Egyptian Labor Corps: Logistical Laborers in World War I and the 1919 Egyptian Revolution

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Egyptian Labor Corps: Logistical Laborers in World War I and the 1919 Egyptian Revolution EGYPTIAN LABOR CORPS: LOGISTICAL LABORERS IN WORLD WAR I AND THE 1919 EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Kyle J. Anderson August 2017 © 2017 i EGYPTIAN LABOR CORPS: LOGISTICAL LABORERS IN WORLD WAR I AND THE 1919 EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION Kyle J. Anderson, Ph. D. Cornell University 2017 This is a history of World War I in Egypt. But it does not offer a military history focused on generals and officers as they strategized in grand halls or commanded their troops in battle. Rather, this dissertation follows the Egyptian workers and peasants who provided the labor that built and maintained the vast logistical network behind the front lines of the British war machine. These migrant laborers were organized into a new institution that redefined the relationship between state and society in colonial Egypt from the beginning of World War I until the end of the 1919 Egyptian Revolution: the “Egyptian Labor Corps” (ELC). I focus on these laborers, not only to document their experiences, but also to investigate the ways in which workers and peasants in Egypt were entangled with the broader global political economy. The ELC linked Egyptian workers and peasants into the global political economy by turning them into an important source of logistical laborers for the British Empire during World War I. The changes inherent in this transformation were imposed on the Egyptian countryside, but workers and peasants also played an important role in the process by creating new political imaginaries, influencing state policy, and fashioning new and increasingly violent repertoires of contentious politics to engage with the ELC. The institutionalization of the ELC thus entailed a re- ii articulation of the networked space of the British colonial state in Egypt, which would have important implications for Egyptian history. In particular, I track how the spatial transformations necessary to recruit, transport, and deploy roughly half a million workers and peasants from all corners of Egypt in the ELC structured mass politics during in the 1919 Egyptian revolution. Focusing on the role of ELC laborers in the broader revolutionary process can serve to check the validity of the common belief that the centralized nationalist movement coordinated the rural uprisings that spread throughout the countryside in March 1919. I argue that the cause of these uprisings cannot be reduced to sympathy with the urban- based nationalist movement. I find that recruitment for the ELC engendered a variety of violent demonstrations in the countryside as early as May 1918, and played an important role in motivating anti-British violence during the 1919 revolution, over and above any sympathies to the nationalist movement. iii NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION Fusha or classical Arabic words have been transcribed according to a simplified system based on the International Journal of Middle East Studies (IJMES). For texts, songs, and plays written or performed in colloquial Egyptian, I have modified the transliteration system based on IJMES. Instead of jim (j) I use (g); instead of qaf (q) I use a hamza (’). iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Over the course of researching and writing this dissertation, I have benefitted greatly from the encouragement and support provided by my family, friends, and colleagues. First, I would like to thank my advisors Ziad Fahmy, Deborah Starr, and Mostafa Minawi for their intellectual insight, patience, and camaraderie as they shepherded me through my graduate education. I would also like to thank the entire faculty, staff, and graduate student body of the Department of Near Eastern Studies at Cornell, which exposed me to the sweep of Middle Eastern history, as well as the Department of History at Cornell, which served as a second home for me. Finally, I would like to thank the staff of the British National Archives, especially Juliette Desplat, as well as the staffs at the Imperial War Museum, the British National Library, the Egyptian National Library (Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya), the American University in Cairo, the Kautz Family YMCA Archives at the University of Minnesota, the French National Archives (Archives Nationales) in Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, and the French Foreign Ministry Archives (Ministiére des Affaires Ètrangers) at La Courneuve. I discovered the Egyptian Labor Corps while on a research trip which was made possible by a generous grant from the Mario Einaudi Center at Cornell University. I am thankful to Nathan Brown, Ellis Goldberg, and Santanu Das for providing a sounding board for me as I worked out the viability of this topic during those early days in London. This dissertation required a year and a half of intensive research and writing in Egypt, during which time I benefitted from the support and wisdom of a variety of people. Ilka Eickhof organized a regular reading group for PhD researchers at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute (NVIC), which was regularly attended by Claire Panetta, v Patricia Kubala, Ian Steele, Edna Bonhomme, Lara Ayad, Farid Y. Farid, and Yakein Abdelmagid. The American Research Center in Egypt (ARCE) funded six months of this research, and provided a supportive research environment with a cohort of fellows including Nefertiti Takla, Zoe Griffith, Andrew Simon, Mukaram Hhana, Jason Brownlee, and Noha Radwan. Special thanks to Djodi Deutsch for making it all happen, and to Zoe for her continued friendship and keen editing eye. The Social Science Research Council (SSRC) funded an additional year of this research, and put me in touch with colleagues whose friendship I value, including Lucia Carminati and Angela Giordani. I am grateful to Khaled Fahmy, Madame Amira, and Mohamed Rabieh for helping me with my application to the Egyptian National Archives, and I thank Latifa M. Salim and Ashraf Sabry for pointing me towards valuable primary resources available in Egyptian libraries. I would also like to thank the team behind Hawa’ al-Hurriyya, including Leila Soleiman, Alia Mossallam, and Zainab Magdy, for meeting with me and bringing important popular culture sources on the ELC to my attention. Nermine Hassan Sayed was more than just an Arabic tutor for me during this time; she was a dear friend and a window into aspects of Egyptian culture of which I was previously unaware. Thanks to Olivia Betea, Mohamed Abdel Rehim Ali, Amr Shaaban Abdallah, Mohamed Bahrawi, and Hisham Abdien for making it an unforgettable time. Finally, I am eternally grateful to my parents, who sacrificed a lot for my education and helped instill in me a sense of ethical responsibility and intellectual curiosity. Most of all, I would like to thank my mother, Janice Anderson, whose love, editorial, intellectual, and emotional support made this dissertation possible. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………………….ix I. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………....1 a. Workers and Peasants in Middle East Studies………………………………..…3 b. Colonialism and the Production of Logistical Space……………………..……8 i. Transcending the Center/Periphery Spatial Imaginary……...…10 ii. The City and the Countryside…………………………………………..….13 iii. Colonialism as a Spatial Process………………………………………….15 iv. The Production of Space at the Scale of Logistics……………..…..18 v. The Politics of Logistical Labor……………………………………….…..20 c. Sources and Methodology……………………………………………………………..24 d. The Plan of the Present Work…………………………………………………..……28 II. Chapter One: The Origins of the Idea…………….………………………………...30 a. Violence, Trade, and British Rule in Egypt……………………………………...33 i. Colonial Laborers, Imperial Logistics…………………………………..36 b. The Non-West of the Western Front…………………………………………...….42 c. Ottoman Entry into the War………………………………………………………..…49 i. Defending Egypt Against Ottoman Attack………………………...….52 ii. Attacking the Ottomans in Gallipoli and Mesopotamia………....55 iii. The Advance through Sinai/Palestine………………………………….61 d. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………..……..65 III. Chapter Two: A New Corvée………………………………………….……………….…71 a. Hired Labor……………………………………………………………………………….….75 b. Calling up the Reserve…………………………………………………………………..78 c. “Administrative Pressure”……………………………………………………….…….80 i. Local Intermediaries………………………...………………………….……..84 d. Engaging with the Recruitment Network—Contracting..………………...88 i. Petitioning…………………………………………………………………………92 ii. Violent Resistance………………………………………………………….…..92 e. The Government’s Response: Re-instituting the Corvée………………….95 f. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………99 IV. Chapter Three: From Home to the Front……………………………………….103 a. Internment and Inspection in Provincial Towns…………………………...105 i. Medical Discipline and Dissimulation………………………………..110 b. Logistics Cities: Distribution and Supply……………………………………...113 i. From Workers and Peasants to Military Laborers……………...118 ii. Port Cities, Base Depots, and Desertion……………………………..120 c. Crossing the Sea and Sand……………………………………………………….…..124 i. Life on “the Line”……………………………………………………………...128 ii. Shipping Laborers…………………………………………………………….130 d. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………….135 V. Chapter Four: Race, Space, and Place in an ELC Camp…………..……….144 a. Race and British Attitudes Towards the ELC………………………………...148 b. The Racialized Production of Space at a Labor Camp…………………….151 vii i. The Middle Eastern Front…...…………………………………………….156 ii. The Body of the Laborer…………………………………………………...160 c. ELC Laborers’ Experiences of Place…………………………………………..….166 i. Group
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