Liberals Unite The Origins Of Liberal International 1997 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of Liberal International. Dr Julie Smith traces the events of 1947.

History is made by those who follow a political ideal. position in the headquarters of the Allied Land Forces in Oslo. MacCallum Scott was keen to Sceptics merely look on. set up some sort of international liberal organi- Roger Motz, Opening Address at the Mondorf-les- sation and so, equipped with the names of some Bains Congress, 19 August 1953. Norwegian liberals, he soon made contact with, inter alia, former members of the Norwegian In November  liberals from around the world resistance Halfdan Christophersen and Johan Andresen. MacCallum Scott explained his de- descended on Oxford to celebrate the fiftieth sire to initiate international cooperation and anniversary of the Liberal International (World quickly won support from his Norwegian con- Liberal Union). Some of the participants were tacts, who offered to host a meeting with Brit- ish liberals to discuss the matter further. returning personally to the place where they had MacCallum Scott wrote to the British Lib- helped to found LI in April . eral Party to announce the Norwegian offer, but the party was preoccupied by domestic politics Liberal International was established in the in the aftermath of the disastrous results of the wake of the Second World War, but interna-  election. He also, however, wrote to  in- tional liberal contact can be traced back much dividual liberals and the response was far more further. In particular, European liberals met positive. In particular, Sir Percy Harris, who had from , and in  the Entente des Partis been Liberal Chief Whip until he lost his seat Libéraux et Démocratiques similaires was formally in , offered a great deal of support. Sir Percy established. The Entente met regularly suggested resurrecting the Entente, but throughout the next decade, bringing together MacCallum Scott wanted the new organisation liberals from across Europe, including British to have a much stronger administrative capacity Prime Minister and than the Entente had had. Thus, the first stage in French premier Edouard Herriot, but ceased the project was the creation of the British Lib- to meet in , when the international situ- eral International Council (BLIC) – subse- ation made cooperation too complex. Inter- quently renamed Liberal International (British national cooperation among young liberals Group) – with Sir Percy as its President. took place within the Union of Radical and The Belgian Liberal Party celebrated its cen- Democratic Youth, which was established in tenary in . Its leader, Senator Roger Motz, . The Union in particular fostered liberal also supported the idea of international liberal contacts which were later to be of use in set- cooperation. He therefore invited many liberals ting up Liberal International. from across Europe to the centenary celebra- In the aftermath of the Second World War, tions held in June , when he took the op- renewed ideas for liberal cooperation emerged portunity to discuss closer cooperation. Repre- from two sources, one Anglo-Norwegian and sentatives of the Belgian, British, Danish, Dutch, one Belgian. They were in part a response to French, Italian, Swedish and Swiss liberal par- increasing globalisation and a sense that the ties attended the lavish gathering in Brussels. nation state was becoming outdated; in part a Among those present were Spanish exile Salva- reaction to international insecurity and the au- dor de Madariaga, Danish liberal Hermod thoritarianism of the left and of the right which Lannung and the Anglo-Italian Max Salvadori, had led to two world wars. all of whom were later to play a large part in In  John MacCallum Scott took up a Liberal International.

journal of liberal democrat history 17: Winter 1997–98 3 One difficulty which had eral Party, the actual organisation of ent of parties and open to people emerged in Oslo – that there were the Conference fell to MacCallum who were not members of political usually as many different opinions as Scott and the British Liberal Inter- parties. The Italian Professor Giovanni there were liberals present – also national Council. Wadham College, Cassandro rejected this view, saying proved true in Brussels. Neverthe- Oxford, the alma mater of both that liberal principles in the form of less, there was enough consensus for MacCallum Scott and Halfdan a manifesto should be ‘entrusted to agreement to be reached on the Christopherson, was chosen as the political groups organised in the Declaration of Brussels, which set venue, since it was hoped that the form of a party’. Dr Pavel Tigrid, a out basic liberal principles. There was Oxford setting might mask the aus- Czechoslovak delegate, pointed out further progress towards cooperation terity measures still prevailing in Brit- that this would impede growth since when, at the end of the celebrations, ain. Representatives from nineteen while individuals living in totalitar- British Liberal leader Clement Davies countries – Austria, Belgium, Canada, ian regimes might be able to form announced: ‘And next year we shall Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, groups, there was little hope of lib- eral parties emerging and affiliating. A sub-committee was set up to The manifesto appears uncontentious in consider the question and a compro- the 1990s. However, in the 1940s its mise solution was adopted to the ef- fect that each country should deter- opposition to totalitarianism was extremely mine the constitution of its own significant. group, thus allowing group and party affiliation. This question prefigured a long-running tension within LI all meet again to resume our labours. Finland, France, Germany, Great over the relative merits of individual On behalf of my colleagues here and Britain, Hungary, Italy, Norway, versus party membership. Since my party at home, I invite you all, Spain, South Africa, Sweden, Swit- many of those present in Oxford, in- and many, many more, to join us in zerland, Turkey and the United States cluding MacCallum Scott, had only Britain at a conference of Liberals – attended the Conference. Del- loose ties with their national parties, of the World.’ This was one of the egates included such eminent figures there was strong support for the con- few occasions when the British Lib- as Theodor Heuss, Roger Motz, cept of an organisation based on eral Party, as opposed to active and René Pleven and Viscount Samuel. group affiliation. However, over the enthusiastic individual British liber- Among the main topics consid- years this position shifted. The last- als, helped set the agenda for LI. The ered in Oxford was the organisation ever individual member, the then offer was immediately accepted and of the proposed international body Bulgarian President Zheliou Zhelev, led to the Oxford Congress of – and the drafting of a manifesto. The joined in ; in  he became a  April . Congress considered the Oslo draft patron and hence, no longer tech- The conference planned for Au- manifesto, which was partly based on nically an individual member. LI gust  in Oslo became essentially the Declaration of Brussels, and also groups have continued, but over the a preparatory meeting for the Oxford a Belgian draft, in turn based on the years liberal parties have come to Congress. It was a select group who Oslo draft and the Declaration of play a much larger part. met in Rasjøen, north of Oslo: five Brussels. In terms of organisation The Congress finally adopted the Norwegians, four Britons and Mrs J. there was a tension between those name Liberal International (World Borden Harriman, the former US who favoured cooperation between Liberal Union) and a Provisional Ex- Ambassador to Norway, were present. liberal parties and those who ecutive Committee was elected. As Halfdan Christophersen stated, the thought such cooperation should be Among those on the Executive were aims of the conference were: ‘first of among individuals or groups. Roger Sir Percy Harris, Don Salvador de all to define liberalism, and secondly Motz suggested the British example, Madariaga, Roger Motz and John to consider the practical means by where the British Liberal Interna- MacCallum Scott. Willi Bretscher, the which the liberal outlook could be tional Council worked with the Lib- editor of the Swiss liberal newspaper spread more widely throughout the eral Party. However, Sir Percy Harris Neue Zürcher Zeitung, joined the ex- world’. A British draft manifesto had pointed out that the BLIC was quite ecutive in January  following the been prepared in advance and this was independent of the Liberal Party. death of the Swiss representative discussed at Rasjøen, leading to the The majority of the delegates sup- Dietrich Schindler. De Madariaga be- adoption of an Oslo draft manifesto, ported Sir Percy’s argument that the came the first President of Liberal In- which provided a starting point for new organisation (the name Liberal ternational, while Sir Percy Harris discussion in Oxford. International had not yet been and Willi Bretscher both played a key Although Clement Davies had is- adopted) should be independent of role in the early years. Representa- sued the invitation for the  Con- parties, with the councils or groups tives of some of the larger liberal par- ference on behalf of the British Lib- set up in other countries independ- ties also pledged financial support.

4 journal of liberal democrat history 17: Winter 1997–98 A sub-committee was also ap- nomic liberalism. The importance of to improve LI’s finances, with some pointed to produce a new draft mani- international cooperation as a way of success. Despite being involved in festo taking the views expressed by averting war was also considered. national political life, however, the delegates into consideration. The Liberal International was born in Malagodi was not a world figure, and results of their deliberations were the aftermath of world war and grew LI’s salience remained limited. adopted in the form of the Oxford up in the shadow of the Cold War. With the election to the presi- Manifesto. Liberal International had The aim was to bring together lib- dency in  of the then leader of been created. erals from all parts of the globe, but the German Free Democrats, Dr The manifesto signed by the in the early years its membership was Otto Graf Lamsdorff, LI finally had founders of Liberal International ap- primarily European and the main a leader of world standing – a factor pears uncontentious in the s. focus of its work was on European which also helped former British However, in the s its opposition affairs. In the early years a great deal Liberal leader Sir David (now Lord) to totalitarianism was extremely sig- of time and effort were devoted to Steel conduct a highly successful nificant. Changes in the international questions concerning European secu- presidency from  to . environment in the last fifty years rity and the dangers of communism Lambsdorff and the FDP viewed his have led LI to draw up other mani- and the majority of its members were presidency as part of his work as festos: the Oxford Declaration of (West) European. As its name suggests, party leader, with mutual benefits; he , the  Rome Appeal, and a however, LI was intended to be a thus benefited from support from his new manifesto drafted by Liberal world organisation and over the years political advisers. Similarly, the cur- Democrat peer Lord Wallace of it evolved substantially. Decolonisation rent president and Dutch VVD Saltaire and widely discussed by all and the emergence of new democ- leader, Frits Bolkestein, is supported LI member parties, for adoption at racies across the world offered scope by the party’s International Officer. the Fiftieth Anniversary Congress. for expansion, and Liberal Interna- Such party involvement in the presi- Nevertheless, the basic principles es- tional made concerted efforts to at- dency inevitably gives it greater poused in the  manifesto remain tract liberal parties in Latin America, weight. Over the years, however, na- as valid in the s as in the s. Africa and Asia. Moreover, with the tional parties have gradually become Among its most salient points collapse of communism in Europe more aware of LI and its potential, were a commitment to freedom and in  a large number of new lib- which has helped expand the mem- the fundamental rights of citizens, eral parties emerged, mainly of bership and also encouraged parties with particular emphasis laid on the which sought membership of LI. to play a more active part once in- need for ‘true democracy’, which the Liberal International has also be- side LI. These changes have been en- manifesto asserts is: ‘inseparable from come a more professional body dur- hanced by the work of Belgian lib- political liberty and is based on the ing its first half century. Initially it was eral Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck, conscious, free and enlightened con- dominated by individuals with few now Deputy President, but for sev- sent of the majority, expressed party links. MacCallum Scott was a eral years Treasurer, who recognised through a free and secret ballot, with prime example, and Don Salvador de the need to put the organisation of due respect for the liberties and Madariaga, LI’s first president, was a a sound footing, and by the mid- opinions of minorities’. Similarly, the Spanish liberal exile with little politi- s had achieved her aim. Now, in , Liberal Interna- tional is a truly worldwide organi- Inseparable from political liberty and sation, with a sound operational and based on the conscious, free and financial structure, able to help fos- ter the forces of liberalism and de- enlightened consent of the majority, mocracy around the world – as its expressed through a free and secret ballot, founders envisaged  years ago. with due respect for the liberties and Dr Julie Smith is a Teaching Fellow at opinions of minorities. the Centre of International Studies, Cambridge, and Fellow of Robinson College, Cambridge. manifesto stressed the importance of cal clout. De Madariaga’s successor, economic freedom, without which Roger Motz, was very much an ex- This article is based on the author’s book, political freedom was rendered im- ception in the early period of LI as A Sense of Liberty: The History of possible. The signatories rejected ex- an active national party leader. The the Liberal International –, cessive power, be it of states or busi- Italian liberal Giovanni Malagodi, published by Liberal International in No- ness monopolies; nor was public who was LI president twice (– vember . welfare ignored. Thus the manifesto  and –), attempted to inte- reflected aspects of social and eco- grate national parties more fully, and Concluded on page . journal of liberal democrat history 17: Winter 1997–98 5 a wider spectrum of ages and back- grounds if we are to break out of a Archive Sources middle class, middle age, public sec- tor support system. To my mind, The Liberal Democrat History Group aims to develop and publish a guide to McKee’s essay on factions and archive sources for students of the history of the Liberal Democrats and its groups in the party has relied too predecessor parties. heavily on official briefings, recog- We would like to hear from anyone knowing the whereabouts of any nising but not fully understanding relevant archive material, including the records of local and regional parties the tolerance extended by one part and internal groups. Please write to Dr Geoffrey Sell at the address below. of the party for the others, underes- timating the importance of ALDC Recently we have received information on two sources: and making too much of the noisy • Records deposited in the Dorset County Record Office: including but ineffective Chard Group. minute books, year books, newsletters, election publications and As always with a work on con- Focus leaflets. Most of the material dates from the 1960s, ’70s and temporary politics the publishing ’80s, but some goes as far back as 1906. schedule has meant that some items are already stale, such as the Tower • Records deposited in the Dundee City archives; contains material Hamlets case, and the emphasis dating back to Winston Churchill’s period as MP for the city. placed on balanced councils rather Any researcher needing more information should contact Dr Geoffrey Sell at than those where Lib Dems enjoy a 5 Spencer Close, Stansted, Essex CM24 8AS. majority. Even so, while the survey of balanced councils must reflect the accuracy of the answers given, I felt work well as press spokesmen for the it would be churlish not to commend that Temple might have spent more party and, I am sure, as community MacIver and his team for getting this time covering a smaller sample of politicians in their constituencies. book written and more importantly, councils in more depth, to convey They are effective cheerleaders for the published. Members should buy their some of the sweat of the committee membership but what do they do all own and order copies through their room, the passion of the council day at Westminster and what good is local library to help stimulate inter- chamber and the frustration of it for the country or the party? This est in the party. members and officers alike in man- question is the more important now aging a hung council. that we are more substantially repre- A somewhat bigger omission is in sented in Parliament. I am sure there the coverage of the parliamentary is scope for MPs to learn from the party. MacIver makes us acutely aware strategies of effective council groups Liberals Unite  of the difficulties of formulating an which have grown and consolidated continued from page effective electoral strategy for winning their electoral strength. If there is ever For further details contact Liberal Inter- parliamentary seats, but the book a hung parliament I hope they will national,  Whitehall Place, London needs a survey of the strategies open draw on the extensive council expe- SWA HD; tel: +   ; to the parliamentary party within rience available. fax: +    ; email: Westminster and of the work of our It is easy to criticise any book with [email protected]. parliamentarians. Currently they such a wide range of contributors, but Notes: 1 This research is based primarily on ma- terial in the LI archive held in the Ar- A Liberal Democrat History Group Fringe Meeting chives of the Theodor Heuss Akademie in Gummersbach, but also draws on John H. MacCallum Scott, Experiment in In- The Struggle for Women’s Rights ternationalism – A Study in International Politics (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1967). with 2 See Michael Steed, ‘The Liberal Parties Johanna Alberti (Newcastle University) in Italy, France, Germany and the UK’ in Roger Morgan and Stefano Silvestri, and eds., Moderates and Conservatives in West- Shirley Williams ern Europe: Political Parties, the European Community and the Atlantic Alliance (Lon- don: Heinemann Educational Books, 8.00–9.30pm, Friday 13 March 1982). 3 Owing to their respective domestic situ- Royal Clifton Hotel, Southport ations, the representatives from Estonia, Hungary and Spain were all exiles.

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