swazis) handed over to Swaziland. ment: 'I wonder in future whether hura, comes from a rural family. He He campaigned vigorously for this freedom fighters should bother to grew up on a farm in the Brits area right up to his death. Press reports at even stand trial'.

16 Work In Progress DELMAS

Not only was he placed in the dock African people*. Council. as a result of unlawful abduction Already in 1973 the General from his home in Swaziland, Assembly had accepted the ANC and hree young ANC guerillas will Ebrahim wrote, but his hand-over to the Pan-Africanist Congress as face death when presiding the security police in Pretoria was authentically representative of the Tjudge De Kock hands down 'followed by police torture to the majority of South Africans. sentence in his Delmas court room. point where I nearly lost my mind. The UN endorsement of the just­ They have not contested the state's When complaining of torture, we ness of the ANC armed struggle is allegations concerning their ac­ always face tbe problem in court that contained in a 1980 resolution of tbe tivities, and Justice de Kock is il is only our word against the General Assembly, to the effect that obliged to pass the death sentence on testimony of the police. Our the Assembly 'reaffirms the the murder charges unless extenuat­ experience, or our perception, is that legitimacy of the struggle of the op­ ing circumstances are found. The the courts arc always inclined to pressed people of South Africa and fourth accused, Joseph Makhuru, has accept the testimony of the police their national liberation movement been found guilty on 19 counts of at­ witnesses. Are we not entitled to by all available means, including tempted murder, ail arising from the question whether the courts are not armed struggle for the seizure of landmine blasts at Silverton and giving tbe police a free hand to power by the people, the elimination Soshanguve. continue with their inhuman torture of the apartheid regime and the It remains unclear why, just prior of political detainees*. to judgment, the prosecution Increasingly, ANC guerillas placed withdrew treason charges against all on trial arc seeking to counter the accused. But perhaps a clue can be case against them on moral grounds, found in a similar withdrawal of arguing that theirs is a just struggle, treason charges against a group of waged by an internationally-recog­ alleged ANC guerillas and members nised liberation movement against a in the Western Cape, and the intro­ racist regime and that, in terms of the duction of statutory terrorism as a 1977 Protocols to the Geneva Con­ charge. ventions, they should be treated as Treason, of its nature, is a prisoners of war, not common profoundly political act. It involves criminals. rejection of the state's authority and Protocol I of 1977 to the Geneva right to govern, and can only be Conventions on the conduct of war committed by those who owe includes in its definition of interna­ allegiance to the state. Where tional armed conflicts those 'armed citizens charged with treason have no conflicts in which peoples are fight­ vote, and arc barred from participat­ ing against colonial domination and ing in the election of the alien occupation and against racist government, the focus of defence and regimes in the exercise of their right Masango - found guilty of mitigation often shifts to an attack on to self-determination*. assassinating Mamelodi the state's legitimacy. And those who commit treason against a state based The 1977 Protocols had the effect constable Sinki Vuma of extending provisions of the on minority rule and a limited original Conventions - including exercise of the right to self-deter­ franchise must always be seen as provisions on the treatment of mination by the people of South political offenders, not criminals. prisoners of war - to struggles Africa as a whole*. In dropping treason charges against against colonial and race rule. The South African government the Delmas trialists, the state may be Previously they had applied only to cannot be bound by treaty to imple­ aiming to dcpoliticise the trial, and wars between nations. ment the provisions, for although it the inevitable reaction which will Various resolutions of the United signed the Conventions in 1949 it did follow any imposition of death sen­ Nations General Assembly have been not ratify the Protocols when they tences. Murder, after all, is often cited as evidence of the claim that the were adopted in 1977 nor has it viewed as a common law crime, not ANC is widely seen as a force become party to them at any stage a political offence. engaged in a battle for self-deter­ since then. For the provisions of the But the nature of the charges mination and that the South African Protocols to be binding it is neces­ initially faced by the accused, their government qualifies pre-eminently sary that the nation against which the refusal to participate in trial proceed­ as a 'racist regime*. liberation movement is pitted be a ings, and their acknowledgement of These include the 1975 resolution party to the conventions. being ANC soldiers make it clear of the General Assembly in which it And, although the ANC delivered that their actions, and their trial, arc was affirmed that 'the racist regime an undertaking to the International profoundly political. of South Africa is illegitimate and Red Cross in Geneva in 1980 that the That is how most will respond to has no right to represent the people ANC would 'wherever practically the passing of any death sciences on of South Africa and that the national possible' abide by the Conventions the Delmas three, regardless of liberation movements arc the and Protocols, this falls short of the clumsy state attempts to authentic representatives of the over­ requirement that the undertaking be 'depoliticise' resistance to a society whelming majority of the South deposited with the Swiss Federal based on apartheid and minority rule.

Work In Progress 17 WOR! Working for cc

ver the last year two major trade unions, Workers' co-operatives can become viable business the National Union of enterprises, collectively owned and democratically OMineworkers (NUM) controlled by those who work In them. But South Africa's and the National Union of Metal fledgeling co-operative movement faces major challenges Workers (Numsa), have assisted and questions. GEORGINA JAFFEE introduces the in the development of co-opera­ growing debate on worker co-operatives in South Africa. tives for dismissed and retrenched workers. These in­ :• ••'.' clude producer co-ops making managers, Frame representatives and Below and right: Twananani co-of. bricks and T-shirts, and con­ union representatives will be account­ in Gazankulu; Top right: Tlari sumer co-ops in the form of able to the trustees. bead-workers co-op - Gazankulu; retail outlets. Glen Cormack, the manager ap­ Bottom right: Tiakeni Textiles pointed by the union, says the aims of co-op, SA's oldest co-op. Most of these union-linked co-ops the project arc 'job creation and to have emerged from dismissals and show that there is a major role for retrenchments of industrial workers. democratically-controlled production They represent a defensive strategy and distribution processes*. aimed at maintaining the organisation of unionised workers, meeting mini­ Cormack explained that Frame will mal welfare needs and perhaps benefit from the project through the providing examples of worker control. sale of material to the co-op 'and Many of the co-ops not linked to through the development of a positive unions have developed as part of or­ public image associated with job crea­ ganisational campaigns to transform or tion for workers by workers'. eradicate apartheid. One recent co-operative dcvclopmcni he growing interest in co-opera­ involves a joint venture between a tive initiatives needs to be trade union and major employer. The Tunderstood within the current employer, Frame Group's Con­ economic and political context. In­ solidated Cotton Corporation (CCC), creased levels of unemployment and has put up over R2-m in start-up social dislocation caused by repression money for the co-op and will supply it have led many organisations to look with material. The co-op will be for ways of providing employment and registered as a company, Zcnzclcni involving people in activities. Clothing (Pty) Ltd, and the shares will And the growth of a trade union be held in a trust fund run by the movement, community organisations, union, the Amalgamated Clothing and youth and service groups has provided Textile Workers Union (Actwusa). die organisational base from which to form and promote co-operatives. The co-operative will provide Co-operatives arc also being con­ employment for workers laid off as and empower (heir members for pan of CCC rationalisation, and is an sidered by black business groups, community organisations and a variety radical restructuring of society - entirely new exercise in job creation. they can be part of reformist stratc Planning started in October 1988 and of institutions concerned with job-erca- tion programmes and economic of the state or dominant classes. \ production is expected to begin in July different organisations participatin this year. Initially, 300 workers will development. Some co-operative projects have been sponsored by social co-operative development, a dcbai be involved in producing T-shirts, developing over the aims and effect protective clothing, sheets and pillow responsibility funds of large corpora­ tions, others by local banks and co-operatives in the current S( cases. These workers - all union mem­ African context. bers - will elect shop stewards to foreign donor agencies. represent them on matters at the The diverse groups sponsoring and In addition to this, co-ops in n workplace. initiating co-ops have different social parts of the world have failed bee and political agendas. Co-operative of lack of capital, skill, and inabili The co-operative has employed four strategics worldwide have shown that compete in the market. The absent experienced managers, but control will they can play a contradictory role in capital and these skills is a r be in the hands of trustees nominated social change. Co-operatives, like any obstacle in the way of co-opcr; by the members of Actwusa. The other social movement, can mobilise development.

18 Work In Progress )-OPS lective change

the first co-op in England in 1844 and subsequently accepted by the Interna­ tional Co-operative Alliance is that a co-op is owned and controlled by the worker-members. Control by any other organisation - even a trade union body - re-organises this principle. Co-ops developing from trade unions will have to debate this crucial issue of ownership. Outside ownership may have implications for the implementation of full worker con­ trol and democracy - and Zcnzclcni will be an interesting case study in this regard. o-op practices, and the problems facing local co-ops, Cwere examined in detail at a workshop run by the Labour and Economic Research Centre (Lcrc) last September. At the workshop, Ian Chcrrctt - who has been involved in co-operative development in Southern Africa and Latin America - drew atten­ tion to the 'internal enemies' of a co-op. He called these 'welfarism', or 'the concrete expression of paternalism which is the belief (hat the less well-off in society arc like children, unable to look after themselves'. Fundcrs and service organisations often end up feeling sorry for those they are supporting, and do not demand the minimum standards neces­ sary for self-reliance, according to Chcrrett. In the end co-ops can become dependent on (he organisations and develop their own form of wclfarist at­ titudes, which 'undermine from the beginning the chance of a vibrant, self- of members. In this way they are com­ confident, self-reliant co-op ut co-operative organisation movement'. For the number of service and production is not ex­ pletely different from small businesses where there is a built-in inequality be­ groups assisting in the development of 3clusively about income co-ops, this is a major challenge: find­ tween employer and employee, and no .Deration. A worker-controlled co-op ing ways to assist people with based on principles of open member- potential for workers to learn anything beyond the requirements of the job. development of skills without gen­ ,iip, democratic control, limited erating wclfarist tendencies. •teres on share capital, fair distribu- Throughout the world there arc dif­ on of profits, education and ferent co-operative models with many At the Lcrc workshop, several or­ 3-opcration with other co-ops. Co-ops ending up similar to conventional ganisations articulated unrealistic and ius provide an opportunity for man­ state-run enterprises, or capitalist con­ idealistic expectations of the role co­ ors lo develop independence, cerns incorporating worker ops can play; for example some believe •sponsibility and confidence. participation. When closely examined, that socialism can be built through Co-ops enable their members to gain workers in these cases arc not really in multiplying the number of co-ops in nowlcdge of production and distribu- control of the enterprise - yet they society. Roger Etkind, who is on. Viable co-ops have the potential retain the name co-operative. employed by the Sarmcol workers' co­ operative in Natal, explained why this J increase the overall empowerment One of the principles developed by

Work In Progress 19 WORKER CO-OPS

is not (lie case: socialism involves a play an important role in the struggle division. It may be realistic at this society where the members of that for greater economic liberation. stage for co-ops to employ managers society make democratic choices on According to Philip Dladla, chair who arc accountable to the workers. what is produced. In capitalist of the Sarmcol Workers Co-operative In the long-term, however, it will be society the operation of the market which started in 1985 after 1 000 important for management skills to regulates production and distribu­ workers were dismissed from BTR be transferred to co-op members. tion. Sarmcol, building Sawco was a dif­ Co-ops arc forced to operate inside ficult experience. The dismissed o-ops may have to work a capitalist market, and arc not inde­ workers had few skills, little educa­ closely with corporate train­ pendent of the laws which govern tion and no experience in running a Cing programmes, institutions any capitalist business. They also business. But Dladla argued that involved in small business develop­ have a negligible impact on society Sawco had taught members about ment and other services in the formal or the economy as a whole. democratic organisation: 'We have sector as one way of guaranteeing Co-ops can, however, choose what learnt what it means to give man­ their success. Although this has not to produce, and co-operative labour dates; how to control those we give yet been fully debated by the emer­ ceases to be a commodity to be mandates to; and how to make sure gent co-operative movement, it is a bought and sold, hired and fired. they report back on what they have pressing and important problem. Workers own and control the co-op. done. Co-ops can show that workers' Worker co-ops are emerging in a For Etkind, co-ops can only be an control can work - that there is an al­ context where there is enormous em­ experiment in socialism in a very ternative to capitalism*. phasis on small business limited way. They can allow workers development within the framework to experience 'taking control of the he major issue surrounding co­ of deregulation and free enterprise. whole process of production". Only operative development is that Worker co-ops arc based on very dif­ if this is achieved can these concrete Tof economic viability. James ferent principles from small experiences be lessons for a future Taylor, a co-operative developer businesses. However, some organisa­ planned economy. from the Montaguc-Ashton Com­ tions arc using the term Ai the workshop, it became clear munity Centre (MAG), argued at the 'co-operative' to refer to a whole that a number of organisations as­ workshop that the greatest benefit to range of activities, some of which sumed (hat co-ops could provide a be gained from a co-op is the oppor­ bear no resemblance to an accurate complete solution to unemployment. tunity to cam a fair wage for a day's definition of a workers' co-operative. This was challenged by several par­ labour. This has an effect on the ticipants, among them a member of individual's ability to panicipa(e o-ops face the danger of NUM. who made it clear that the fully and positively in other aspects degenerating into small busi­ union docs not sec co-ops in this of community life. Cnesses, especially in a way; they can only help lessen the ef­ Similarly, Roger Etkind argued context where many organisations fects of growing structural thai most people joined co-ops be­ and interests are actively promoting unemployment. 'The only way to cause they wanted a reasonable small business. To avoid this solve unemployment is to strive for a standard of living. Even if people process, co-ops will need the support socialist society, because unemploy­ joined co-ops for ideological of educational programmes which ment demands a political and reasons, 'daily life starts to wear will enable the membership to under­ economic solution', the NUM mem­ away at the commiimcnt if the price stand the differences between co-ops ber said. But 'co-ops can provide a is a very low standard of living. and small businesses. means of survival and help defend People cannot live by ideology Basic educational programs which the working class against the worst alone'. include literacy and numeracy will ravages of capitalism', argued the But how possible is it to develop a also be required if co-ops are going unionist. viable co-operative sector in South to be successful; democracy and Most groups at the workshop felt Africa, where capitalist production is workers' control cannot be built if co-ops could help people survive well developed and there is a severe participants are not in a position to economically while at the same time shortage of skilled personnel? take part in decision making. And contribute to building a more equi­ Co-operative development requires literacy and numeracy arc crucial in table and democratic society. Co-ops major assistance in product choice, this regard. can teach people the necessary skills financial planning, marketing and The past few weeks have seen a to achieve these goals. skills training. Most people becom­ number of meetings between repre­ Hazel Goccla from Masibambanc ing involved in co-ops at the moment sentatives from Cosatu-linkcd Co-operative Forum in Cape Town, have few skills, have been mar­ co-ops. These meetings arc to start which assists in co-operative ginalised by the economic system, or working on issues such as the con­ development, argued that 'if workers arc in positions of economic in­ stitution of co-ops; ownership and own the means of production and feriority. Co-operative members will control; marketing strategics; have control of the means of produc­ be seriously challenged over how and registration; and legal status. The tion, this provides a foundation from where to learn these skills. next year will without doubt sec fur­ which to obtain economic power". Zcnzclcni has taken the decision to ther ongoing debate on the role of For her, future political liberation employ managers; Glen Cormack, co-ops, as well as the birth of new will not necessarily ensure (hat for example, was previously person­ projects. everyone will benefit; but co-ops can nel director at Tiger Oats baking

20 Work In Progress statement she gave to the ANC after her capture, was: 'I wanted to be in­ dependent, particularly of my mother; if I could remove any dependence...I could develop relationships on an in­ dependent basis'. The break was not easy. By the end of her first year on campus she had developed anorexia nervosa. And in her desperate need for new relation­ ships, she found the willing support of bookmaker George Skordi, who gave her R50 a month towards the rent of her flat in Braamfontein. In exchange, says Forsyth, he demanded sex. She says she refused. He says he never asked. In any case, he con­ tinued sending her money for several months. Forsyth continued her lonely route Into the through university, completing her BA in 1980 and, the next year, join­ ing the department of foreign affairs as a clerk. There she was easy game for , a police major and deputy head of the recently-estab­ wilderness lished police intelligence unit, department 01, who was trawling for likely security police agents. William­ son had been exposed two years earlier after graduating from campus of mirrors spy to police agent in the Switzerland- based International University Exchange Fund. If her psychological profile made Forsyth an ideal agent - DAVID NIDDRIE looks at the path security police spy dependent and eager to please - she Olivia Forsyth followed In her attempts to infiltrate the had an additional attraction for Wil­ African National Congress. liamson. He had been spotted as a future spy while still at school and i'SKffWFft' carefully cultivated by Johan Coetzee, a friend of the Williamson family. ames Jesus Angleton, - not once but again and again and one-time head of again. Forsyth's mother's second marriage The lonely, unhappy teenager who was into the Brune family - Olivia be­ counter-espionage for came a distant cousin to Derek Brune, the United States' left home to escape the chilly indif­ J ference of her mother, found ten a police spy at Wits with Williamson. Central Intelligence Agency years later that she was no closer to Forsyth was snapped up by the (CIA), called it 'the wilderness what she sought. security police and, after several of mirrors'. South Africans have been subjected months of training, emerged the fol­ For Peter Wright, who spent his life to a barrage of interpretations of lowing year in 's trying to catch Soviet spies in 'Operation Olivetti' in which For­ journalism department. Britain's MI5 security service, it is syth, police agent RS 407, was sent to In the small-town inccstuousness of 'the place...where...lies are truth, infiltrate the African National Con­ Grahamstown, she moved steadily truth lies, and the reflections leave gress (ANC). Most of the towards the centre of student politics - you dazzled and confused'. interpretations have portrayed For­ disappearing regularly every week to For Olivia Forsyth, Pretoria's syth as a daring, dramatic and exotic report her progress to an 'uncle' in secret soldier, it was a place where super-spy. Uncontested details arc Port Elizabeth. she discovered the meaning of being sparse. But the various accounts touch Her record is impressive: out in the cold. each other at enough points to give a * she chaired the Nusas (National It was a place where the approval relatively clear outline of what actual­ Union of South African Students) and protection with which she was ly happened. local committee; wooed into the secret army vanished Forsyth left Pictcrsburg in 1978 to * she served on the Rhodes students' when she needed it most. And where study at the University of the Wit- representative council; ber friends and comrades sent her out watcrsrand. Her motivation, in the * she edited the campus paper, alone and unarmed to face the enemy strangely formal language of the Rhodeo\

Work In Progress 21 THE FORSYTH SAGA

* she chaired the local End Conscrip­ Fitzgerald and Associates (JFA), For­ divert suspicion. tion Campaign (ECC) structure; syth would travel through the * she was elected treasurer of the , recruiting journalists TRIP 2: campus women's group; and to write for a newsletter • similar to * she edited the Grahamstown Voice Africa Confidential or SouthScan. n December 1985 Forsyth community paper. This would both give her - and the returned to Harare, raising with These credentials and a growing security branch - access to informa­ I 'Robert' the idea of moving to reputation for promiscuity - tion, and would eventually put her in Zimbabwe. 'Robert' agreed but, in motivated, according to an contact with the ANC. discussing Forsyth's new-found cx-collcague, by a need for affection To this end the team handling For­ suspicions about JFA, another ANC rather than as a calculated lactic for syth set up a JFA branch office in official, 'Roger', introduced the first winning confidences - enabled her to Johannesburg, and in late 1985 the note of caution • saying an ANC in­ get relatively close to some important JFA Southern Africa representative, vestigation into JFA was not yet individuals in United Democratic police agent RS 407, acquired a concluded. Front (UDF) structures in the Eastern British passport (she was born in It is not clear at exactly what point Cape. Britain) from the consulate there. the ANC concluded that Forsyth was This access may have been her a plant. But by her own admission, crowning achievement as Agent RS TRIP 1: she was in regular contact with 407: she told the Sunday Times short­ Pretoria during her trips out of South ly after returning to South Africa that orsyth then undertook a round Africa. Conventional security precau­ 'the possibility exists' that she could trip through Harare, Lusaka tions would have required that the testify in future court cases - one of Fand Dar es Salaam. From the ANC keep at least a routine watch on them, in all likelihood, the long- embassy in Harare she got a second her once she bad made the offer to awaited treason trial of UDF leaders British passport, allowing her to work for the organisation. in the Eastern Cape. travel the region freely. Such precautions enabled the ANC Even at Rhodes, however, she did She also began contacting jour­ to identify another of Pretoria's little not escape unscathed; suspicions were nalists in Harare, asking them to drummer girls, Odile Harrington. raised by student leaders - but she write for JFA. This appears to have Evidence at Harrington's trial in the managed to divert attention by blow­ been her first mistake: the nature of Zimbabwe Supreme Court indicates ing other, apparently less valuable, their work makes journalists curious that the ANC undertook routine sur­ spies: Andrew Hockley and John and suspicious people, and several veillance and, as a result, intercepted Handan. began making inquiries about JFA. a letter to her handlers at John But the suspicions lingered - at least Forsyth nevertheless made contact Vorster Square. Harrington is cur­ in some circles. When she moved to with the ANC - an official named rently serving a 12 year sentence in Johannesburg in 1985 after complet­ 'Robert*, whom later evidence sug­ Zimbabwe. ing her degree, she experienced some gests was a security operative. With Forsyth was a more experienced difficulty in gaining ready access to her 'radical credentials', she offered agent than Harrington, but she was opposition organisations. Elsewhere, her services. Although 'Robert' sug­ operating in hostile territory for the though, she retained sufficient gested she keep a low profile and first time. Forsyth was, nevertheless, credibility to be asked by members of avoid open contact with the ANC, allowed to return to South Africa, the UDF-affiliatcd Johannesburg she met Tom Sebina, the where her handlers reluctantly con­ Democratic Action Committee organisation's main media liaison of­ cluded that the JFA cover was blown. (Jodac) to give a reference on Joy ficial, in Lusaka. But they also felt Forsyth could turn Harndcn, the journalism student For­ On her return to South Africa, she its failure to ber advantage, repealing syth had recruited into the security and her handlers assessed her her own suspicions about JFA to police two years earlier. Harndcn, a achievements, concluding that the trip divert possible suspicion towards her. somewhat less competent agent, had been only partially successful. It was a repeat of the Rhodes scam, in managed to find her way into both She had made contact with the ANC, which she fingered Hockley and John Jodac and ECC, but was spotted, but they seemed keen on running her Handan. quietly frozen out of important posts as an ANC agent inside South Africa. Forsyth and ber handlers had high and finally expelled two years later. This would limit her potential to hopes for the operation. A month Forsyth's handlers, meanwhile, gather information, both as JFA cor­ later, on January 19, 1987, Forsyth were rethinking her future. She ac­ respondent and as an agent. In returned to Harare, planning to stay cepted a job in Johannesburg, then addition the extremely thin cover of for six months. She was walking dropped it as the idea of 'Operation JFA appeared about to collapse. For­ straight into a trap. Olivetti' came together in Pretoria. syth and her handlers decided, Forsyth was graduating to more however, (hat JFA was still good for TRIP 3: serious spying. With what she later one more move. They agreed that it described as 'unshakcable...radical should 'instruct' Forsyth to establish or four weeks Forsyth con­ credentials* she was being pointed at an office in Harare, giving her an ex­ tinued operating until, on thcANC. cuse to avoid being instructed to February 16, the ANC The idea of 'Operation Olivetti' was return to South Africa. They also felt F pounced. Subjected to tough inter­ simple: on behalf of the fictitious she should begin to raise her own rogation, Forsyth cracked, admitting British-based company John doubts about JFA in an attempt to to being a police spy. Under ANC

22 Work In Progress THE FORSYTH SAGA

control, she contacted her handlers in his immediate superior. Brigadier 'Operation Yurchenko'. South Africa the next day. In a sub­ Gerrit Erasmus. When she moved up Segeyevich Yurchenko, the man sequent statement to the ANC, she to Johannesburg, they followed, after whom Forsyth claims the opera­ admits telling them: 'I was being sent moving to Square. tion was named, was a senior officer to an unknown destination for about When the idea of 'Operation Olivetti' in the Soviet Union's KGB. He three weeks, for ANC people to was mooted, police protocol over defected to the CIA in 1985, but decide where I was to be deployed division of responsibility required defected back to the Soviet Union a and possibly to receive some basic that Derek Brune, by then a police year later. training'. major and Williamson's replacement While it is conceivable that Instead, she was taken to Lusaka for in Gl. be brought in. Forsyth's handlers initiated such an debriefing during which she blew Prior to this, Brune had been in­ operation, it is difficult to see what several other spies, according to the creasingly resentful of the Erasmus- the point would be. By her own ad­ ANC. Among them was Harnden, Oosthuizen team's successes with mission, Forsyth gained little then achieving limited success in in­ Forsyth and other spies: intelligence information of value about the ANC, filtrating ECC and Jodac, and Billy gathering was Gl's beat, and, techni­ either before this point or after. van Zyl, a police lieutenant operating cally, plain SB officers like Erasmus Double agents - spies who have undercover in . and Oosthuizcn should have stayed switched sides - are notoriously un­ Forsyth was attempting a tactic out of it, Brune argued. Forsyth was, trustworthy: having switched once, which had worked for her in the past in any event, part of Gl - she sug­ they could do so again. Intelligence - betraying others to save herself. gests in statements to the ANC agencies generally prefer to use them However, she remained fiercely (extracts of which the ANC released as sources of information and intel­ loyal to her handlers, the men who ligence rather than the other way had become the caring family she had around. And if the SB could learn never had. To preserve the security from Yurchenko, so could the ANC. police operation she tried to persuade A final point is the name itself: to the ANC that during her years under­ name an operation involving a triple ground she had changed. She was agent after one of the world's best- now against apartheid and unhappy to known triple agents, would be be working for a racist regime, she foolish. It is similar to naming said. Olivetti 'Operation Infiltrate-Olivia- From this point on, the ANC had into-the-ANC*. nothing to lose. They had in their Several trials over the past two control a police agent who had al­ years have demonstrated that the ready given them vital information, ANC has successfully run agents into and had blunted a major SB opera­ the Security Branch. If, through tion. And Forsyth was indicating her agents not yet captured, the ANC willingness to go home and spy on picked up even a hint of an operation the SB. Common sense and standard called 'Yurchenko' it would probably espionage practice dictated that they Forsyth in Grahamstown in 1985 take no more than a few minutes to would never trust Forsyth, or give last month), that she was its 'trump finger Forsyth. her access to any information that card*. 'Yurchenko' thus bears all the mattered. But her change of heart Brune attempted to seize control of hallmarks of a pseudo-operation con­ might be genuine - in which case the the operation and claim whatever suc­ structed after the fact, to cover up an ANC would gain a spy in the heart of cesses Forsyth achieved as his own. embarrassing failure. South Africa's security service. Both sides in the administrative dis­ It seems far more likely that the Either way they came out ahead. pute, however, were pushing for Forsyth Saga developed more along Forsyth was duly dispatched back results. Several senior police officers the lines Forsyth suggested in her home, 'the spy sent to spy on her ('the brigadiers', according to For­ statements to the ANC. masters*. The ANC, however, syth) were unhappy with the vast On her return to South Africa in attempted to ensure that Forsyth's expense of an operation which had so May 1986, she told her handlers that handlers did not decide to dump the far produced few concrete results. JFA was blown but that she was whole thing - holding out as bait the In her report to her handlers, it is making progress. possibility of sending the newly- not clear whether Forsyth even ac­ They were particularly taken with purified Forsyth to the Soviet Union knowledged that she had been blown. the idea of one of their agents receiv­ or East Germany for espionage train­ In subsequent written statements to ing training in East Germany or the ing. the ANC, she suggests she said noth­ Soviet Union - they had taken the Forsyth's return to South Africa ing - limiting her report to saying ANC bait, and been hooked. precipitated even greater tension JFA was under suspicion and should Oosthuizcn instructed Forsyth to among her handlers - already divided be dumped. downplay the failure of JFA in her over control of the operation and with In her own account, drafted in written report to her handlers (some­ too much time, energy and prestige January this year and with the benefit thing he would have been unlikely to invested in the operation to kill it. of hindsight, Forsyth suggests she ac­ do if Olivetti was merely a cover for Originally, in Grahamstown. Forsyth tually wanted to be blown, that it was Yurchenko) and to emphasise the was run by a Major Oosthuizcn and part of a long-term plan, known as chances of training.

Work In Progress 23 THE FORSYTH SAGA !

Her handlers also began redrafting to gather the information the ANC ANC statement agree on - it is the objectives of Olivetti, even sought, and the organisation was extremely unlikely that the ANC though its name stayed the same. preparing to wash its hands of her. would have given her access to infor­ They decreed that she should return She was told that training in Eastern mation that she could take back to to Lusaka and try to get herself Europe had been postponed. She South Africa with her. It seems equal­ employed in the ANC's department should return home and wait until she ly unlikely that she was able to send of information and publicity (DIP). was summoned back. A week later back to South Africa messages in­ This would give her much rnore she was back in South Africa, having cluding 'information I received from direct access to ANC leadership, her received the classic brush-off: 'Don't (head of Umkhonto handlers felt, and would give her ac­ call us, we'll call you'. we Sizwe military intelligence) on cess to the ANC's strategic thinking Understandably, 'the Branch was underground structures and people)'. if she were able to use her own inim­ quite disappointed'. They were par­ Forsyth's escape in May 1988, al­ itable style to get close to 'a key ticularly disappointed (hat she had though something of an individual like (DIP head) Thabo been instructed to stay in South embarrassment to the ANC, did little Mbcki'. Africa indefinitely. Her handlers then to hinder the process. Without an exit 'This is important in the light of took a decision that makes sense only visa from the Angolan authorities, possible government moves and if they were unaware that Forsyth had she remained trapped in the British resultant developments', Oosthuizcn confessed to the ANC. It also embassy in Luanda. told her during her briefing for the dcn>onstratcs fairly conclusively that Forsyth hinted in one of her letters next trip north. 'It is vital to have an Yurchcnko was dreamed up only after home - written under the eyes of agent to provide information about Forsyth came in from the cold in ANC officials - that the ANC may the ANC's intended negotiating posi­ December last year. have originally considered her as part tions and strategies'. In June 1986, security police of­ of the spy swap which saw Major The timing of this briefing - ficers began questioning detainees Wynand du Toil return to a hero's probably late May 1986 - suggests about Forsyth, and bringing her name welcome last year. But by 1988 the that this element of her operation was up in raids on the homes of activists. growing number of activists on Death seen by her handlers as the key to its They were attempting to get the word Row in Pretoria appears to have led success. out that they were after Forsyth, to a change of plan. The following se­ In May 1986, just one month before giving her a justification for returning quence of apparently unrelated events the state of emergency was declared, to Lusaka without having been sum­ is interesting. the South African government was moned by the ANC. November 1987: Forsyth writes to facing the most serious political threat But if Yurchcnko was real and her mother - a letter dictated by it had ever faced. A nation-wide operating, this would have been a chief of staff township insurrection had led to a mindless undertaking: Forsyth's - asking her to intervene massive flight of capital out of the handlers would be aware that Forsyth to secure Forsyth's release. country, technically bankrupting had betrayed them to the ANC - it March 1988: President PW Botha Pretoria, and forcing the government would have been part of the plan. rejects clemency plea of the Shar- to renege on its foreign debt repay­ Why then pretend that she was still an pcville Six, and says he will not ments. Forsyth's confession strongly activist being sought by the police? intervene in the legal process. suggests Pretoria was examining April 1988: Forsyth writes a second negotiation with the ANC as one way TRIP 5: letter to her mother, including the out of the crisis. Logically, they sentence: 'As I understand, the ANC would have begun to pressure their n June 24, 1986, Forsyth left would like some kind of exchange in­ intelligence services for details of the South Africa for her final volving myself and prisoners in South enemy's proposed counter-strategy. Otrip to Lusaka. The ANC African jails... This could be ar­ had no n>orc use for her. Two weeks ranged very easily*. TRIP 4: after leaving , she arrived at May 1988: Forsyth escapes to the Quatro detention camp near Quixabi, British embassy in Luanda. n June 10, 1986, Forsyth about 100 km east of the Angolan November 23, 1988: Botha flew off to Lusaka, having capital, Luanda. She remained there reprieves the Sharpcvillc Six after ap­ Oboth betrayed her masters for seven months. Part of that time plication for a re-trial has failed. and compounded that betrayal by fail­ she spent giving highly-detailed December 1988: Angolans grant ing to warn them of it. She had also profiles of her handlers and other SB Forsyth an exit visa. She travels betrayed several fellow-agents - al­ officers. The official ANC analysis of home via Britain. though the ANC withcld action the Forsyth saga says she gave 'in­ While other factors - notably the against them to ensure Forsyth's timate details of the inner workings massive diplomatic pressure their handlers did not get wind of her of the South African security ap­ threatened execution generated - con­ betrayal. Forsyth's state of mind paratus with all its incompetence and tributed to the reprieve of the when she landed in Lusaka can only rivalries'. Sharpcville Six, the sequence appears be imagined. In May the following year, she was to back up powerful rumours that The ANC kept her alone in a motel transferred to an ANC house in Forsyth was part of a deal to save room, allowing her access only to the central Luanda to await a prisoner their lives. If so, Pretoria's little two 'security personnel' she had met swap. If this is the case - and it is one drummer girl can claim to have previously. She had, however, failed of the few things Forsyth and the achieved at least one positive thing.

24 Work In Progress BUILDING TOMORROW TODAY The search post-apartheid policies

Policy studies groups have been set up at most major South African universities to explore post-apartheid policies and strategies. But there has been little debate over the role they can play in moving beyond apartheid society. CEDRIC DE BEER and ERIC BUCH - both members of the Centre for the Study of Health Policy at Wits University's Department of Community Health - look at the limits and potentials of policy studies.

I oticy studies can help promote change. But they cannot be a Psubstitut e for organisation and political struggle. The last few years have seen the flourishing of policy studies groups, usually attached to universities. These include general policy studies, such as the Wits Busi­ ness School's centre, as well as sectoral units looking at health, education or welfare policy. Different terms are used to describe this field of work. Some talk about development studies, some about post- apartheid research, and others about policy studies. But the purpose of the work is more important than the words used to describe it. We use our experience of health policy studies to discuss the use and purpose of policy studies in general and how they contribute to the struggle for democracy and social justice in South Africa.

uestions which often arise in policy study units include: Q•What is people's education?'; 'What is meant by workers* control of factories?'; 'How can equality between men and women be achieved?'; and 'What can be done to ensure that every South African has a decent home?' Policy studies try to provide answers to these questions, and to help organisa­ tions of the democratic movement

Work In Progress 25 BUILDING TOMORROW TODAY

identify strategies for promoting Hopefully this will enhance the ef­ For example, a future national health change. forts of progressive health service cannot plan on the availability Policy studies can, therefore organisations to spread the vision of a of an unlimited number of doctors. * help in the development of a clear people's health service to as many The state will not be able to train and vision of a future society; health workers as possible. The pay them. This may mean that anyone * prepare for the period of post- demand for a national health service who is sick will first see a nurse aparthcid reconstruction; and can then take its rightful place on the trained to diagnose and treat illness - * contribute to the development of political agenda. and only if the nurse decides it is strategics for change appropriate to Increasing numbers of health necessary, will the patient be referred present conditions. workers will come to sec the value of a to a doctor or a hospital. national health service and that it can This kind of limitation precludes a olicy studies can help promote only be fully realised in a democratic demand that everyone should have the change, and develop a vision society. They may thus be encouraged automatic right to sec a doctor when Pof the future. But they cannot to play a more active role in progres­ ill. Unrealistic demands could create substitute for organising and political sive movements for change. expectations that a future government struggle. Policy studies by themselves would not be able to meet. can change nothing; they become valu­ The importance of developing a clear able only when put to use by a vision and future direction has been progressive movement. An end to reinforced in meetings with health In 1955 the Congress of the People workers from Zimbabwe, Nicaragua adopted the as a apartheid will not and Mozambique. They tell of the dif­ description of the kind of society the ficulties of trying to build a 'people's delegates would like to have lived in. automatically health service* in newly-liberated This charter remains the most popular countries. They had little idea where to and best-known vision of a future mean jobs for the start, and wished they had started South Africa, and has served as a rally­ thinking about the real meaning of a ing point for generations of activists. unemployed, or 'people's health service' before their For example, the charter calls for a countries achieved independence. Not preventive health scheme run by the health care in only could they have planned better, state; and for free medical care and they could have done a lot of work hospitalisation for all, with special care expensive private prior to liberation. for mothers and young children. But the charter does not explore the hospitals rclimo coined the phrase 'A luta best way of providing affordable continua' - the struggle con­ health care of reasonable quality to all Ftinues - in the early days of South Africans. Mozambican independence. Frelimo Through their work at the Centre for olicy studies can ensure that was not talking about the wax against the Study of Health Policy, members visions of the future are com­ Renamo bandits which was to come; it have come to believe that this can only Ppatible with what that future was saying that iridcpcndcoce and for­ be achieved within the framework of a can offer. A realistic sense of what will mal political power arc only one step national health service (NHS). be possible under a future democratic along the road to total liberation. The They have thus started to investigate government committed to increasing slogan warns that the struggle to build in more detail how such a service equality among all South Africans is deraocracy and create social justice just could work. important. Popular expectations begins when a popular government This involves questions like: should not be blocked; but neither takes power. * can an NHS be run efficiently so should a belief be encouraged that an The day after a new government has that it docs not cost the state too much? end to apartheid will suddenly allow taken power in South Africa, all the in­ * how can it be made democratic, so everyone to have the best of every­ equalities caused by apartheid will still that it is accountable to the community thing. South Africa is not a poor exist; the under-developed , it serves? country, and has enough material the squatter camps, the townships, the * how can different kinds of health resources for all to be healthy and inequalities between black and white, workers be encouraged to work well-fed. But it is also not a rich the level of unemployment - none will together as a team to provide health nation. disappear overnight. care for all, rather than competing with The end of apartheid will not And in trying to lead the process of each other as they do at the moment? automatically enable all to live in change towards a just society, the new * how can nurses be freed from the luxury houses and drive expensive government could face other major oppression they presently suffer so that cars. Nor will there suddenly be jobs difficulties. For example, South Africa they can contribute fully to health care for all the unemployed, or health care may face serious economic strains as a for all? in expensive private hospitals. One result of years of political conflict, This work on a national health ser­ aspect of studying health policy is thus right-wing sabotage and terrorism, and vice is helping to develop a clearer to determine how a future health ser­ a shortage of skilled manpower. vision of goals and awareness of the vice can be made to work well for us There are two ways policy studies possibilities in the struggle for a all, within the limitations a post-apart­ can help to overcome these obstacles to people's health service. heid government will inherit. transformation:

26 Work In Progress BUILDING TOMORROW TODAY

* by providing - in advance - infor­ now; why health workers demand that into their non-participation in and at­ mation a post-apartheid government hospitals should be desegregated now; titudes towards trade unions can will need to make the best use of why trade unions demand better wages provide organisers with the detailed in­ resources to meet legitimate demands; now, not just in some post-apartheid formation they require to choose the and future. In organising to achieve these most appropriate organising strategy. * by facilitating action now that will demands, organisations arc Policy studies can also help to iden­ help to reduce the size of these strengthened. They not only win short- tify weak points in the system. problems in the future. term victories that begin to build the Knowing where the system is weak Policy studies related to medical doc­ future; they also gain the strength identifies where pressure can be ap­ tors provides a good example of how needed to make other demands. plied to force changes. For example, these contributions may occur. Unions have built their strength or­ the present health care system is South Africa's powerful medical ganising around short-term demands broken up into many different pieces: profession is generally conservative, concerning wages, working condi­ ten 'homeland' departments of health, and likely to oppose the creation of a tions, representation and recognition, three 'own affairs' departments, a national health service. If an NHS was safety at the workplace, and so on. general affairs department, local forced on them as they are today, authority health services, provincial many doctors might leave the country, health services, services for Africans, while others might try to sabotage the for whites and so on. The system is democratic health service. A new Policy studies confused, fragmented, and very expen­ government would have to decide how sive. The state cannot easily defend to deal with this problem. It could cannot substitute this apartheid-based health care sys­ move slowly in the creation of a na­ tem. This creates the space to reveal tional health service, trying to win and for political problems caused by apartheid health keep the support of most doctors; or it care, and to win new allies in the call could act rapidly - and risk losing struggle, but they for a single national health service. many doctors and their skills which a Finally, policy studies can contribute health service requires. Both of these can help develop to the development of strategics for ac­ options are unsatisfactory. What policy tion by community groups. For researchers can offer is assistance in strategies for example there are community struc­ rinding a better solution which will tures which hope to run campaigns both allow rapid change, and en­ change demanding better health care. They courage most doctors to participate in understand the grievances of their an evolving health service. members, and policy studies can help This involves surveys among doctors them understand the nature of the sys­ to see how strongly they would oppose They have won victories, won sup­ tem they are tackling, give them an NHS, how many might leave, and port, gained in strength, and developed information to make their campaign how they could be encouraged to stay the power to confront the larger issues. more effective, help them to formulate and contribute. Policy researchers can Other progressive organisations have the most appropriate demands and, if also help by working out how to run a started to act along similar lines. The necessary, undertake the specific health service if a large number of doc­ National Education Crisis Committee studies or investigations they require tors do suddenly leave the country. (NECC), for example, has presented to develop their position. This support Another important area involves educational demands on behalf of stu­ can also help them offset attempts by convincing doctors that an NHS is a dents and their parents, and civic the authorities to confuse or defuse the desirable option. If they can be con­ associations have started to negotiate issues and thereby undermine their vinced of that now, more arc likely to around rent and other local issues. campaigns. help implement changes in a national Progressive policy studies can con­ health system. tribute to this process in at least three his article has focused ex­ In this way, policy studies can important ways: clusively on the value of policy provide the necessary vision of the fu­ * by offering the detailed analysis of Tstudies. But there are other is­ ture and prepare for social change and the system which progressive or­ sues that need to be confronted, reconstruction. ganisations need; including the relationship between the * by identifying weak points in the researcher and the community, the third value of policy studies system; and resources required to do adequate lies in the development of * by working with progressive policy studies, and the need for re­ Astrategics for change. groups to develop strategies for action. search to be of the highest scientific Political struggle is not just about the The health sector offers useful ex­ standards. transfer of political power from the amples in all three cases. Clearly there is a value in policy apartheid regime to majority popular A detailed analysis is needed of the studies which can contribute to effec­ representation. It also involves the system. For example, nurses are the tive organisation. But they arc not a building of a democratic future today, largest group of workers in the health substitute for effective organisation, even while living under undemocratic sector, but they are a conservative sec­ and policy research can never be a sub­ and authoritarian conditions. That is tor which has not played its part in the stitute for the political and community why students and parents demand im­ struggle for change. There are current leadership which is part of organising provements in the education system moves to organise nurses, and research for change.

Work In Progress 27 Ironically it was Nactu which of a new LRA. This version of the Towards a initiated the call for a summit, and its LRA - which will extend rights to I lth-hour decision to pull out caused sectors currently excluded from the divisions in its own ranks - apparently act - will be submitted to employer single labour exacerbated by ideological differences groups by May 2. If employers fail to between Africanist and black make positive progress towards federation consciousness adherents. meeting the demands within 30 days, Trie Nactu decision could affect the the unions will declare a national n March 4 and 5 worker future unity of the federation. dispute and ballot for a national strike. representatives from 43 unions Although Mlindclwa stated that the The summit also recommended that O unions explore ways of not using the met at a workers' summit to discuss II unions attending the summit did so industrial court, which has lost their opposition to the Labour as 'full-blooded Nactu affiliates' and credibility among workers. It further Relations Amendment Act (LRA), not as 'rebels', the possibility docs suggested that workers and the and more importantly, to put national exist of broader unity being forged community should be mobilised union unity Firmly on the agenda for between Cosatu and individual Nactu around the campaign, and that it 1989. This indicated some optimism affiliates, rather than Nactu as a should be linked to the after a difficult year for labour in federation. 1988. Unemployment Insurance Fund One of the major focuses of the Campaign. This campaign is intended Although unions have been able to summit was the extension of to mobilise support for *a operate more or less as they living UIF\ with vastly did before the new LRA was improved benefits, in much implemented late last year, the same way as the Cosatu the future of the labour Living Wage Campaign. movement is definitely under threat. The state and capital Interestingly, the structure are bent on smashing trade of the summit meant that union militancy and further debates around the LRA went eroding the right to strike. It directly back to union is in this climate that unions membership. Since the have con»c together with a three-day stayaway last year, more positive and mature opposition to the act took the attitude to working-class form of negotiations between unity. union leadership, lawyers and More than 700 worker capital, with little or no delegates joined forces at the worker participation. Because summit, held at Wits of this, action on the ground University. The meeting - largely collapsed. the first of its kind in this The summit, with only country - made concrete worker participation recommendations and irrespective of union or proposed a plan of action for federation, aims to base the dealing with the LRA. campaign on the factory In his opening address, floor. Full-time trade union Cosatu president Elijah The worker summit - a step towa/tfe union unity officials were excluded from Barayi pointed out the significance of bargaining rights to workers in the summit apart from a small the meeting: 'Many things have kept sectors such as agriculture and state secretariate, whose only task was to us apart, but our coming together is a structures, who arc not covered by record and translate the minutes of the powerful statement that our the existing LRA. As Lawrence Phate proceedings. This aspect of the differences arc nothing compared to of the Orange-Vaal Workers Union summit gave meaning to the concept our commitment to working-class said: 'While most of you have been of working-class leadership. Also unity*. struggling against amendments to the noticeable was the equal And Mlindclwa Kwclcmtini, LRA, farmworkers are not even representation given to Cosatu and representing 11 Nactu affiliates, covered by the original act. Add to Nactu unions. this over half a million state workers, noted that 'unity is an ongoing The LRA is the major focus for the process and a hazardous task. The one million domestic workers and half a million para-statal workers. We labour movement this year, and even battle cannot be won easily or the unions normally considered victory gained cheaply. must include these sectors in any campaign around the LRA'. conservative arc joining ranks with 'As it is now, the first move by militant workers in their struggle. Nactu affiliates has already caused This call was taken up in the plan of The workers' summit, one of the ripples', he said, referring to the action prepared at the summit, in most significant demonstrations of affiliates' decision to attend the terms of which a committee was worker unity in South Africa to date, summit despite Naciu's absence. appointed to coordinate the drafting is seen as the start of a process of

28 Work In Progress w>^*e«6«mii«WHiwji»M>n*n .* 'w-vw***" building a single union federation for Recent cases involved exemptions granted in terms of all workers in South Africa. Sarhwu/railway and harbour workers, minimum wages, and lower standards Nchawu/hospital workers and others in working conditions, health and Industrial employed by the Natal Provincial safety conditions, and employment ; Administration and HWU/hospital benefits. workers. As yet, no company has But with relocation comes action since succeeded in suing unions for retrenchment - in most cases the damages during strike action, entire South African-based theLRAA although threats have been made - the workforce. Workers end up without most recent case being Ccawusa and jobs and minimal retrenchment uring ihe period under review Bcnoni Spar Food Hyper, where the payments. Some bosses have offered (October 15 1988 to February company is attempting to sue the to maintain their workforce, but have 2D4 1989) WIP monitor recorded the union for R40 000 for profits tost done little to assist with their following: during an allegedly illegal strike. relocation costs. In a case involving • Number of legal strikes - 18 Numsa and Sidley Manufacturing, the * Number of workers involved - 9 390 company offered to take 94 • Number of illegal strikes/ stoppages Repression employees to Pietersburg, where it was relocating in a deregulated zone. excluding public sector strikes -15 and attacks But the company was not prepared to * Number of workers involved - provide housing for the workers and ttacks on the labour movement their families. Acontinue unabated. Union offices throughout the country are At least eight companies relocated visited on a regular basis, in some during the period under review, and cases up to three times a week. These over 800 workers were retrenched as visits involve police looking around a result. With the increase in this offices making comments, or the trend, unions are looking at questioning of workers or unionists - formulating conditions for companies either in the offices, or at police intending to relocate. offices. WIP's repression monitor noted over 17 cases of police visits to The Industrial union offices around the country. There were three cases of union offices destroyed in arson attacks. Court There has also been an upsurge in n the past, unions had some faith anonymous pamphlets being sent to Iin labour law; but since September workers. A recent one. Trade Union 1, this seems to have faded. Labour Update, very cleverly slandered lawyer John Brand said his company NUM. and Trade Union Tit Bits has noted a decrease in court attacked several unions. applications from unions, while Police intervention in strikes has employers seem to be flooding the been on the increase since last year. courts. The main reason for this There were at least five cases of seems to be the ease with which Cosatu - still demanding a ruing wage police intervention during strike employers can obtain court interdicts Together with the public sector situations. Recent cases included the against strikes and other industrial strikes, the number of workers SAB/Fawu strike, Nampak Paper action under the new LRA. Two engaged in industrial action exceeded Industries/Ppwawu and Nampak noted cases involve BTR Dunlop/ 40 000. The momentum of industrial Corrugated Industries/Ppwawu. Numsa and Transportation Motor action has remained more or less the Spares/ Uamawu. In the first case, the same since June last year, with no court intervened in a legal strike and significant change in the pattern of Retrenchments granted the company a court order strike action. This means the number barring the strike. of legal strikes has not necessarily and increased since the LRA was In the second case, the court granted amended. the company an interim order against relocations a strike and the union was given only According to the WIP monitor, two hours after receipt of the order to over 95 % of strikes were over wages he number of companies moving comply with it. The company and working conditions. Unions Tto deregulated zones or the dismissed the workers two hours after traditionally followed procedures and homelands has increased since East the order was delivered to union embarked on legal action. year, particularly among smaller offices. In this case, where the court In the public sector, the tendency companies. Some businesses prefer has legally approved of a dismissal - towards wildcat strikes is continuing, operating in the homelands - where without giving the union ample time spreading rapidly 10 all provinces. there are bans on trade unions, to respond.

Work In Progress 29 Strikes and Disputes: October 14, 1988 to February 24,1909 Strikes and Disputes: Company unob* were lost with the closure of Barlow Rand's Aluminium Extrusion Company, Aimex, The union was forced to ElanoVontein accept a retrenchment package which included four week's pay, one week's pay per year of service and one week ex-gratia pay. Angu* Hawken Numsa W 24.02.89 Uoul 60 worker* ai Angus Hawken were retrenched when they refused 10 mov£ to Bophuthatswana w*|h the company. The com­ Rosslyn pany wa* relocating to Magwase m the homeland. There the average wage in the industry is Ri per hour 4nd fade union* are forbidden. A refreshment package was negotiated between Naawu and the company in 1967 when the Company fic*l announced f * intention to close »t'* Rosslyn factory. Benoni Spar food Hyper Ccawuia 50 06.02.09 3cnom Spar Food Hyper, the fourth company to attempt suing union* using the 'damages clause' in the Labour Relation* Act, issued 8enoni CCJWUSJ wrth a R40 000 letter of demand. The claim wa* for profit* lost during an alleged illegal ltrifce. The union's anomey* were candling the matter. Bophuthattwana Tawu 400 01.11 ee Jophulhaiswana Transport holding* and Tawu concluded a recognition agreement covering the union's member* in the company** Transport Holding* Pretoria branch The agreement followed a long battle between Tawu and the company In 1967 the entire workforce went on strike Pretoria n 8ophuthatswana and in Pretoria over recognition *nd 200 striker* in Bophutnatswana were detained. Howler, employee* In fophuihatswana are *t*ll not covered by the present recognition agreement. Bowl Afr*ca Plant 1 *Jpm*a soo Nov 1966 •Wumsa declared a dispute over the company's intentontosub-contracl iB iran*pc>n divison. Five worker* faced retrenchment if the Pretoria company sub-contracied The union decided to hold a ballot to determine worker*' feelings Bosal Africa Plant 1 Vum*a wo 090269 rVofker* stopped work and demanded mo dismissal of a white manager whom they allege u*ed a company vehicle and employee* Pretoria durmg working hours to do private jobs Workers resumed work after six hour* when management agreed 10 lnve*tigate the matter. BMW & S othe* MF |an19OT 3MW, Bosch, He)ia, MeKedev8en/,Sir±men*a/vdVofk*wage^^ muinnjionjls n principle lo accept the ICMetall code of conduct for labour relation* for South African sub*kliarie* iff BR/ffS-W/P 56/67 Elida Pood* 250 0WI7 02.8* rhrs Unilever *ubiidUry obtained a court interdict aga*nsi strikes* -d overtime bar** by CW1U members. Worker* had been protest- twu ing management/* refusal 10 proceed with wage negotiation* In Oclober last year the unon proposed wage negotiation*, but manage­ ment in*i*iedond**cu*s^tner*sueofovemmeban*at the company instead. Al the time, workers in one department were on an overtime ban over a problem with their manager EUerine* _cawu*a 1S00 Feb 1989 -cawusa claimed Ellfrineswa* in the process of retrenching 1 SOO employee* ai over 200 store* without negotiating with the union.

1 EUerine* management denied that there wa* any 'organised retrenchment' sr^ said each wore made independent decision* about employing or retrenchng staff The company had a national *ta/f complement of 7 400 at 291 store*. IJL Esfcom 24 000 Dec 1966 Kfter arbitral»on Eskom and three unions reached a wage settlement. The union* drsputed a 10% increase granted to general worker* tn July last year, whkn brought the minimum wage to R612 a month. In term* of the agreement, general workers were given ^r\ id* dmonal 2% backdated to My 86, and a further 5% *ocrea*e effective from lanuary 1. 1969 The minimum wage wa* increased from R612amonthtoK65XSO*month. f*kom NJumsa/ >300 Novl9d6 Eskomand 13 of the 15 un*>n* recogm*ed by the company reached agreement on a retrenchment package. Retrenched worker* NUMT received compensation amounting to seven twetrth* of their annual wage or 5% o' ine accumulated baiic wage. Numsa and NUM, 13 other representing 20% of ine unionised workforce, rejected the package. They said E*kom gave inadequate reason* for retrenchment* union* and made no effort to discus* alternatives. The Cosatu union* proposed a reduction in working hours from 45 hour* a week to 40 TOUT*. Everite Fibre Cement CAWU 3000 10 0? 69 •vetiie Fibre Cement Drvition, a $wi** multinational, Implemented it* wage offer ^er reaching deadlock wrth the union, desprte the Division union's application for a conciliation board to resolve the dispute. Worker* demanded hourly wage Increase* of Rt,0 J acnyi* the board; a 40-hour working week; June 16 a* a paid public holiday; ind a 35% reduction in the production rate in the moulded good* department. Everiie implemented wage increases of between SO »r\d 7fl cents depending on workers' grade*. The union wa* awaiting a conciliation board hearing. G&WBasei CWU ^20 07-0*02.6* Yorkers staged a two-day stoppage demanding the reinstatement of a dr*mr**ed worker. Prior to the stoppage worker* embarked Industrial Minerals :>n a legal overtime ban. Haggle Rand ^msa i«x> 19-6* he six-week lockout at Haggle Rand ended AH& a settlement in which management increased if* wage offer by Sc an hour in ex­ Germrston and Jupiter 28.10.ee change for the withdrawal of a *trvice bonus offer. During the dispute the company, known to be a union basher, threatened lo dismi** l 600 worker* who refused to accept the wage offer and asked 6O0 worker* io vacale the company hostel. Keftoftgs f-J-MJ 162 Serx 1965 |5eiievmg that the LftAA distorted the balance of power against union*, K^ioggt management undertook - m writing- not lo imoie- Springs |'-.-M certain dauses of the Labour Relations Aex The relevant clauses include: the entire unfaWabour-praatee definition; tirne-scales por applying for conciliation boards; the clause giving panics the right to object to publication of industrial court judgement*; the as­ sumption thai unions - unless they can prove the contrary - are to be accountable for the unlawful actions of individual members* rat­ he iais and offae bearers, thus facilitating crvH action (or damages agamst them.

Kwanda Door F rime* Setwusa 1 15.02.82 rank MacbrS, chairman of Nach/s shop steward executive committee in MarbJo Haft, w« dismissed for holding a lunch tx>ur meet­ Marble Hall ing to dHcuss the injuries workers had sustained while on duty Management accused Maebel of organising strikes and fired him after >e recused lo sign a declaration admitting this. Memnt Carbonless Ppwawu 100 130259 egally-str iking workers were granted a Supreme court order allowing them access to the company canteen after management had Krugersdorp •of used to allow them in. The company failed to obtain an order to evict the strikers. Ppwawu was demanding an increase of k; across ihe board against management's offer of 50c lo 70c. Memn is owned jointly by Mondi and Nampak. Nashua Ccawusa 51 Oct 1966 he supreme court ordered 51 striking worker* ^ Nashua h> Slop interfering with the conduct of the bus*>ess, and intimidating or as­ Midrand saulting workers. Nashua obtained the court order in a bid to end ihe strike, which rt claimed was causing the company damages of R4S 000 per dav through lost sales National Forsyth Numsa 141 09 -12.69 rhe company retrenched 141 workers and re*ocaiedlnQwaQwa. Won^ersweferJfferlrf^voweekspay per year of service up to is Kan*) years and a sum of R500 for t*me worked thereafter. Panorama Bookshop Mwasa 16 11.02-59 Panorama Bookshop refused lo negotiate a recognition agreement with Mwasa until the union stated It's position on sanctions and PiOterSDUrg disinvestment. The union declared ^ official dispute and applied for a conciliation board- Initially the company insisted the union's correspondence should be in Afrikaans. After agreeing that correspondence could be in tnglish, the company said that unless the union clarified satisfactorily its position on sanctions, it would not proceed with recognition negotiations. Mwasa has been trying to get the company to negotiate since October 1987. Penrose Pre** Mwasa 150 13 02 55 vlwasa referred this wage dispute to the Industrial Council lor the Printing and Newspaper Industry. Management s final offer was tohannesburg (24 a week across the board againsl the union's demand of R50 a week. The minimum wage at the company stands at ft 115 a week. Pepsi Fawu Nov 1958 [awuar\d Pepsi reached an agreement in an attempt to get around some clauses in theLRAA. The agreement provides for the follow­ ing: compulsory and binding arbitration over any dispute of right deadlocks in negotiations over substantive issues, such «* wages, must be referred to mediation, thus ignoring IRA procedures to refer disputes to conciliation boards. If mediation fails the parties are obliged so meet at least once more* following which, having given 10 days notice, industrial act»on could be taken. Pepsi has also undertaken not to dismiss strikers provided they follow the agreed procedures *°d adhere to detailed behav*ooral standards Pcrskor vlwasa 212 3001.89 Perskor obtained a suspension of a January 23 supreme court ruling ordering a. to re-instate 212 workers with pay, pending a review application. T he workers were dismissed last June *h& a four-day wage strike 6y January Perskor had employed another workforce to replace the striken- Photra Ppwawu 110 24 10- Workers ended a seven-week legal strike after accepting a wage offer of R110 across the board and a minimum wage o* R70Q per Johannesburg 12.12,58 month. The increase was backdated to September 1, 1955. Management tried io break the strike by using white and coloured scabs and announcing retrenchments. The union fought against the retrenchments, but could not save 21 workers' >obs> Samcor Numsa 3000 16-lo\i1-68 Three thousand workers downed tools for three days over management's failure 10 dismiss two foremen allegedly caught stealing, Pretoria saying senior staff and workers should face the same disciplinary procedures and penalties. The dispute was referred SO arbitration SMU Metal 350000 fcb1959 Annual wage negotiation* m the metal industry scheduted to sun on March 20w

South AO ican • J ••*••- 200 10.1186 SAB employees in Alrode went on str-ke *n sympathy with 12 colleagues dismissed after refusing to shirt to a 40-hour workmg week Breweries from a 45- hour working week pattern, fawu said workers were not opposed to the *d** of a shorter working week but were not Mrode happy with the way H was being implemented Pol> an hour for h^her categories. T hokosa Traffic Taxi* ISO 14-15 02 6* Thousands or commuters were left stranded when ThoLosa uxt-oVtvers wem on strike In sympathy win 25 colleagues arrested Ma ApMOiM driven traffic blil/. The drivers were arrested because ihc taxis did not have legal permits. The drivers felt ihe taxi owners should bear the brunt of this and not taxi drivers. Transvaal Coffins Ppwawu 30 Jan 1989 Transvaal Coffins laid off 30 workers when the company moved to Kwa Ndebele- Workers were against the relocation ^6 they were Malvern not satisfied with the retrenchment pay. Visual Marketing nwasa 30 27.01.69 vtwasa feffrrtd a wag* dispute wrth Visual Marketing to the Industrial Council for the Prating ^nti Newspaper industry Management tehanmabun withdrew its final offer of an acrosvi he-board increase of R28 because employees refused to accept it. In turn, workers reduced their

Strikes and Disputes: NATAL Company Union Workers fjjir Events and outcome BTRDunlop *Jumsa i 600 25.1086 The industrial court, exercising its new powers in terms of the labour RelauOns Act intervened >n a dispute between BTR Duntop indNurnsa, granting the > m ; i s n i mu ' d 1t against a strike by Numsa members Workers were on strike over the dismissal of the chairman of the Dunlop shop stewards committee. Th* court has for the first tir^ KlXm)- aimed at restricting intermittent strikes, is one of the sub-clauses of the unfair labour practice definition which most unions and many employers find problematic Unions believed it unfairly restricted the right to strike. Employers *ett n should be clarified so as to restrict only intermrftent strikes over issues already settled They also feared it would encourage longer strikes, lasting until settlement BTRSarmcol ^umsa 1000 Feb 1989- nanew development in the BTR Sarmcol/Numsadisputeover the dismissal in 1985 ol 1 000 wort ers. Numsa won a Natal Supreme Pietermarit/burg 02.03.89 Coun appeal against the controversial 1987 industrial court judgement in favour of the company During the course of the hearing, the industrial court's presiding officer, Pierre Rouv, had participated in a seminar organised by Andrew Levy it^d Associates, BTR Sarmcol's advisors MAWU (now NkirmaJ argued that this was improper conduct lor a presiding officer who ai the time was aware that Andrew Levy would be called to the bo** MM Didcofl found that RouVs 'untoward hobnobbing* with Andrew Levy and Associates had taken place during a very tense period when there was high animosity and suspicion between management and workers. He ruled that the dispute should be re-submitted to the industrial court for arbitration, but granted BTR leave to appeal Coattsink >1U !30 2301- Vbout 230 ink workers in Durban and Cape Town downed tools in a legal stfike over wages and working conditions. The company Durban and 06 02 69 hired whrte scabs to replace workers in the Durban plant. Management did not budge on 4s final offer of increases between 16% to Cape Town 19% and a minimum wage of R 5,05 Workers were forced Io accept and returned to work after a two-week strike il k ne 27.01,89 housands of commuters from Durban and surrounding areas were stranded when 938 bus drivers went on strike after talks with the NAMTEA, DTMB failed to resolve a disagreement over the Basic Gondii ions of Employment Act The company's exemption from certain sec- DIMES A tens of this Act expired last year. But it continued to operate under (he ex£rnptver 3 000 staff members including cleaners, nurses and derks went on strike at four Natal hospitals over union recogniton and \i.JfT.mis1'jh in Dec 1968 wages. Among other things, workers demanded a minimum living wageol K1 500 and ^n end to temporary employment The strike Durban and spread to other sections o* the Natal Provincial Adminrstraiion indudmg maintenance workers and workers from the Roads Depart* Pietermariuiburg merit. According to the union about 15 000 workers, including unorganised workers, were on strike. following a management ultimatum, NPA dismissed over J 000 workers who did not return to work, and hostel dwellers were evicted, Nehawu referred the matter to the supreme court aod obtained an interim order instructing NPA to re-instate workers under ihe Bask Condiiions of Employment Act National Clothing Mnfn Gawu 4 $00 12.10 08 About 4 000 workers from $A Clothing, Grand Clothing, Sterling Coming and Da Vinci Clothing stopped work in protest against a Association - Durban R14 a week increase ordered by the National Oothtng Manufacturers Association, Department of Posts and f*otwa 111 22.11.86 3ne hundred and eleven Potwa members were recused leave to appeal against a previous Judgement which ruled they had been fair­ T etecommun ications ly dismissed during a sympathy strike in August 1987* The supreme court ruled that there was no reasonable prospect of an appeal court reaching a different conclusion, r Republican Press wwataV 200 16-31 JO A Republican Press locked Out 200 workers, including the editorial staff, at Bona and Thandi Workers were sinking in support of wage Moboni Ppwawu demands and other benefits. Mwasa claimed the company practised wage discrimination and demanded that their members' salaries be the same as white workers in the same categories. Workers at Prospective, a subsidiary of Republican Press in Preterrnarlt/burg, joined the strike, bringing the number o* Strike** 10 more than JO0. Workrys wen? grven a wage increase of 50 to 70 perteni in some cases, ending the dispute. Although the increase appears high, wages al the company are very low, sakJ a unOTorTKial. MWASA in­ dicated that M Intended laiing the company lo court over the issue of racial discrimination. 1 Strikes and Disputes: EASTERN AND WESTERN CAPE Company Union Workers Date Events and oulcome Bruply Sawmills Ppwawu 109 24 0249 Therewas a one-day strike at two Bruply Sawmills' branches m ihe Western Cape over management's wage increase offer of 48c per 5nHlcnboKh 4n6 Elgin hour Workers have been on ^n overtime ban since November last year. Management had applied for a court Imerdkl against over- time bans and strikes by its employees Cape Lime Sacv>u 31.10 88 n an outof<0un settlement Cape Lime granted R210 000 to eighty workers. The workers were d'Smissed following a strike Af^i were r° re-instated after a landmark industrial court ruling. The money will be distributed to the workers after deductions of legal costs. Croote Schuur MWU Tow Oct 1988 vtore than 1 000 auxiliary staff at Croote Schuur Hospital held short work stoppages on three occasions* The first work stoppage was Hospital to pressunse Dr George Watermeyer, executive director of Cape Hospital Services to meet with workers. Workers returned to work Cape Town after a meeting with Dr Waiermever had been arranged and a few days later downed tools again because the Director did not meet with with them as planned On the third occasion workers downed tools over the wage offer put to them by Or Watermeyer. The union was meeting with hospital management over the issue. Mercedes Bern Vumsa 3000 24-27 J0-BC Another stoppage man ongoing series of work stoppages since early 1987 occurred when Mercedes Ben/ workers downed tods EM London over the dismissal of two workers. In ihe first case, a worker was dismissed tor refusing io lake a breathalyse* test unless the foreman did the same. The second case involved ihe dismissal of a worker after a few hours in a new (ob because management found his per­ formance inadequate Workers returned to work when management agreed 10 hold a disciplinary inquiry for the first worker and re­ instate the second- Mercedes Bern ^Jumsa 1000 Nov 1988 rVorkers engaged in a gr>slow following a dispute over working lime. At one point, workers claimed the go-slow resulted in me ptant East London producing only one car per day. The action was to protest pay deductions for workers who allegedly arrived late for work or left a few minutes early. The dispute was settled when management agreed that disciplinary issues would be subjected to existing discipli­ nary procedures instead of pay deductions. Nampak Corrugated Ppw*wu 250 1801- Dn the fourth day of a legal wage strike, workers were locked oul and guards wrth dogs prevented workers from entering the premises. Containers 06.0289 Workers demanded an acrossHhe-board weekly increase of R60, while Nampak offered increases of between R45and R53 a week. Epptng Workers returned to work after accepting a W% increase on the minimum, bringing the minimum wage up to R164 pec week. pQwfr Engineering EAWTU 200 08 11.68 About 2O0 workers at Power Engineering *n Epping downed tools uy support their demand for plant-level bargaining. South African Breweries Fawu 100 13O0-0149 *E breweries workers went on strike folfowing a dispute with PEandEL London SAB workers downed tools in sympathy. Workers returned to work following negotiations with management Nettex Actwusa »so 20011989 ^ threomonth-iong dispute over the company's proposed new shift system was temporarily settled in the industrial court pending Bdlville further talks. The dispute started in October 1987 when NCMC* told employee* H Intended introducing a continuous shift system io make more rational use of p*ant capacity Workers opposed the suggestion and Actwusa disputed the companv/s right to implement the new system. Laie last year Nenex withdrew notices about the new shift system. Volkswagen Numsa/ 200 16*10-66 About 200 artisans weni on strike ovr* wag«. Tuolili#J«sjrer^ increases, ar*d Uitcnhage Satsaiu other artisans demanded the same. Alter the strike about 80 white workers joined Numsa* Strikes and Disputes: MINES Company Union Worfcer* Date Event* and outcome B ucl en, NUM -1 >00 Jan 1989 NUM declared disputes with three Gencrx mines over the retrenchment of 4 S00 miners. NUM claimed the retrenchment negotia­ BuffeUrbntetn tion* were made in bad farth and that inadequate noKe of retrenchment was given The mines Wed to consider NUM's proposed and Leslie alternatives a0000. The case arose out of iheAugusi 1987 wage strike, where manage­ ment backdated a proposed increase by a month for non-strikers. Miniek NUM 250 OS-18,01 .V Two hundred and fifty out of 280 Mintei emptoyees went oh strrke demanoNng a 30% wage increase and the f/ajtting of|une 16 andMjy 1 as paid ho days After a two-week strike worker accepted increases of between 14% and 22% bacidaied toluty 88.

Phalaborwa Mimng NUM 2CKX) Feb 1989 Phalaborwa Mining and NUM reached a wage agreement which the union views as a good start to its 1989 living wage campaign h Increases ranging from 13,5% to 23% were granted, setting the minimum monthly wage at R6S0. The agreement also provides foe improved service and shift allowances, recognition of traditional doctors, improved annual leave, paid leave on May \ and unpaid leave on June 16. Zincot NUM MX) Oct 1968 Goldfields Zincor and N UM reached a wage agreement e*vding a three-week tociout imposed by the company. The un*on accepted the company's final wage offer a 12% increase on the cu*fpn* minimum; a death benefit scheme and a shift allowance.

Repression and attacks: October 14, 19B8 to February 24,1989

Richard October, a Ppwawu organtaer. was briefs aide na nail OCTOBER DECEMBER i v detained and msarrogasad dunng a atrike at Ha tr- 29 Ot« - Polioa wara again preaent outaida tha 07.10 89 - NUM a regional Of S offtoa waa raided 17 12-89 • Eatt London union offic** belonging K> pair Corrugated oontainara m Epping. Four woritera hall dunng tha continuation of tna Coaatu Regional and documenta wart removed, A union official waa Actwusa. Fawu and CMU ware aat aiighi Fawu and wara alto anettad dunng tfte ainka and raSaaaad on Congraaa in Port EJixabetfv taken in tor Questioning CW1U reoentfy moved m after the* office* ware ftsoo barf each. 300189 - Coaatua ntgtoneJ tfiakpafaon in tha A c burnad in November Fke did not cauaa extanerve 31.10.88 - Coaatu a Writ regional aecretary. " Security polioa vititad tna Coaatu Ragional ."• « Vntttam Capat Loohington Ndongeni, waa arratiad damage. M*b*ieneH and jj i Frena, a Ccewute .vambef. in Ron Ei i iab« f ftaavara l amaa in January. on luspicor. for roboary. A taw daya later, ha found wan* picked up by aecurity pollot in Katieftong »12« • Coaatu looal ohairparion In Eaat Lon­ Polioa viaiiad the Coaatu regional offtoe in Krmbar* aavaral poioaman tooking around nia back yard lata MabeLana wat released the next day but Fran* waa don, Billy Shryani. Sadwu organiter Jaff Wabena ley and arreaied a Sarhwu organiser H* wat at night. held under Secbon 29 of tha amergency regulation*. and Human flgMi lawyer Hntae &k-wite ware shot raieaaad afSar a tow hour* ot Quettioreng A week FEBRUARY NOVEMBER and aanoualy wounoeo Two of ffiadr feme** com- latar. tna polica anivad again and took tha ragional paniont wara snot dead. Tha modem oocurad in aacretary m for guaftboninO^ 06 02 80 • Security police vmited Coaatua Kmber- The Spring* Cotatu office waa raided and two Eattlondon. Tha offtae* of r;v»- . a^twuaa and Fawu in Trade toy ofhoa again and look Oious DgetK • r^ehawu Cosatu ' ar»«* confiscated. 281268 - A Lieutenant Pelaar viarted NUM'* Union Houae an Eaat London ware completely organttar. in tor Cjuetltorwig. The aama avarmsg Police ransacked ma tfmbertay Cotaiu regional tterktdorp ragional offtoa dawning thai worker* had | Oastroyed in a aeoond arson attack on ffsa bu*dtng aacurity petfjee saafCftad Oigetai'* houta using metal oft.ee Tha ataff war* packed into ona room and intimidated a whit* woman in town. Ha thraataned 010189 - Sacurtty poUca raidad htactu* detociDrt- Quetboned about union actiwbea to arrest a union official [ FSatariburg omoaa. 080289 * NUM ogira. Arthua tiohaia, wat 15.11-88- Temba Mabuta. a fuMime Fe*»u ahop 29 "/ B9 - Uauianant Patter, accompanied by 11.01.89 ' Security pcPoa vwtad the Wasarvaat ttoppad by aaourrty polioa in Calaahwa townahip tieward at Funa Food*, waa detained tor a few hours anotner security policemen vttrted tha Klerksdorp noma* of two Bewuta offioal* and threasanad to and ordarad Out of hit car at gunpoint Secunty and reteaaed eftar be*ng cjuatfconed, -•" -o again detain ftem ri upriaing* in tha townahip anoukl polioa spant a long time aaarchmg hi* oar* 25.1148 * Union omoet occupied by CNMU. JANUARY occur. 09 02 89 - Coaatu reaaarch and tMomvaaon of* TGWj. Fawu. Mumea. Saowu and Ppwa*u were 13.O1J0 - Lieutenant Pelaar agem viaitad NUM t near. Ragnmat Omar, waa detained for two day* and burned m an arton attack. NUM a regional Fraa S*at* ieaderthip wara taken rterkadorp o*t i ce and quetaoned una>n offtdaa*. legated on R500 barf He I* tftfl awaiting charge* in for questioning Security police wanted to know 2201 39 - Coaatu Ras?ionaJ Congraaa in Port 16,02.86 * Security polica waited tna Coaatu about NUM * year pun tor 1080 B wat waicnad by poiica who parked out- r+gonal office m Eatt London. \<:: «s»;^^v Kre^£'*'*<:::%: ffrO&ft?^^

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VryeWfeekMad ONS STEEK N^S WEG NIE CONTENTS

Page 6: The teenagers The bumps along Namibia's Of Tumahole ._. road to freedom 3 • I Broederstroom three face 1 \ terrorism charges 4

The teenagers j of Tumahole 6

A right move at the wrong time

f: What is Fighting for POW status - happening in white politics? and life itself 14

Working for collective change 18

Into the wilderness of mirrors ,21

Page 28: The workers' summit and trends in he Search for post-apartheid policies 25

Labour trends Towards a single labour federation 28 Industrial action since the LRAA 29 Repression and attacks 29 Retrenchments and relocations 29 The industrial court 29

Strikes and disputes 30

The nature of Work In Pogress, which is to stimulate debate and present views on a wide range of issues, ensures that the views expressed to not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editorial collective. Work In Progress, a publication of the Southern African Research Service, is published by an editorial collective, 40 de Korte Street, Braamfonteln, _ PO Box 32716 Braamfonteln. Tel: (011) 403-1912/1586 _