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For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 70 / Spring 2011 / £6.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Mill and the Liberals Eugenio Biagini and the Liberal Party Alan Butt Philip Mill as politician Mill’s career as an MP J. Graham Jones Archie and Clem Antony Wood Great political campaigner or something more? David Howarth A coalition is born Reviews of books by Laws and Wilson Liberal Democrat History Group Liberal history news Spring 2011

Liberal History News is a regular feature in the Jour- at as well as footage Records in Identity cards and Harry nal (except in special themed of LG, accompanied by his The records of the North-East Willcock issues), reporting news of meet- daughter Megan and his son Essex -Constituency Asso- The reference in your website ings, conferences, commemo- Gwilym, on his controversial ciation for the 1984 Euro elec- ‘On this day’ (21 February) to rations, dinners or any other visit to meet Hitler at Berchtes- tion have been deposited with the abolition of UK identity events, together with anything gaden in 1936. The home movie the Essex Record Office, Wharf cards in 1952 prompts one to else of contemporary interest style film was shot by LG’s long Road, Chelmsford, Essex CM2 recall the case of Harry Will- to our readers. Contributions -time private secretary, A J 6YT. (Tel: 01245 244606, www. cock (1896-1952) who was the are very welcome; please keep Sylvester. Equally important, essex.gov.uk/ero). Report by last person to be prosecuted for them concise, and accompany Andrew Green showed a clip Stewart Rayment. refusing to produce his identity them, if , with photos. from the famous silent film They have been given card. By Sandy Waugh. Email to the Editor on jour- completed in the last months of Accession Number A12987 – While driving in on [email protected] the First World War, The Life catalogue reference D/Z 575. 7 December 1950, Willcock was Story of . The This comprises minutes, letters stopped by a police constable film, which was suddenly and (the seat was contested by the and instructed to present his Lloyd George Society mysteriously withdrawn before SDP, whose prospective can- identity card at a police station weekend school, 2011 its first screening, was believed didates were asked about ‘open within 48 hours. He refused, The annual weekend school of to have been lost forever but joint selection’) and the like. saying: ‘I am a Liberal and I am the Lloyd George Society took was rediscovered in 1994 among Certain (membership) records against this sort of thing’. He place on 18–20 February at the material belonging to Viscount may only be viewed with the was then prosecuted under the Hotel Commodore in Lland- Tenby, LG’s grandson. consent of the depositor. 1939 National Registration Act, rindod Wells, where members The National Library rep- ERO has a fair amount of convicted and fined ten shil- of the Society enjoyed talks and resents a wonderful resource Liberal and Lib Dem material lings (the equivalent of about presentations on , eco- to students of Welsh political in its archive, including minute £13 ). nomics and history. Graham history with many materials books and newspaper cuttings Although he lost his appeal, Lippiatt reports. available online and a number from the nineteenth century in Lord Chief Justice Goddard This year’s programme fea- of digitisation projects, such as relation to some Liberal Asso- spoke out against the continued tured two contributions which one of many Welsh local news- ciations and Colchester Liberal use of compulsory identity touched directly on the life and papers, being completed – visit Club, microfilm of election cards. Thereafter, Willcock times of David Lloyd George, www.llgc.org.uk to find out scrapbooks from 1900, 1906 and led a campaign against iden- as well as a review of Welsh more. 1910 and some documents going tity cards and when they were Liberal history by Professor In the afternoon session back as far as the 1840s. abolished, in response to the Russell Deacon whose book, of the School, members were There is also a significant Lord Chief Justice’s comments The Welsh Liberals: The History treated to a talk about, and later amount of more contempo- and the campaign, hundreds of the Liberal and Liberal Democrat a showing of, the award-win- rary material, particularly of cards were posted to him to parties in is to be published ning documentary, Dwy Wraig Focus leaflets from Southend’s auction for charity. later this year by Welsh Aca- Lloyd George (The Two Wives Ward (Southend A former councillor and demic Press. of Lloyd George) by Catrin was an early exponent of this magistrate in and a Lib- Andrew Green, the Librar- Evans, the film’s producer. kind of campaigning) and also eral candidate (1945 and 1950) in ian and Chief Executive of the The revealing documentary, a the press cuttings book of Mal- Barking, he died on 12 Decem- National Library of Wales in Tinopolis production for S4C, don Young Liberal Association ber 1952 (less than ten months Aberystwyth, gave a presen- was the culmination of years from 1968 to 1977 on micro- after identity cards were abol- tation about the history and of research by Ffion Hague for film – which is just as well, for ished) while debating at a meet- work of the National Library her book, The Pain and Privilege: they are probably otherwise ing in the that included details of the The Women in Lloyd George’s Life, lost. (It is good practice to in London. His last word before collections in the Welsh Politi- published in 2008. Among the deposit such materials with his death was reported to have cal Archive containing many highlights wass the first televi- County Record Offices for been ‘’. papers relating to David Lloyd sion interview ever with Frances that very reason.) Journal of Liberal History 17 George and his family. Stevenson’s daughter, Jennifer Details of what papers (winter 1997–98) contained The National Library is Longford, now a Vice-President relating to the Liberal Party an article about Willcock and also the repository for the of the Lloyd George Society. and Liberal Democrats are in the abolition of identity cards; Welsh Film and Television More information about the the archive can be accessed this issue is freely available on Archive and Andrew Green Lloyd George Society can be at the link: http://seax. the History Group’s website at showed some fascinating film found at its website, www.lloy- essexcc.gov.uk/all_results. www.liberalhistory.org.uk. of Lloyd George and his family dgeorgesociety.org.uk. asp?intSearchType=12.

2 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 Journal of Liberal History Issue 70: Spring 2011 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 2 Editor: Duncan Brack Lloyd George Society weekend school; Records in Essex; Identity cards and Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Harry Willcock Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini John Stuart Mill and the Liberal Party 4 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, Eugenio Biagini analyses the impact of the Victorian Liberal philosopher on his Membery party. Patrons John Stuart Mill as politician 10 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor ; Alan Butt Philip looks at Mill’s brief career as a Member of Parliament. Professor John Vincent

Editorial Board An archivist’s nightmare: the papers of John 14 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Stuart Mill Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Professor The Mill-Taylor Collection at the LSE; by Sue Donnelly. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr ; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Birmingham: birthplace of radical 19 Randall; Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe Cllr Paul Tilsley explores Birmingham’s Liberal heritage.

Editorial/Correspondence Archie and Clem 22 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and J Graham Jones tells the story of the relationship between the successive book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Liberal leaders Sir Archibald Sinclair and . publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: John Bright: great political campaigner or 32 Duncan Brack (Editor) 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN something more? email: [email protected] Biography of the radical Liberal campaigner John Bright; by Antony Wood. All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Letters to the Editor 37 Advertisements Young Liberals (John Howe). Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please Report: The Great Reform Act of 1832 – its legacy 38 contact the Editor. and influence on the Coalition’s reform agenda with Philip Salmon and Mark Pack; report by Neil Stockley. Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History Reviews 40 costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This includes Laws, 22 Days in May, and Wilson, 5 Days to Power, reviewed by David Howarth; membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. Jones, Lloyd George and Welsh Liberalism, reviewed by Kenneth O. Morgan.

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Payment is also possible via our website, Liberal Democrat History Group www.liberalhistory.org.uk. The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Cover design concept: Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, occasional publications. c/o 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues Printed by Kall-Kwik, of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL www.liberalhistory.org.uk. April 2011 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 3 John Stuart Mill and the Liberal Party

When described Mill as ‘the Saint of Rationalism’, he could also have added ‘and of Liberalism’. By the time he died, in 1873, the Victorian philosopher had acquired an almost unique status and authority, which transcended the confessional and cultural divides between ‘rationalists’ (or secularists) and the larger number of churchmen and Nonconformists, who provided the backbone of the party. By Professor Eugenio Biagini.

4 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 John Stuart Mill and the Liberal Party

ake, for example, his An unusual politics ought to be guided by moral celebrated essay On Lib- The connection between Mill and energy and express itself through erty: although it was the Victorian Liberal party has not fervent campaigning.3 Like Glad- ultimately a consistent escaped historians’ attention. To stone, Mill believed that he had a expression of the author’s mention but a few, John Vincent, ‘call’ to politics – that his mission Treligious agnosticism, the book Stefan Collini, Bruce Kinzer and was to radicalise the Liberal Party, could equally well be read as a reas- that redoubtable academic couple, which at the time meant moving sertion of attitudes and convictions Ann and John Robson – the editors the party to the left of the politi- which were deeply rooted in the of Mill’s Collected Works – have all cal spectrum. Thus Mill was very country’s Puritan tradition, partic- written extensively on this topic. active in the struggle for parliamen- ularly through its emphasis on the As an MP for (1865– tary reform, in the hope that, once moral sovereignty of the individual 68), Mill was a loyal backbencher the electoral system was purified conscience and on dissent as some- and, although a Radical, in the run from corrupt practices and democ- thing intrinsically good.1 up to 1868 he drew closer to the then ratised, ‘progressive’ candidates and He was such a great Victorian Chancellor of the Exchequer, W. E. labour leaders would stand a better that it is surprising that his appeal Gladstone. On the one hand, this chance of being returned, and their has remained strong – and perhaps is surprising, given the significant presence in the House of Commons grown even stronger – with the differences in religious outlook and would in turn provide the impetus passing of time. As the late Con- political background. Indeed, in for further reform. rad Russell noted, Mill’s continu- 1873 Gladstone was deeply embar- A further area of convergence ing relevance to British Liberalism rassed to discover that Mill, as a between Mill and Gladstone was was publicly acknowledged in 1988, young man, had publicly advo- in their sensitivity to minorities when On was adopted as the cated birth control and the use of within multinational empires. party’s ‘book of office’ (replacing contraceptives. On the other hand, Indeed Mill’s support for the cause ’s Areopagitica).2 Twenty the Grand Old Man was a reader of Jamaicans in the 1860s presents years later, in the winter 2007–08, and admirer of Mill’s economic affinities with Gladstone’s later Mill was voted ‘the greatest Liberal’ writings, and his first government stance over Bulgaria, Zululand and by the readers of this journal. How implemented legislation which Armenia between 1876 and 1896. can we explain such extraordinary reflected Mill’s influence, including Moreover, both men consistently and long-lasting success? In the votes for women in local elections adopted a ‘European’ perspective present article I shall try to answer (from 1869), proportional represen- to international problems, detest- this question by focusing on the tation for school board elections, ing unilateralism as a dangerous last part of the philosopher’s career, and the Married Women’s Prop- superstition. Not surprisingly, in examining first his impact on the erty Act, 1870. By the same token, 1865–70 Mill saw in Gladstone the party from 1859 and then those as Collini, Kinzer and the Robsons leader who would further the cause aspects of his thought which offered have argued, Mill felt a sort of ‘elec- of ‘advanced liberalism’. Although a particularly significant contribu- tive affinity’ for Gladstone, based on John Stuart Mill by 1873 he was to an extent disillu- tion to the later Liberal tradition. the shared conviction that Liberal (1806–73) sioned, his assessment of the GOM

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 5 john stuart mill and the was basically accurate, and would It is sig- was unable to grasp the reality of However, how could the prac- be vindicated in due course. It is sig- party and the need tice of direct democracy be recon- nificant that one of Gladstone’s most nificant that for an electoral and canvassing ciled with the needs of large-scale enthusiastic collaborators and his ‘machine’. It was rather that he modern ? There were greatest biographer was John Mor- one of Glad- championed a different and distinc- two main strategies: first, local ley, who was so closely associated tively Liberal understanding of what government and decentralisation, with the legacy of the great philoso- stone’s most such an organisation ought to com- to empower local political life; and pher that he earned the sobriquet of prise. The first thing to observe is second, strong, representative party ‘Mr Mill’s representative on earth’. enthusiastic that Mill’s ideal of democracy was organisations, which would medi- inspired more by classical than by ate local aspirations and national collabora- modern models. He waxed lyrical aims by means of public debate. Active citizenship and the tors and his about Athens in the days of Pericles, Thus the party ‘mass’ organisation, Liberal party organisation a time which he regarded almost as a sometimes dismissively described One area in which Mill informed greatest sort of Liberal paradise, where each as ‘the ’, was to act as a link practical Liberal politics was in his citizen was continually appointed between local and national democ- concept of participatory citizen- biographer to some form of public magistracy, racy. As the Fortnightly Review put ship and, indirectly, in his attitudes and participation and debate arose it, ‘[the caucus] appears to be a to the early ideas about the role was John spontaneously from the awareness necessary outcome of democracy. and function of the party’s ‘mass’ of common interests rooted in the In a small community, such as the organisation. The latter became an Morley, feeling of belonging to a socio-cul- Canton of Uri, all the freemen may issue from 1877, with the founda- tural entity to which one felt a posi- meet in a meadow to pass laws. In tion of the National Liberal Fed- who was so tive emotional commitment. 6 larger societies direct government eration (NLF) by another of Mill’s Moreover, and crucially, such by the people gives place to repre- admirers – . closely asso- a perpetually deliberating sentative government; and when By contrast with the intellectual allowed ‘public moralists’ to emerge constituencies consist of thou- debate later generated by the NLF, ciated with as the guides of public opinion sands, associations which aid the there was little theoretical prepa- because ‘[t]he multitude have often birth of popular opinion and give it ration for its establishment: no the legacy a true instinct for distinguish- strength, stability and homogeneity blueprint had been drawn up by ing an able man, when he has the seem indispensable.’10 any of those many intellectuals of the great means for displaying his ability ‘Giving strength and stability and journalists which Harvie has in a fair field before them.’7 Hence to popular opinion’ was, however, described as ‘the lights of liberal- philosopher the apparent paradox that ancient more easily said than done, but the ism’.4 Mill in particular had little that he direct democracy was the cradle apparent anarchy and intractable to say about mass party organisa- of philosopher-statesmen of the internal conflicts which plagued tion.5 This omission is somewhat earned the calibre of Themistocles, Aristides, the NLF from the start make more surprising when we consider that Pericles and Demosthenes, lead- sense once we bear in mind the con- during his lifetime there flourished sobriquet of ers and not followers of popular text in which it operated: it was well-organised pressure groups opinion, who acted in a pedagogic not supposed to be a caucus in the similar to parties, including the ‘Mr Mill’s rep- rather than a demagogic way. Thus, American sense of the word, but National Education League, with the two dimensions which were so the ekklesia (general assembly) of which he was well acquainted, and resentative important for Mill – namely, meri- the Liberal demos, or ‘a Liberal par- the Land Tenure Reform Asso- tocratic elitism and participatory liament outside the Imperial Par- ciation, of which he was a leading on earth’. democracy – converged in the con- liament’.11 Its avowed aim was not member. The NLF, launched only text of the polis.8 What linked them primarily to become a canvassing four years after Mill’s death, drew together was charismatic rhetoric organisation and win elections, but heavily on the experience of such – which in a free society provided rather to provide a forum, a delib- leagues and associations, some of ‘able men’ with ‘the means for dis- erating agora, within which ideas which it tried to coordinate. It has playing their ability’ before ‘the could be thrashed out, programmes sometimes been suggested that, for multitude’. formed ‘from below’ and opinion all his intellectual prestige, Mill At the time, these views were so ‘rationally’ informed eventually was actually unable to understand not unusual in Liberal and Radi- coordinated in electoral campaigns. either the reality or the needs of cal circles. A good example is pro- ‘party’. This suspicion is strength- vided by , himself the ened by the fact that even in his embodiment of many of the values ‘A fruitful relation between last major works on representative championed by Mill, including thought and politics’ government he gave no account of civic pride, social activism and an Both Vincent and Collini have seen the role of parties. Yet, he was not elitist resolve to provide guidance Mill as the quintessential ‘public in principle hostile to them, and, as and leadership for a local democ- moralist’ of late-Victorian liber- we have seen, in 1865–8, as a par- racy. On one occasion he told his alism, the man who spoke as the liamentarian, he generally behaved constituents that that ‘[t]here is movement’s moral, intellectual like a disciplined and loyal party nothing incongruous in the union and philosophical conscience. For man. of [classical] democratic doctrines Vincent, Mill came to play such a In my view, the situation was with representative institutions. leading role because he lived and actually more complicated and Ancient order and modern wrote at a key stage in the devel- interesting. It was not that Mill are not incompatible.’9 opment of Liberalism: in the 1850s

6 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 john stuart mill and the liberal party

‘the educated classes received a new who was the most eminent and Let us now consider Mill’s influ- education [through the reformed, influential of such intellectuals. ence as an economist. The late meritocratic public schools], the On the contrary, his work estab- H. C. G. Matthew once observed middle classes a new Press [thanks lished an intimate relation between that the Principles of Political Economy to the repeal of the stamp and paper thought and politics. For example, (first published in 1848, and subse- duties, which made newspapers the rule of personal freedom pre- quently revised many times until much cheaper, boosting their cir- sented in On Liberty was a recur- 1873) became ‘the ’ of mid- culation;] and the working classes rent concern with legislators, from Victorian Liberals in all matters new institutions [with the growth the framing of the Criminal Law pertaining to commerce, industry of the cooperative movements and Amendment Act of 1871 (which and social reform. There was in the ‘new model’ trade unions]’. And sought to prevent violence and particular Mill’s constructive and ‘[f]rom Mill the “thinking men” of intimidation during strikes) to the original approach to the notion of all classes could learn a liberalism debate about the Contagious Dis- laissez faire, which he conceived as a far more agreeable to their feelings eases Acts (which allowed for com- general ‘rule’ of good government, than that taught by men of property pulsory medical tests for women but one requiring many ‘excep- in the Great Towns. Mill made it suspected of being prostitutes). In tions’. He listed some of these in the possible for young Oxford and for fact, it took until 1886 for a Liberal Principles and examined others in the labour aristocracy to be to repeal the Conta- later writings, for example the essay without injury to their class feel- gious Diseases Acts. But this was about land reform in Ireland (1868). ings, and indeed with some flattery in itself partly a reflection of Mill’s In particular, he thought that natu- to them’.12 influence, for he had been strug- Cartoon ral monopolies (such as water sup- However, rather inconsist- gling with the aims and implica- mocking Mill’s plies and potentially land) should ently, Vincent goes on to criticise tions of such legislation when it attempt to be publicly owned. Likewise, the what he describes as ‘the failure of was introduced, between 1864 replace the state or local authorities had a duty the Liberal intellectuals to make a and 1869: as Jeremy Waldron has term ‘man’ with to create those infrastructures fruitful relation between thought shown, the Victorian philosopher ‘person’ in the which private enterprise would and politics’.13 What he means by saw a Liberal case for the Acts (pre- second Reform not develop because they were too this is not clear, but it is difficult to vention of harm to the families of Bill of 1867. expensive, or because the prospect see how such an assessment could the prostitutes’ clients), although (Punch, 30 March of any return from the necessary be applicable at all to J. S. Mill, he opposed them ‘on principle’.14 1867.) investments was remote. Further

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 7 john stuart mill and the liberal party

not fixed for him by some self- acting instrument, but is the result of bargaining between human beings – of what calls ‘the higgling of the market’; and those who do not ‘higgle’ will long continue to pay more than the market prices for the purchases. Still more might poor labourers, who have to do with rich employ- ers, remain long without the amount of wages which the demand for their labour would justify, unless, in vernacular phrase, they stood out for it: and how can they stand out for terms without organised con- cert? What chance would any labourer have, who struck sin- gly for an advance of wages? How could he even know whether the state of the market admitted of a , except by consultation with his fellows, naturally leading to concerted action? I do not hesitate to say that associations of labourers, of a nature similar to trade unions, far from being a hindrance to a of labour, are the necessary instrumentality of that free market; the indispen- sable means of enabling the sell- ers of labour to take due care of their own interests under a sys- tem of competition.15

Pace Vincent, this provides a fur- ther example of a Liberal intellec- tual establishing ‘a fruitful relation between thought and politics’, or at least laying the groundwork for later political developments. In fact, examples were the provision of 1862. The change came in response Portrait of Mill by the legislation of 1871–5 medical care and education – which to a debate initiated by T. J. Dun- G F Watts (both Liberal and Conservative) Mill thought should be univer- ning, a trade union leader, with was based on Mill’s new under- sal and compulsory, although best his essay Trades’ Unions and Strikes standing of a positive and indeed provided by competing public and (1860), in which he argued that trade necessary role for the unions. Fur- private structures, between which unions were a necessary component thermore, this illustrated a new citizens could choose. of a really free labour market. Mill approach to the development of A further area in which Mill’s promptly adopted his ideas, and in ideas and concepts which Mill had ideas left their mark on Liberal- the 1862 edition of the Principles he adopted in the 1850s, or perhaps as ism was on attitudes to industrial abandoned the notion that the mar- early as 1848–9. The change was relations. Traditionally, political ket was a self-acting mechanism one of method: as Janice economists had been very dismiss- which would operate most perfectly has noted, in the 1820s Mill used ive of trade unions, as organisations if not interfered with. Instead he to ‘[denounce] so-called “practical whose attempts to influence wages argued that men” [such as Dunning] as the most and conditions of employment were “unsafe” and “bigoted”, the “most at best vain and ineffective and at demand and supply are not obstinate and presumptuous of all worst bordering on the criminal. physical agencies, which thrust theorists” because they erect their In the earlier part of his career Mill a fixed amount of wages into principles on the “small number of shared such views, but then made a labourer’s hand without the facts which come within the narrow a complete U-turn and adopted a participation of his own will circle of their immediate observa- decidedly pro-trade union line in and actions. The market rate is tion”’.16 On the contrary, by 1859 he

8 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 john stuart mill and the liberal party was operating on a radically differ- extinguished by the wisdom of soci- leaders’, or even worse ‘three or four ent set of assumptions and regarded ety’.20 It was a vision which fired the tradesmen or attorneys.’ (CW, vol. the relationship between ‘men of imagination and ambitions of the XIX, pp. 362 and 456 respectively; action’ and ‘men of thought’ as one next generations of Liberal econo- see also CW, vol. XXVIII, p. 12). which ought to be complemen- mists, including Alfred Marshall Of course, this was precisely one tary, based on empirical analysis (a college lecturer at Cambridge in of the problems which Chamber- not abstract dogma, and defined by 1873), J. A. Hobson and John May- lain boasted of having solved with concrete political aims, not abstract nard Keynes, and sustained the Lib- his broadly representative Liberal intellectual agendas. eral Party well into the second half association. In practice this meant an alli- of the twentieth century. 6 Mill, Considerations on Representative ance between the professional elites Government, CW, vol. XIX (Toronto – with their ethic of public service Eugenio Biagini is Reader in Modern and London, 1977), p. 324. and competence, so different from ‘[Mill] was History at Cambridge and a Fellow of 7 Mill, Considerations, p. 458. the entrepreneurial mindset of the Sidney Sussex College. He has pub- 8 For Mill’s elitism see R. J. Halliday, industrial – and organ- confident lished extensively on the history of Lib- John Stuart Mill (London, 1976). ised labour. In this way, as Vincent eralism in Britain, Ireland and Italy. His 9 ‘Political address by Mr. Cowen, has noted, ‘Mill … removed, for that , latest book is British Democracy and M.P.’, Newcastle , 18 those who were willing to listen, , 1876–1906 (Cam- February 1885, pp. 2–3. any intellectual difficulties that in any sense bridge, 2011), which is a study of the way 10 J. Macdonnell, ‘Is the caucus a neces- might exist about the merits of State in which the affected sity?’, Fortnightly Review, vol. 44 o.s., interference in social arrangements. implying suf- the debate on democracy and human vol. 38 n.s. (Dec. 1885), p. 790. He thought a government might among popular liberals and demo- 11 Cf. E. F. Biagini, ‘Liberalism and compel universal , though fering, might crats in the two countries. This paper is Direct Democracy. John Stuart Mill he doubted its expediency. He a version of one first given at the History and the Model of Ancient Athens’, spoke in favour of State aid to the be com- Group / LSE / BLPSG seminar on John in Biagini (ed.), Citizenship and Com- sea fisheries in Ireland, explaining Stuart Mill in November 2009. munity. Liberals, Radicals and Collective this was entirely justifiable on gen- pletely extin- Identities in the British Isles, 1865–1931 eral grounds … above all he looked 1 M. St John Packe, The Life of John (Cambridge, 1996); Biagini, Liberty, to the cities as the next area for the guished by Stuart Mill (London, 1954), p. 400. pp. 313–5; J. Harris, Private Lives, extension of State action’, especially 2 C. Russell, An Intelligent Person’s Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914 (Lon- with reference to sanitary condi- the wisdom Guide to Liberalism (London, 1999), p. don, 1994), p. 248; and M. Daunton, tions and working-class housing.17 83. Trusting Leviathan. The politics of taxa- In an important and as yet of society’. It 3 S. Collini, Public Moralists. Political tion in Britain 1799–1914 (Cambridge, unpublished doctoral thesis, Helen was a vision thought and intellectual life in Britain, 2001), pp. 256–301. McCabe has gone beyond this 1850–1930 (Cambridge, 1991), pp.157– 12 J. Vincent, The Formation of the Lib- social-democratic reading of Mill which fired 8; Bruce L. Kinzer, Ann P. Robson, eral Party 1857–68 (Harmondsworth, and has persuasively argued that John M. Robson A Moralist in and out 1972), p. 184. by the time he suddenly died in the imagi- of Parliament: John Stuart Mill at West- 13 Vincent, Formation of the Liberal Party, 1873 he was working on a model minster, 1865–1868 (Toronto, 1992), p. 188. of industrial development which nation and pp.12–3, 21, 88–9. 14 J. Waldron, ‘Mill on Liberty and would finally bypass the market 4 C. Harvie, The Lights Of Liberalism: the Contagious Diseases Act’, in N. and its possessive imperatives by ambitions University liberals and the challenge of Urbinati and A. Zakaras, J. S. Mill’s focusing on cooperation and indus- democracy 1860–86 (1976). Political Thought (Cambridge, 2007), trial democracy.18 In her view the of the next 5 With the exception of a few remarks pp. 11–42. political thought of the mature Mill in connection with his discussion 15 J. S. Mill, The Principles of Political represented a form of ‘liberal social- generations of Thomas Hare’s proportional Economy, in CW, Vol. III (London ism’. As another scholar, Richard representation scheme. Most of his and Toronto, 1965), p. 932. On the Reeves, has recently argued, ‘[it] of Liberal criticism focused on the ‘first-past- question see E. F. Biagini, ‘Trade was Mill’s liberalism that shaped the-post’ system. The American unions and popular political econ- his response to … He was economists caucus did not attract his attention, omy, 1860–1880’, The Historical Jour- vehemently opposed to centralised but he wrote that ‘in America elec- nal 30, 4 (1987), pp. 811–40. state control of the economy, but … and sus- tors vote for the party ticket because 16 J. Carlisle, John Stuart Mill and the was a strong supporter of socialism the election goes by a simple major- Writing of Character (London, 1991), in the form of collective ownership tained the ity’ (The Collected Works of John Stuart p. 45. of individual enterprises, compet- Liberal Party Mill [henceforward cited CW], vol. 17 Vincent, Formation of the Liberal Party, ing in a .’19 These XIX, Toronto and London, 1977, p. p. 191. are radical conclusions about a radi- well into 464): again, the problem was with 18 H. McCabe ‘“Under the general cal thinker, and would require a the first-past-the-post system, not designation of socialist”: the man- more detailed scrutiny than I can the second with parties. However, in his Consid- sided of John Stuart Mill’, offer in this article. However, much erations on Representative Government Oxford D.Phil. thesis, 2010. less controversial – and yet not half of the he indicted the British party system 19 Richard Reeves, John Stuart Mill, much less radical – is Vincent’s con- of the time on the ground that candi- Victorian Firebrand (London, 2007), p. clusion that ‘[Mill] was confident twentieth dates were selected by small cliques 7. that poverty, in any sense imply- – ‘the attorney, the parliamentary 20 Vincent, Formation of the Liberal Party, ing suffering, might be completely century. agent, or the half-dozen party p. 191.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 9 Alan Butt Philip adopts a revisionist approach for this assessment of John Stuart Mill as a politician. For most of his life Mill John Stuart Mill was a civil servant in India House, which managed government interests in India, just like his father before him. His long- standing engagement with political debate, economics and political as Politician philosophy was undertaken in his spare time. His published works, some of which are now iconic, were usually the product of discussion among friends, especially with his wife Harriet Taylor, over a period lasting many years. Thus Mill, who used his pen so effectively as his method of shaping politics, came to the real rough and tumble of political campaigning, face to face with the voters and the people, inexperienced and rather late in life.1

10 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 John Stuart Mill

as Politicianill was elected one Irish county seat in the 1850s, but So why was Mill defeated in of two Liberal MPs had refused the offer. Even in 1865 the 1868 general election? It seems to sit for the West- he was a reluctant candidate, swayed that he had annoyed the in minster constitu- to stand primarily by the enthusi- his constituency in describing the ency in 1865 at the asm of a number of Westminster Conservative party as, ‘by law of its ageM of fifty-nine. His wife had died electors who petitioned him. But composition, the stupidest party’.5 six years earlier; he had retired from at heart he did not think the voters Although he was well known for India House; he already had a high would want to be represented by his views on democracy through- public profile in London; and he had someone with his advanced Liberal out the 1860s, it appears that Mill’s time on his hands. The traditional and radical opinion.3 endorsement of plural voting (based view – and one encouraged by Mill So what kind of a career move Even in 1865 on level of education) had endeared himself – has it that John Stuart was Mill’s candidacy and his elec- him to some voters who were Mill was a failure as politician and tion as an MP? His reluctance to he was a later disabused of their sympathy elected representative. After just make this move is clear. He was for Mill when he campaigned for three years in the House of Com- already a considerable public fig- reluctant the full enfranchisement of work- mons he was voted out by the elec- ure, as a result of his journalistic ing-class men and equal votes for tors of Westminster, just when his activities; he had authority, but candidate women. But probably the most party was being swept to power not charisma. He was not seeking damaging incident to Mill’s chances under the leadership of William ministerial office, and when Glad- … at heart of re-election was his decision to Gladstone. I will argue that, as a stone invited Mill to dine with contribute to the election expenses backbench MP, Mill achieved more him shortly after he was elected, he did not of the radical atheist, Charles Brad- in his first three years in the Com- Mill turned the invitation down – laugh, who was contesting North- mons than almost any other MP in not exactly the way to win friends think the ampton for the Liberals. This action history – with the possible excep- and influence those in high places. scandalised ‘polite society’ at the tion of .2 Gladstone was, in fact, a great voters would time and drew attention to Mill’s In any assessment of Mill as a admirer of Mill’s writings, and his own atheism, which he well knew politician, it is necessary to under- own personally annotated copy of want to be did not chime well with the elec- stand the context of politics in the On Liberty still exists.4 Mill saw torate.6 When offered candida- mid-nineteenth century. These his role in the House of Commons represented tures in alternative seats to secure were the days of constituencies as being primarily to influence by someone re-election to the Commons, Mill with small electorates comprised other MPs, shoring up the posi- turned them down, preferring to of men with property and income, tion of the more advanced Liber- with his enjoy ‘a great and fresh … feeling of primarily the educated middle class. als, among whom Mill was happy freedom’.7 While those without votes did play to be assigned. Mill became known advanced What, then, did Mill achieve a part in elections, those with votes for taking up particular causes, as an MP for a meagre three years? were prepared to accept a more phil- some of which were far from Liberal There is no legislation to his name osophical and principled approach popular, such as his advocacy of and he held no ministerial office. to politics than would be acceptable female and his attacks on and radical He was not a particularly strong today. Mill had been approached to the policy of coercion against Irish speaker in the House, preferring to stand as a Liberal candidate for an insurgents. opinion. deploy reason rather than rhetoric.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 11 john stuart mill as politician

He preferred to be more influen- issues, Mill was to take some very 2009, his application would have tial behind the scenes, bringing his farsighted stands. He condemned been turned down; first, because arguments to bear on small groups the excessive violence used by Gov- he had so little campaigning expe- of like-minded MPs or in one-to- ernor Eyre in Jamaica in trying to rience generally; second, because one encounters. In today’s par- suppress a revolt there, and used he refused to canvass for votes; lance, the lobby journalists would the British courts to bring out the and third, because he had never have branded him a member of the atrocities done in the name of the been a local councillor or stood for advanced Liberal awkward squad. Crown. He argued strongly that election previously. Mill was not But his tactics may well have suited London, as the national capital, prepared to tailor his views to the the politics of the time. The whips should have its own tier of govern- whims of his audience or his elec- had nowhere near the power and ment. Mill also made himself some- tors. When challenged at one public influence they have today. Nor thing of an expert on Irish Land meeting to defend a remark he had should we forget that the Whig sec- issues and spoke frequently in Irish made that the were tion of the Liberal Party in parlia- debates.12 Unsurprisingly he also liars, he admitted this was his view ment was still substantial – Mill’s spoke out on Indian affairs given his and explained why he thought that, own fellow Liberal MP for West- long experience at India House; and despite good intentions, the work- minster, Lord Robert Grosvenor, he made clear his support for Indian ing class often could not avoid tell- being an example and a scion of self-government. ing lies. Mill’s questioner said in one of the wealthiest landowning But Mill’s most lasting achieve- reply that here was an honest man families in Britain, owning half ment was to be the first MP to who deserved his vote.14 Mill’s idi- of London’s West End and most of argue for votes for women on an osyncracy as a candidate (in twenty- fashionable Belgravia. Neverthe- equal basis to men. The Reform first-century terms) did not stop less, Mill certainly made his mark Bill offered him the opportunity there. He always made it clear that on several issues. Some of the most to propose amendments to this he would not canvass the electors for striking examples occur in his effect and, although the proposal their vote. He took the view that his interventions on the Reform Bill, was very unpopular and soundly views were generally well known, which sought to widen the franchise defeated, Mill and his friends were as a result of his extensive journal- and improve the administration of delighted to find that they had the ism, and that it was enough for him elections. Mill was a firm advocate support of over eighty MPs in a to address a few public meetings. of full adult suffrage, but did not recorded vote.13 What Mill can- Moreover he also made it clear that favour the secret ballot.8 On the not have anticipated was that this he would not pursue his constitu- other hand, he did argue strongly parliamentary campaign was then ents’ private interests, such as seek- that the public purse, rather than to stimulate the setting up of the ing positions in the civil service. the candidates themselves, should female suffragist movement out- Nor would he respond to constitu- bear the costs of organising the bal- side Westminster, whose struggle ent’s correspondence unless there lot in the constituencies. Mill was was to come to fruition fifty years were matters of national political or also one of the earliest advocates of later. An illuminating side issue is general philosophical significance at changing the traditional ‘first past worth highlighting at this point. stake – in which case he might well the post’ electoral system to one of The major public campaign move- correspond at length. Eventually proportional representation.9 ment in favour of franchise reform Mill felt compelled to restrict even He was also most effective on one was the . It was their these activities, as correspondence or two issues that happened to arise great demonstration in Hyde Park was taking so much of his time.15 It while he was an MP. He was par- that Mill had sought to safeguard was remarked at the time that, with ticularly exercised at the possibil- (see above) and for which he had Mill’s approach to campaigning, ity that the Royal Parks in London acted as intermediary to broker a even the Almighty himself would might be declared out of bounds for compromise location for the dem- have failed to be elected! To com- public demonstrations.10 Without onstration acceptable to the Met- pound matters, Mill also thought it Mill’s timely intervention in 1868, ropolitan Police. But Mill always was corrupt to personally contrib- the finale to the one-million-person refused to join the Reform League. Mill’s most ute funds for his own election. He demonstration against British mili- Why? Because the Reform League, had no objection to contributing tary intervention in Iraq in 2003 which championed universal suf- lasting to other candidates’ election cam- might not have been held in Hyde frage, would not argue for univer- paign funds, as in Bradlaugh’s case, Park. An even more unpopular sal suffrage for men and women. achievement but he would not seek to bribe his cause which Mill took up concerned This tells us something about Mill’s own way into the House of Com- the extradition of asylum seekers stands on principle. He could make was to be mons.16 As noted earlier, Mill was which Disraeli’s government pro- compromises on small matters (for the first PM one of two Liberal MPs elected for posed in 1866. Mill argued that a example, where to hold a demon- the Westminster constituency; his civilised society should accept that stration) but on major matters of to argue for fellow MP being on the Whig side all human beings had certain rights, principle he was uncompromising. of the party, the Liberal ticket was including the right to due proc- Accounts of Mill’s candidature votes for well constructed. By all accounts ess and for the courts to examine for the Westminster constituency they appeared to run separate cam- whether the basis of the proposed are full of revealing anecdotes about women on an paigns, raise separate election funds extradition was in fact political, in his behaviour. I take the view that, and to have little or nothing to do which case it should be refused. The if John Stuart Mill had applied for equal basis with each other. When Mill was government was shamed into with- approval as a parliamentary candi- defeated in 1868 his ‘colleague’ was drawing its proposals.11 On other date for the Liberal Democrats in to men. elected, but the poll was topped

12 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 john stuart mill as politician by the one Tory candidate, W. H. In essence, demonstrators. His challenge to the that they must walk immediately Smith, founder of the chain of high government kept the Royal Parks to the nearby Embankment so as to street stationery shops. Smith was to Mill was free for use as sites for demonstra- pay tribute, at his statue there, to be the subject of an election petition tions. He launched the parliamen- the man who had started their pub- on the grounds that he had grossly very much a tary campaign for proportional lic campaign – John Stuart Mill.20 overspent on the election, but this representation – still unfulfilled in I suggest you do not pay heed to petition was ultimately unsuccess- campaigning part. He argued against the suspen- Mill’s own modesty in discussing ful even though the substance of the sion of habeus corpus in Ireland as his failings as an MP. The record petition appeared to be justified.17 parliamen- counterproductive in dealing with speaks for itself, and I rest my ‘revi- One possible bone of conten- the violence of the Fenians. He sionist’ case. tion between Mill and his electors tarian whose defended the civil rights of minori- was the fact that for much of each impact was ties, including asylum seekers, when Alan Butt Philip is Jean Monnet Reader year he was resident in France, near few others would. in European Integration at the university Avignon, to be as close as possible felt, either Mill’s influence continues to of Bath, and has been a Liberal and Lib to the grave of his wife. During the this day – both as a writer and as a Dem parliamentary and European can- parliamentary sessions, which were at the time parliamentarian. He was and he didate on several occasions. This paper shorter than they are now, Mill was remains an iconic and uncompro- was first given at the History Group / in London; outside of these sessions, or subse- mising figure. He has achievements LSE / BLPSG seminar on John Stuart Mill preferred to go to Avignon if it to his credit as a philosopher, as a Mill in November 2009. was worth making the journey. Of quently, on politician and as a human being. course Mill’s journalism and other He is renowned for his champion- 1 In preparing this paper I have drawn writings could be undertaken from an impres- ship of the application of reason to primarily upon two important sources anywhere, but he was clearly not the politics and his ability to apply this of information about J. S. Mill. First, omnipresent MP attending every sive list of to his own political intercourse; and Mill’s own Autobiography is a short conceivable constituency function his works still appear on the read- but invaluable guide, first published and networking locally every hour issues. ing lists of sixth forms and univer- in 1870. Much more recently Richard of the day or night. sities. He provided the platform Reeves’s John Stuart Mill: Victorian Fire- A more fundamental problem upon which a social liberal political brand (2007) has thrown a great deal of was Mill’s lack of religion in an philosophy was developed, much light upon the man and his times. era of high-Victorian morality and of which underpinned the actions 2 David Steel, later leader of the Liberal a largely middle-class electorate. of the great reforming Liberal gov- Party from 1976–1987, was elected Mill’s approach was not to raise the ernment of 1906–15. On a personal Liberal MP for Roxburgh, Selkirk and subject himself and, for the most level, his transparent relationship Peebles at a 1965 by-election. In 1967 he part, certainly at the 1865 election, with Harriet Taylor and the equal- drew first place in the ballot of all MPs his lack of religion was not much ity he sought between them makes for parliamentary time to promote new of an issue. Mill was clearly a very him a thoroughly modern man. I legislation. He chose to sponsor what moral man, even if he was not a doubt that he was ever to be found was to become the Abortion Act 1968 Christian, but his atheism did come doing the washing-up in their which legalised abortions for the first into play at the 1868 election, even kitchen, but by all accounts you time, but with certain limits. This was if only by proxy as a result of help- would be unlikely to find Harriet a famous parliamentary battle which ing to finance the election campaign doing so either. Mill mourned her continued over many months in both of a fellow atheist, Charles Brad- early death enormously and paid Houses of Parliament and Steel made a laugh. A more streetwise politician this tribute to her influence on On national reputation as a new and young might have refrained from making Liberty in his autobiography: MP on the back of this campaign. a public donation to Bradlaugh’s 3 J. S. Mill, Autobiography, p. 160. campaign, but Mill would not have The Liberty was more directly 4 Richard Reeves, John Stuart Mill: Vic- wished to conceal his support. Bra- and literally our joint production torian Firebrand, p. 377. dlaugh, in his view, deserved to than anything else which bears 5 Mill, op. cit., p. 165. be elected an MP. Mill wanted to my name, for there was not a sen- 6 Reeves, op. cit., p. 405 ff. help financially to achieve this, and tence which was not several times 7 Reeves, op. cit., p. 408. thought it was his public duty to do gone through by us together … 19 8 Alan Butt Philip, John Start Mill and so whatever the political or personal Modern Liberalism, p. 9. consequences for himself.18 In short, Mill was and is a major 9 See J. S. Mill, Considerations on Repre- In essence, Mill was very much influence on British politics and sentative Government (1861). a campaigning parliamentarian liberalism more generally. He was 10 Mill, Autobiography, p. 167. whose impact was felt, either at the a man of enormous political cour- 11 Ibid., p. 171. time or subsequently, on an impres- age and of daunting integrity. He 12 J. S. Mill, Chapters and Speeches on the sive list of issues. He ensured that was a man of principle who some- Irish Land Question (1870). the cost of elections fell on the pub- times could compromise on matters 13 Mill, op. cit., pp. 73–74. lic purse and launched the move- of minor importance. When the 14 Mill, op. cit., pp. 162–3. ment to get votes for women. His House of Commons did eventually 15 Mill, op. cit., pp. 174–9. legal challenge to Governor Eyre’s vote in 1928 to give women the vote 16 Mill, op. cit., pp. 160–1. actions in Jamaica ensured that Brit- on equal terms with men, one of 17 Reeves, op. cit., pp. 407–8. ish colonial administrators were the leaders of the suffragist move- 18 Ibid., p. 405. more circumspect before resort- ment, Millicent Fawcett, insisted to 19 Mill, op. cit., pp. 144–5. ing to the violent suppression of her supporters outside parliament 20 Reeves, op. cit., p. 448.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 13 An Archivist’s Nightmare the papers of John Stuart Mill

The Mill-Taylor Collection at LSE takes up a mere five shelves of volumes and boxes. It seems a small space for such a major figure – particularly when compared with the fourteen shelves of Passfield papers left by Beatrice and Sidney Webb and the even more extensive fifty-five shelves which make up ’s voluminous papers. The size of the archive is a reflection of the vicissitudes of the archives in the 136 years since Mill’s death. By Sue Donnelly.

14 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 An Archivist’s Nightmare the papers of John Stuart Mill

ohn Stuart Mill died in to . Early in 1905 one of the intention of preparing them for Avignon in 1873 of ery- Mary’s friends, Mary Ann Trim- publication. Elliot was the grand- sipelas, a skin condition ble, who had visited Avignon with son of the 3rd Earl of Minto. He endemic to the region, and Mary Taylor, travelled to France had studied at Cambridge but left although there were calls for accompanied by a married couple before getting a degree, in order to hisJ body to be interred in Westmin- to do: fight in the Boer War. He left the ster Abbey, he was buried in Avi- army in 1902, taking up scientific gnon in the tomb he had had built … the work of three months in and philosophical studies and later for his beloved wife, Harriet Taylor three weeks. Half a ton of letters writing on both Herbert Spen- Mill. Following his death his step- to be sorted, all manner of rub- cer and Henry Bergson. In 1910 a daughter, Helen Taylor, continued bish to be separated from useful two-volume edition of the letters to live in Avignon, retaining her things, books to be dusted and appeared, published by Longman stepfather’s papers and for thirty selected from, arrangements to with an introduction by Elliot and a years after his death refusing all be made for sale, and 18 boxes to note on Mill’s life by Mary Taylor.3 requests to publish his letters: be packed.2 Elliott wrote to Lord Courtney, the Liberal peer, in 1910 indicating I have all my dear step father’s On 21–28 May 1905 a book sale was that the experience had not been an letters preserved, looked held at Avignon. Some of the books entirely happy one. First of all there through from time to time by and manuscripts were bought by a were restrictions on which letters myself, arranged in order by local bookseller, Romanille, who could be included: myself, and left by him in my sold a volume of manuscripts of hands with directions, verbal minor works to Professor George As to the private letters of Mill and written, to deal with them Herbert Palmer of Harvard. The to his wife & daughter, we hesi- according to my judgement. volume is now MS Eng 1105 in the tated for a very long time about When the more pressing task of Houghton Library at Harvard. The them; but Miss Taylor, who is a the publication of the mss is com- dispersal of the Mill-Taylor archive lady of very peculiar ideas and pleted, I shall, if I live, occupy had begun and, although later habits, did not wish them to be myself with his correspondence, scholars might strive to bring the published. She has it in her mind if I do not live it will be for my papers back together and to create to bring out another volume literary executors to decide what full published editions, the archive in a few years time, consisting to do with it.1 used and created by John Stuart exclusively of Mill’s letters to his Cameo of John Mill was destroyed, never again to wife, daughter, and sisters; but However, as Helen Taylor grew Stuart Mill as be recreated. wants to delay this until the last old and frail, her niece, Mary a young man. After Helen Taylor’s death in of Mill’s sisters is dead. Whether Taylor, the daughter of Harriet (LSE archives, 1907, the letters were inherited by it will ever be done, I cannot say. Taylor Mill’s second son, Alger- GB97/Mill-Taylor/ her niece Mary Taylor. The letters She guards the letters very jeal- non, persuaded her aunt to return Box4/57) were lent to Hugh S. R. Elliot, with ously; and it was only after much

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 15 an archivist’s nightmare: the papers of john stuart mill

pressure and persuasion that I ‘As to the 1918, it seems there was a typescript letters, notebooks, diaries, and texts was allowed to see them at all.’4 and Mary Taylor was in negotiation of articles and speeches. Most of the private let- with Longmans, Green & Com- correspondence belonged to Helen It was also clear that Elliot and Mary pany through a literary agent, A. P. Taylor, including letters relating to Taylor had disagreed violently over ters of Mill Watts. But the reasons for the fail- her role as Mill’s literary executor. the role of Harriet Taylor Mill and ure to publish were lost with the The papers were seen as a collection Helen Taylor in Mill’s life, which to his wife & destruction of the archives of the and Geoffrey Allen, in an article on had led to Mary Taylor adding her publishers, agents and Mary Tay- the Manuscript Collections in the own account of Mill’s personal life daughter, we lor’s solicitors in the London blitz. of Political and Eco- to the volume, as Elliot described in Hayek, in his introduction to the nomic Science published in 1960, a letter to Leonard Courteney: hesitated for Earlier Letters of John Stuart Mill, described them as having ‘no archi- a very long reports that Mary Taylor suffered val unity’.6 As to her published introduction, a nervous breakdown, accompa- From 1926 onwards the Library following mine in the book, it time about nied by insomnia and illusions. bought Mill-related materials either was entirely an afterthought. In She was sectioned and committed singly or in groups as they came on the study of the private letters, them; but to an institution, Northumberland the market, although the Library’s I formed a very unfavourable House, in March 1918. She died in acquisitions register only begins opinion both of Mrs Mill and of Miss Taylor, the November. to indicate regular purchases and Miss Helen Taylor. It appeared With the death of Mary Taylor, gifts from 1943 onwards. Profes- to me that they were both self- who is a lady the family papers passed into the sor Hayek advertised widely for ish and somewhat conceited hands of her executors, the National information about Mill letters in women, and that Mill (who must of very pecu- Provincial Bank, who, on the report the hopes of publishing an edition have been a very poor judge of of Mr P. W. Sergeant, decided to which finally became John Stuart character) was largely deceived liar ideas sell most of the material at auction, Mill and Harriet Taylor: their corre- with regard to them. Of course I although the more personal material spondence and subsequent .7 could not state my views openly and habits, was felt inappropriate for public sale. Sadly, by its publication in 1951, in a book which is published by The first sale took place on 29 March Hayek had left LSE and the letters Miss Taylor at her own expense. did not wish 1922 with the papers being split he had collected were given to Fran- But in my original introduc- into lots. The total return from the cis Mineka at Cornell University. tion, I found it impossible to them to be sale was £276 17s. – £200 of which In 1943 the National Provincial allude to the women without was raised by the purchase of a set of Bank presented the Library with unconsciously conveying into published.’ seventy-seven letters from Thomas seventy items relating to the family, my language some suggestion Carlyle to Mill by the Trustees of probably the items deemed inap- of what I thought. To this Miss Carlyle House. Most of the lots were propriate for public sale in 1922. Mary Taylor took the strongest bought by various London booksell- In the same year, Philippa Fawcett possible exception. I reconsid- ers, and many of the manuscripts donated forty-two letters between ered the whole matter, but found now in US libraries derive from Mill and her father, . myself unable to speak any more this sale. A further fourteen lots Presumably concerns about war favourably of them than I had were sold on 27 June 1927 (the gap damage were leading owners to done. For some days Miss Taylor between the sales is unexplained), consider the future of their collec- declined even to see me, and we mainly consisting of letters to Mill. tions. After the war, King’s Col- were completely at a deadlock, The purchasers included Yale Uni- lege Cambridge donated the letters but at last it was agreed that I versity Library and bought at the 1927 auction by Lord should omit all mention of Mill’s . Keynes, which had passed to King’s private life and that Miss Taylor The archive was no more; it College on his death in 1946. Lord should herself write a second was scattered around the globe, Keynes had intended to pass the introduction (for which I took some items to be preserved and letters to LSE, and King’s College no responsibility) and say what others to be lost forever. Harold generously followed his wishes. The she liked. I did not greatly care Laski bought manuscripts of Mill’s 271 letters included correspondence for her contribution, but it was a early speeches for two guineas, between Harriet and Helen Taylor necessary compromise.5 then sold two of the manuscripts to and between Mill and Helen Taylor, recoup the money, published oth- and letters from the actress Fanny The letter also mentions a proposed ers, and gave many away to friends Stirling to Harriet Mill and Helen new edition of the Autobiography and institutions without keeping Taylor. but there were problems in obtain- any record of distribution. Josiah By 1999 the Library had recorded ing access to the manuscript from Stamp bought Mill’s letters to The- forty-one separate deposits of Mill Mary Taylor. The next edition odore Gomperz, the Austrian phi- papers and correspondence. The appeared in 1924 after the first sale losopher. After Stamp was killed in late 1940s and 1950s were a particu- of manuscripts. an air raid in 1941, the letters were larly active time, with papers being Mary Taylor appears to have thought lost until they turned up bought from dealers in London and worked on a volume of family let- in Japan in 1989. North America. Prices varied enor- ters helped by Elizabeth Lee, sister The LSE bought its first batch of mously. The smallest sum paid was of Sir Sidney Lee who had written Mill Taylor papers in 1926 from the 8s. 6d. for James McCosh’s letters an article on Helen Taylor in the London bookseller Ridgill Trout concerning his An Examination of Mr Dictionary of National Biography. By for £25. The purchase included J. S. Mill’s Philosophy, bought from

16 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 an archivist’s nightmare: the papers of john stuart mill

Eric Malden of Southwold, and the providing an overview of the col- indicates that it was only during the most expensive was £41 paid for lection. This was rectified in 2000, LSE’s evacuation to Cambridge that thirteen autograph letters in 1949. as part of the AIM25 programme to Hayek became seriously interested Although later, in 1969, the Library improve access to archives and man- in the Mill correspondence. paid £55 for a letter to Mill from uscripts within university archives In fact the first acquisition of Frederic Hill, the prison inspector in London, with the writing of a Mill papers, made six year prior to and social reformer, included in the detailed collection description giv- Hayek’s arrival at LSE, was prob- purchase of some Kropotkin letters. ing researchers the background to ably inspired more by the then The Library’s last purchase was the collection and an overview of its current interest in Mill’s role in in 1999, when it bought seven let- contents. The full catalogue and its the development of socialism. The ters from John Stuart Mill to Wil- index was published online as part chair of the Library and Research liam Molesworth relating to the of the online Archives Catalogue Committee in 1926 was Sidney London Review. The letters were in 2008 allowing full searching of Webb, who had first had the vision purchased for £11,000 from the people, places, dates and enabling of creating a library for the social Pencarrow Collection, which was researchers to trace connections sciences in 1896. Over thirty years sold at Sotheby’s. The bidding on between the Mill-Taylor Collection earlier, in Fabian Essays in Socialism that occasion was slightly lower and other archives held at LSE and (1889), Webb had claimed that: than expected, perhaps because elsewhere. the Mill items were overshadowed During the war the Library Over thirty The publication of John Stuart by a newly discovered Beethoven was concerned about the possibil- Mill’s Political Economy in 1848 quartet movement and a previ- ity of bomb damage to its collec- years earlier, marks conveniently the bound- ously unknown letter by Charlotte tions and the depredations of the ary of the old individualistic eco- Bronte. The purchase was sup- Air Ministry, who had taken over in Fabian nomics. Every edition of Mill’s ported generously by the Friends the LSE building on Houghton book became more and more of the National Libraries and V& A Street (apparently all the maps and Essays in socialistic … Purchase Grant Fund. foreign language dictionaries dis- Despite its lack of staff devoted appeared). So it arranged for the Socialism And that solely to working with manuscripts, Mill material to be evacuated to the the Library began work on its first National Library of Wales in Aber- (1889), Webb This is the programme to which deposits very swiftly. In June 1925, ystwyth. In 1943 Professor Hayek, a century of industrial revolu- the Library and Research Com- then working on his volume of had claimed tion has brought the Radical mittee minutes note that work had correspondence between Mill and working man. Like John Stuart begun on sorting the ‘100s of letters Harriet Taylor Mill, realised that that: Mill, though less explicitly, he and manuscript notes by Mill and he needed to see some of the vol- ‘the publica- has turned from mere politi- Helen Taylor’.8 The correspondence umes which had been sent away. cal Democracy to a complete, included names such as G. O.Trev- The Rockefeller Foundation was tion of John though unconscious, Socialism.10 elyan, , George funding the project and encouraged Holyoake and Sir Edwin Chadwick. the employment of refugee schol- Stuart Mill’s Also on the committee was LSE There were also photographs of ars from Europe. Hayek’s research Governor, the publisher, Thomas Mill, his passport and several uni- assistant, Ruth Borchardt, was just Political Econ- Fisher Unwin, whose was also versity diplomas. such a refugee scholar and Hayek chair of the political and economic In 1934 the Library’s Annual was keen to continue the work and omy in 1848 committee of the National Liberal Report announced the comple- make the most of the opportunity. Club, and Treasurer of the Cob- tion of the project: the material had The Library knew that the Mill marks con- den Club, and a likely supporter been arranged and indexed and the items were held within cases V and of the purchase of Mill’s papers for catalogue and index of names was XI, but unfortunately the volumes veniently the the Library. And of course there now available to researchers. At the had been wrapped – unlabelled – in was , who had joined same time, the individual items had bitumen paper and air sealed. The boundary of LSE in 1920 as a lecturer in govern- been mounted on guard strips and Library Committee agreed that it ment and who was an active mem- then bound into volumes. Known was too much to ask the National the old indi- ber of Library Committee during as guarding and filing, this was a Library of Wales to go through the the 1920s. Laski believed there method of ensuring security and crates, so a member of staff was des- vidualistic was much to learn from Mill, par- was very popular into the 1970s and patched to Aberystwyth to bring ticularly with regard to the balance 1980s; sadly it makes it extremely them all back.9 economics. between the power of the state and difficult to copy or scan the col- So why did the LSE become a Every edi- the rights of the individual. The lection, and today we have to use a prime location for Mill papers? The Grammar of Politics,11 the first edi- microfilm edition of the archive if development of the collection has tion of Mill’s tion of which was published in 1926 readers want to make any copies. often been linked to the Hayek’s by Allen and Unwin, expressed This work remains the core of involvement with the archive at book became Laski’s belief that socialism was the current catalogue and access to LSE between 1932 and 1950. Hayek the best defence for the individual the collections. By the 1990s, how- was certainly a member of the more and against the state and when Liberty ever, it was becoming apparent that, Library and Research Commit- in the Modern State12 was published although the catalogue provided a tee during the 1930s, but Sam Brit- more social- in 1930 reviewer called it very detailed guide to individual tain, in his biography of Hayek in the greatest defence of liberty since items, it was not very helpful in the Dictionary of National Biography, istic …’ John Stuart Mill.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 17 an archivist’s nightmare: the papers of john stuart mill

Beyond the Library and fifty-nine volumes and fifteen boxes significant Liberal-related materi- Research Committee, others at of material. The title of the collec- als including the archives of the Liberal LSE also valued the work of Mill. tion reflects its composition, in that Party and the papers of William Bev- The sociologist, Leonard Trelawny the correspondence of John Stuart eridge. This paper was first given at the Hobhouse, who had been appointed Mill, Harriet Taylor Mill and Helen History Group / LSE / BLPSG semi- to the first chair of Sociology at the Taylor are all well represented. nar on John Stuart Mill in November London School of Economics in There are notebooks, drafts of arti- 2009. 1907, wrote in his 1906 Liberalism cles, speeches and press cuttings. and Other Writings13 that: So, today, who uses the letters 1 GB97/Mill-Taylor/53 item 58, Note and papers in the Archive’s Read- by Helen Taylor, after death of John In middle life voluntary cooper- ing Room? Despite the availability Stuart Mill, expressing her wishes ation appeared to [Mill] the best of the immense and encyclopaedic with regard to the publication of his … but towards the close he rec- Collected Works of John Stuart Mill correspondence. ognized that his change of views edited by J. M. Robson and the 2 GB97/Mill-Taylor/58 item 4, Mary was such as, on the whole to rank microfilm edition of the papers Taylor’s diary. him with the socialists, and the held at LSE, the papers are regu- 3 Letters of John Stuart Mill (London, brief exposition of the Social- larly requested by researchers in 1910), edited by H. S. R. Elliot. ist ideal given in his Autobiog- the Archive’s Reading Room. The 4 GB97/Letter Collection/3/ff 120–123, raphy remains perhaps the best last major piece of work based on Letter from Hugh S. R. Elliot to Leon- summary statement of Liberal the papers was focused on Harriet ard Courtney, 1st Baron Penwith. Socialism that we possess. Taylor Mill, and one of the most 5 GB97/Letter Collection/3/ff 123, Let- poplar subjects is the development ter from Hugh S. R. Elliot to Leonard Although just how far Mill was of nineteenth-century feminism, Courtney, 1st Baron Penwith. actually committed to some form of with requests to see Harriet Tay- 6 Geoffrey Allen, ‘Manuscript Collec- socialism is clearly open to debate, lor’s writings and to read Helen tions in the British Library of Politi- for the purposes of this article it is Taylor’s correspondence. Other cal and Economic Science’, Journal of clear that in the inter-war years enquiries refer to , links the Society of Archivists, vol. 2, no. 2, many linked him to the develop- with America and Ireland, political October 1960. ment of socialism, making him an representation and, perhaps most 7 Friedrich A. Hayek, John Stuart Mill interesting subject to those working bizarrely, the history of passports. and Harriet Taylor: their correspondence at the School. An archivist’s nightmare: papers and subsequent marriage (London, 1951). Nevertheless, the later gifts scattered across the globe, bound 8 GB97/LSE/10/8 Library and and purchases of Mill-related cor- in unwieldy volumes and gathered Research Committee minutes, 29 respondence and papers made together in a piecemeal way. How- June 1926. between 1943 and 1950 were most ever, even those who are working 9 GB97/LSE/10/10 Library Commit- likely influenced by Hayek’s inter- happily from the printed editions tee, April 1940. est in Mill, and by the time Hayek would do well to spend an after- 10 Sidney Webb, Fabian Essays in Social- moved on to in 1950 the noon in the Archive – to see the ism (London, 1889). collection was of a size to gener- handwriting, touch the pages and 11 Harold Laski, Grammar of Politics ate its own dynamic for growth, feel the connection. (London, 1926). although over the years the oppor- 12 Harold Laski, Liberty in the Modern tunities for adding to the archive Sue Donnelly is Archivist at the State (London, 1930). have diminished. Today the Mill- London School of Economics and 13 L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism and Other Taylor Collection comprises Political Science. The Archive holds Writings (London, 1906). Liberal History 300 years of party history in 24 pages The Liberal Democrat History Group’s pamphlet, Liberal History: A concise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats, has been revised and updated to include the 2010 election and the formation of the coalition.

Liberal History is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £2.00 (normal price £2.50) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £2.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

18 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 Liberal Heritage

Cllr Paul Tilsley continues the Journal’s series in which well-known Liberal Democrats take a look at the Liberal heritage of their home town.

Birmingham: birthplace of radical Liberalism

irmingham has a long biography is included in this issue of The Joseph a House of Commons Committee and distinguished his- the Journal. An even more recognis- Chamberlain that the intention was to improve tory of Liberalism – able Birmingham Liberal is Joseph Memorial the health of Birmingham people, from the municipal Chamberlain, who was first elected Clock Tower, not to make a profit. Chamberlain pioneer and national to the City Council for St Paul’s University of also established a municipal gas Bstatesman Joseph Chamberlain, to Ward in 1869 and was the town’s Birmingham supply company, which made a the formation of the National Lib- mayor between 1873 and 1876. He profit of £34,000 in its first year of eral Federation and historic events entered parliament in June 1876 and operation. He promoted the devel- such as David Lloyd George flee- was an innovative political thinker opment of libraries, swimming ing the town hall dressed as a police and organiser who gave the Liberal pools and schools, and a number constable. Indeed, in my view, Bir- Party a radical agenda of constitu- of new parks were opened to cater mingham has a good claim to be tional and social reforms. for the recreational needs of the considered the birthplace of com- Chamberlain’s greatest achieve- city’s inhabitants. In short, he was a munity politics, and now, for the ment in the town was undoubtedly radical and great Liberal who made first time in generations, Liberal the municipalisation of essential Birmingham ’the best governed Democrats are part of the Progres- public services which, without city in the world’. sive Partnership which currently question, improved the living However, Chamberlain believed controls the city council. Birming- conditions and life chances of Bir- strongly in the Union of Great Brit- ham therefore can be seen to have a mingham’s people. The city’s water ain and Ireland and did not support Liberal tradition that runs from the supply was considered a danger to Gladstone’s policy of Irish home 1832 Reform Act, which gave it sep- – half the population rule. In 1886, Chamberlain formed arate representation in the House of was dependent on well water, much the Liberal Unionists, who entered Commons, to the current day. of which was polluted by sewage. into alliance with and then merged Recognising the rising death rate with the Conservatives (hence the from contagious diseases in the term Conservative and Union- Chamberlain city, in 1876 Chamberlain forcibly ist). The Liberal Unionist defection Many famous Liberals hailed purchased Birmingham’s water- broke the Liberal party, which later from Birmingham, or represented works for £1,350,000 and created led to much antagonism between the city in Parliament, or both; the Birmingham Corporation David Lloyd George and the Cham- they include John Bright, whose Water Department, explaining to berlain family.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 19 birmingham: birthplace of radical liberalism

Left: Highbury An 85-year wait for a Liberal Hall, home MP and a 30-year wait for a of Joseph Liberal councillor Chamberlain. Unfortunately, Liberals in Birming- below: cartoon ham have only secured two MPs in of Lloyd George recent history – in dressed as a 1969 and John Hemming in 2005. policeman, You have to go back to 1885 to find escaping from the last previous Liberal MP, Tho- Birmingham mas Cook, who was elected to serve Town Hall. as the member for the Birmingham East constituency. Wallace Lawler was a pioneer of community politics who won the Ladywood by-election of 1969 but lost the seat in the 1970 general election to his Labour rival from the by-election, Doris Fisher. He was first elected as a city councillor in 1962 for the Newtown Ward and Chamberlain’s first home in Edg- development of political organi- was initially the only Liberal coun- baston was known as the ‘smokery sation following the 1867 Reform cillor on the city council – the last and talkery’. His second home, Act. It could occasionally be a Highbury Hall in Moseley, was thorn in the side of the party lead- refurbished in the 1980s follow- ership, who did not consider its ing its use as a home for the elderly. decisions binding on them. Bin- The refurbished Highbury Hall is gley Hall therefore can be con- open to the public on certain days. sidered the first home of Liberal The building is well worth a visit Assemblies. It was demolished (if open) when visiting Birming- in the 1980s and replaced by the ham, as his library/study is still in International Conference Centre, its original state. For more informa- where Liberal Democrat confer- tion see www.birmingham.gov.uk/ ences are, once again, now held. highbury.

PC Lloyd George Creation of the National One of the most notorious political Liberal Federation events to take place in Birmingham The Liberal Party as a democratic was at the Town Hall in 1901 when body was created in Birmingham David Lloyd George came to make in 1877 at the inaugural conference a speech against the Boer War. The of the National Liberal Federation mood of the crowd outside was at Bingley Hall. The objective of ugly, and would not the new federation was to promote let him speak. Violence erupted Liberalism by encouraging the for- and Lloyd George had to be smug- mation of new associations and the gled out of the Town Hall dressed strengthening and democratising as a policeman. It was Chamberlain of existing local Liberal parties. and the Liberal Unionists who were The conference was chaired by responsible for organising the hos- Joseph Chamberlain and addressed tile crowd. by William Gladstone, who had The Library of Birmingham in resigned as Liberal Party leader Centenary Square has copies of the two years earlier, but who was to front page of the Birmingham Dis- return as prime minister in 1880 patch of 19 December 1901, which and lead the party for a further reports on the aftermath of the fourteen years. near riot. They also have a post- The federation was a repre- card which was produced depict- sentative body of local Liberal ing Lloyd George dressed as PC 87. associations, providing a forum This card is in perfect condition, for democratic debate and pol- unlike the one on display at the icy making. Before this the Lib- in Llanys- eral party existed primarily as a tumdwy. I understand that these parliamentary body and a series are available to view at the Library, of local organisations. The fed- provided that advance arrange- eration’s creation was part of the ments are made.

20 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 birmingham: birthplace of radical liberalism

previous Liberal to be elected to the 10 May 1962: that the art of community politics One of the former inner-city Birmingham council had been in Cllr Wallace was developed and first practiced in Liberal councillors, Bill Doyle – 1939. His local council success was Lawler being Birmingham by Wallace. Twenty who was an young activist during followed by Liberals gaining coun- congratulated years after Wallace Lawler’s election the Lawler years – was selected to cil seats in the adjoining wards of by Sidney Caro to the council, I can recall David fight the Yardley ward, which he Aston and Dudeston during the late (President, Penhaligon at a won at the first attempt in 1984. 1960s and early 1970s. Birmingham urging would-be councillors to Liberals, by then standing under Lawler gained his council and Liberals) on use Wallace’s campaigning tech- the Alliance banner and then as Lib- parliamentary seat by tackling com- his election to niques with the following advice: ‘if eral Democrats, started to develop munity problems and issues. He also Birmingham City you’ve got something to say put it a power base in Yardley. Lib Dems championed the underprivileged Council, the first on a piece of paper and push it thor- won the three Yardley seats, fol- and took up their concerns over Liberal councillor ough someone’s letterbox’. Wallace lowed by the three seats in Sheldon housing, homelessness, and social for twenty-five Lawler’s approach paid great divi- and Acocks Green; eventually, as a upheaval. His campaigns included years dends not only in Birmingham but result of this community campaign- an 80,000-signature petition to the throughout the country. ing, the parliamentary seat fell to prime minister complaining about John Hemming in 2005. the increase in electricity prices. He Citywide, Liberal Democrats also arranged a protest demonstra- The seventies and beyond have controlled the council in a pro- tion of Birmingham pensioners, Although they continued to hold gressive partnership with the Con- who travelled to London to hand in council seats in Aston, Newtown servatives since 2004, and currently letters at 10 . Wal- & Duddeston, Liberals only gained the Liberal Democrat group has lace Lawler not only recognised two further wards in the 1960s and thirty-one members. We have come that community campaigning was ’70s: All Saints and Rotton Park. a long way since 1962, and I am still important but saw that it was an These five wards were all within the here having first been elected in excellent way to engage people and inner city. With the redrawing of 1968 during the Wallace Lawler era. secure the election of additional ward boundaries in the early 1980s, Liberal councillors. Liberals lost their former inner-city Paul Tilsley is leader of the Liberal In 1970 the Liberal Party assem- strongholds. This brought a change of Democrat group on Birmingham City bly adopted community politics as emphasis, with a move to campaign- Council and deputy leader of the council. an electoral approach and I contend ing in the outer wards of the city.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 21 Archie and Clem Dr J. Graham Jones examines the political and personal relationship between Clement Davies, leader of the Liberal Party, 1945–56, and his predecessor Sir Archibald Sinclair, later Viscount , who led the party from 1935 until 1945.

22 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 Archie and Clem

rchibald Henry Mac- land and agricultural policy for- Liberal abstentions.3 Consequently donald Sinclair was mulation – to Lloyd George when the motion was narrowly defeated born in London on 22 he returned to lead the party fol- in the House by just four votes, too October 1890, the son lowing Asquith’s final retirement bitter a pill for Sinclair to swallow. of a lieutenant in the in October 1926. He also spared The chief promptly resigned. AScots Guards, and was educated at no effort to urge LG to continue Some Liberal MPs rejoiced at the and Sandhurst before dipping into the infamous Lloyd sudden departure of their chief entering the army in 1910 in the George Fund to sustain their whip whose approach they had 2nd Life Guards. The death of his impoverished party.1 In November considered to be rather heavy- paternal grandfather in 1912 saw 1930, a period of deep-rooted divi- handed. One of these was E. Clem- his succession to the baronetcy and sion and acrimony in the ranks of ent Davies, the rather politically inheritance of a large estate exceed- the Parliamentary Liberal Party, low-profile Liberal MP for Mont- ing 100,000 acres at the northern- Sinclair rather reluctantly suc- gomeryshire, who was later to con- most tip of . Throughout ceeded Sir Robert Hutchison as the demn what he had regarded as ‘the the he served with party’s chief whip in the House of lash of Sinclair’.4 some distinction, forming a close Commons. He pleaded with Lib- At the time of the financial and bond of friendship with Winston eral MPs henceforth to behave less of , Churchill, with whom he served erratically and to attempt to act Sinclair took the view of the Samu- in the 6th Royal Scots Fusiliers in in greater unison, advice which elite Liberal MPs that the so-called 1916. After the hostilities were was totally ignored by his parlia- national government should be sup- over, Sinclair served as Church- mentary colleagues. His party had ported as a temporary expedient but ill’s military secretary at the War indeed by this time almost totally that the long-term independence Office from 1919 to 1921, and sub- collapsed as a political force capa- of the Liberal Party should be pro- sequently at the Colonial Office ble of acting unitedly. The PLP had tected at all costs. As a committed until 1922. While at the War Office become little more than a disor- Scottish home ruler, he accepted he played an important role in the ganised rabble. A dejected Sinclair the position of Secretary of State British attempts to nip the Bolshe- spelled out the nub of the dilemma for Scotland, initially outside the vik revolution in the bud. which faced him daily: ‘I am all for Cabinet, one of several Liberal In 1922 Sinclair was elected to the party being independent and ministerial appointments at this parliament as the ‘National Lib- having a mind of its own, but if point, including Herbert Samuel as eral’ (pro-Lloyd George) MP for individual members claim the same and the Marquis Caithness and Sutherland, which right, it is impossible for us to work of Reading (formerly Rufus Isaacs) he continued to represent until his effectively in the House of Com- as . In the further shock defeat in the general elec- mons’.2 In March 1931, in a vote on which followed tion of July 1945. Also in 1922 his a motion introduced by the Labour the October general election, Sin- old ally and mentor Churchill government to abolish all the uni- clair’s position was promoted to was defeated at Dundee. Sinclair Sir Archibald versity constituencies, official Cabinet rank, now one of twenty soon became a prominent, highly Sinclair Liberal policy was to support the such ministers. The following regarded backbench MP, lend- (1890–1970) and motion. But only nineteen Liberal January, Sinclair was one of four ing support and advice on policy Clement Davies MPs did so: ten voted against, and ministers who could not revision – especially in relation to (1884–1962) there was also a large number of agree to the need to accept a policy

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 23 archie and clem of protective tariffs; however their The party time and manner that commanded Liberal Party was profoundly widely expected resignation from no public interest or support, I demoralised, it had lost several the government was prevented by projected an doubt if we can remain where we seats in by-elections since 1931, the adoption of the so-called ‘agree- are for long without witnessing and in November 1935 just twenty- ment to differ’.5 By this time, Sin- increasingly the complete disintegration of the one mainstream Liberal MPs were clair was widely viewed, together party’.7 Samuel could only – reluc- returned. The party projected an with Samuel, as constituting the conservative tantly – concur with Sinclair’s pes- increasingly conservative image, Liberal ‘high command’. Sinclair simistic assessment. He conceded being identified with free trade had undoubtedly savoured his first image, being that, if the current state of affairs and an outdated economic out- taste of ministerial office, but agreed continued, ‘The party would fade look – in such striking contrast to totally with Samuel that the inde- identified away’.8 On 16 November, Samuel the Liberal summer school move- pendence of their party and the ulti- with free made a broadcast speech which ment of the 1920s and the dramatic mate restoration of free trade should was a broad attack on the National (if ultimately abortive) revival led be their top priorities. Both men trade and Government’s policies and recent so flamboyantly by Lloyd George were also painfully conscious that conduct, and announced his fol- in 1927–29. The radical initiative their party’s future development an outdated lowers’ intention belatedly to cross was not totally forgotten. It was was ever likely to be jeopardised by the floor of the House of Com- expressed in ’s The its chronic financial problems, now economic mons. But, inevitably, not all of Liberal Way published in 1934 and exacerbated still further by the dry- them followed him to the opposi- again in Lloyd George’s quasi- ing up of handouts from the Lloyd outlook – in tion benches.9 sensational ‘New Deal’ proposals George Fund which had hitherto Herbert Samuel had walked a (modelled on those of Franklin provided resources to pay for some such striking political tightrope with great skill D. Roosevelt in the USA) which two-thirds of the recurrent annual and diplomacy, but in the general were unveiled to his Bangor con- running costs of the party’s parlia- contrast to election of November 1935 he went stituents in January 1935. But mentary organisation. Following down to defeat at Darwen. In his such worthy initiatives were by the inevitable severe financial strain the Liberal Caithness and Sutherland con- now very much on the periphery of the recent general election, Sin- stituency, where the Labour Party of the Liberal Party; they did not clair warned Samuel, ‘Unless cer- summer resolved not to put up a candidate occupy the centre ground. Sinclair, tain steps are taken immediately against him, Sir Archibald Sinclair an astute, experienced politician, we shall be unable to maintain the school move- easily defeated his sole opponent was fully sensitive to the array of present structure of the Party – William Bruce, a Liberal National, interrelated difficulties power- apart from any question of enlarg- ment of the by 12,071 votes to 4,621. His was fully undermining his party’s ing or strengthening it’.6 1920s and evidently one of the safest Liberal well-being. In the wake of the During the high summer of seats in the whole of the country. announcement of Lloyd George’s 1932, Sinclair’s Caithness home was the dramatic Following the general election, ‘New Deal’ proposals in January, the venue for a protracted series of Lloyd George (still heading his tiny he had repeatedly warned Samuel, deliberations which ultimately led (if ultimately parliamentary grouping of just four ‘There is real danger that the Lib- to the resignation from the gov- MPs – all of them members of his eral Party may cease to be regarded ernment of the Samuelite Liberals abortive) own family – and consequently as an effective political force’. The in September – as a protest against somewhat estranged from the main- ongoing chronic lack of financial the conclusion of the so-called revival led stream Liberal Party) was persuaded resources and deficiency of per- Ottawa agreements. This grand to preside over the first meeting of sonnel together had rendered it gesture, however, still left them so flamboy- the newly elected Liberal MPs – nigh on impossible to ‘maintain … in an extremely anomalous posi- although he still adamantly refused activities at a high level of intensity tion. They were no longer part of antly by to stand for the chairmanship of the over a prolonged period’. Conse- the national government, and yet Parliamentary Liberal Party. On quently he considered it imperative they still continued to occupy the Lloyd George LG’s proposal, Sinclair was elected that the party ‘make a big effort government benches in the House the new Liberal Party leader in suc- to arrest public attention and to of Commons. In the country at in 1927–29. cession to Samuel on 26 November arouse the fighting spirit of Lib- large, the party’s rank-and-file sup- 1935. Again rather reluctantly, he erals in the country by dramatic porters grew ever more restive and accepted, as the natural succes- announcements and skilful public- unhappy. Herbert Samuel feared sor. Still aged only forty-five, he ity’.11 Problems at the centre had the loss of further Liberal MPs to had sat in parliament continuously been compounded by a poor show- the other political parties, while since 1922 and had already served ing by the Liberal Party in succes- Sinclair grew ever more concerned in the Cabinet as Secretary of State sive elections. at their manifestly ill-defined for Scotland and as his party’s chief There was obviously to be no quick identity, warning his leader, ‘The whip. The chief whip, fix for the new party leader of longer we remain in our present Sir , who generally November 1935. Bravely, he set up position, the more inglorious, respected Sinclair, wrote in his rem- a Liberal Organisation Commis- embarrassing and insignificant it iniscences, ‘On service subjects and sion under Lord Weston to exam- becomes. Our speeches of criticism foreign affairs he [Sinclair] speaks ine ways of re-establishing the of the government and manifes- effectively, but he is not so strong ailing party, while the new Liberal tos of Liberal policy will make no on social problems in which he lacks Chief Whip Sir Percy Harris won impression so long as it lasts; and experience’.10 the battle that Lib- while it is true that it would be dis- The new leader undoubtedly erals (rather than Simon’s National astrous to go into opposition at a faced a tough, uphill task. The Liberals) should be granted use of

24 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 archie and clem the Whip’s Office at the House of kissed hands at Buckingham Pal- Although contentious decision in August 1930 Commons – a modest symbolic tri- ace, he appointed Sinclair to be the to accept an immensely lucrative umph. The ultimate goal of a Lib- Secretary of State for Air, where he Davies had position as legal director to Lever eral government had been restored. remained until the war ended and Brothers, part of the international British political life from the the dissolution of the coalition gov- certainly company known as Unilever. Yet middle of the decade was domi- ernment in May 1945. (He was later conjecture that his complete retire- nated by the situation in Europe. requested to serve as the British helped ment from political life was immi- Sinclair and most of the party lent Ambassador to Washington in 1941 nent proved premature. Against the support to a policy of collective and as Viceroy of India in 1942, to bring odds, Davies had joined the Liberal security via the but his preference was to remain National grouping (known as the while pressing for a strong air force steadfastly at the heart of the allied Churchill to Simonites) in August 1931 and was and secure defences. They were war effort.) Although Sinclair was returned unopposed to parliament generally opposed to . one of the first ministers whom power, the in the general elections of October This genuine middle way was also Churchill consulted on 10 May new prime 1931 and November 1935. From reflected in Churchill’s campaign 1940, his role throughout the war the outbreak of hostilities he had for ‘arms and the covenant’. Indeed, was to be somewhat peripheral as minister con- become one of the most vocal and the rapport between Sinclair and (like the other service ministers) unrelenting of critics of the Cham- Churchill continued as they both he was generally one step removed spicuously berlain administration which he roundly condemned the Munich from military decision-making helped to bring down the follow- agreement of 1938. Sinclair faced a (although he occasionally attended chose not ing May.14 Although Davies had great deal of abuse during the late Cabinet meetings and was thus certainly helped to bring Churchill 1930s both inside and outside the able to voice his opinions. Sinclair to reward to power, the new prime minister House of Commons and was fre- had, however, participated in the conspicuously chose not to reward quently accused of being a ‘war- crucial discussions of him with him with the offer of ministerial monger’. At the beginning of the May 1940 about whether Britain office, partly because he was widely war he refused the offer of office should continue the war after the the offer of viewed as a somewhat erratic politi- from – as fall of France.). He had no personal cal maverick whose loyalties were indeed did the Clem- power base and his party was small ministerial at best uncertain, partly because he ent Attlee, both men voicing their and relatively insignificant, while was loathed by Chamberlain and lack of confidence in Chamberlain’s the key role of aircraft production office, partly his followers who simply would not continued leadership. The prime had become the responsibility of a serve alongside him. Davies’s sup- minister had informed Sinclair that new creation, an independent Min- because he port for the Munich agreement in it was his intention to form a small istry of Aircraft Production under October 1938 had also not been for- inner War Cabinet (as had happened Lord Beaverbrook, who predicta- was widely gotten. All that ensued was the half- back in December 1916), but that he bly became ever anxious to expand viewed as a hearted offer of a viscountcy which [Sinclair] was not to be one of this the ambit of his authority. Sin- Clem Davies promptly rejected. inner group. Most of the senior Lib- clair’s main strength was his close somewhat Generally it was widely felt and erals were adamant that their leader personal bond of friendship with deeply resented in Liberal circles must refuse the offer, convinced . On the very erratic politi- that the party had been largely that its acceptance would mean that day following his appointment, ignored in May 1940. Even Sir Percy the Liberals would thus be excluded 11 May 1940, he wasted no time in cal maverick Harris, the party chief whip, knew from major policy decisions. They pressing the claims for junior min- nothing of the new ministerial were indeed convinced that the isterial office on behalf of some of whose loyal- appointments until he consulted the party ‘could best support the vigor- his Liberal colleagues like Samuel, morning newspapers.15 ous prosecution of the war from an Sir Percy Harris and . ties were at In 1941 Clem Davies became independent basis’.12 The proposal Interestingly, he went on, ‘Perhaps a leading member of the Radical that Herbert Samuel might enter I ought also to mention to you the best uncer- Action group which campaigned the government as an individual name of Mr Clement Davies, KC, forcefully for the implementation (mainly because he had supported because, since he withdrew his sup- tain, partly of radical, progressive policies Neville Chamberlain over Munich), port from the last government, when peace came and was opposed without implicating the Liberal he has accepted our whip. He has because he to the wartime parliamentary Party, soon came to nothing. In the played an active part in recent truce. He also became a close advo- event, of the Liberals, only Gwilym events, and I think it only fair to was loathed cate of Sir William Beveridge, the Lloyd-George went in, accepting a suggest that his claims might be well-known academic and gov- junior position in the government considered’.13 by Chamber- ernmental adviser whose famous as parliamentary secretary to the Sinclair’s nomination of Clem- lain and his report Social Insurance and Allied Board of Trade. ent Davies at this point is rather Services, published on 1 Decem- During the famous Nor- remarkable (although he had, of followers ber 1942 (to be followed by a sec- way debate of 7–8 May 1940, Sir course, contributed to the down- ond, highly influential report Full Archibald Sinclair readily joined fall of Neville Chamberlain). First who simply Employment in a Free Society [1944]), in the vehement attacks on the elected as the Liberal MP for his was later to become a radical - beleaguered Prime Minister Nev- native Montgomeryshire on 30 would not print for post-war reconstruction. ille Chamberlain. Once his old May 1929, and initially viewed as an By this time Davies had resigned ally Churchill, having formed a ardent Lloyd George devotee, Dav- serve along- his position with Unilever, and in between the ies had quickly grown disenchanted August 1942 he formally rejoined Liberals and the Labour Party, had with political life, reflected in his side him. the mainstream Liberal Party led

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 25 archie and clem by Sinclair. His return to main- they had deployed him widely else- at the foot of the poll. Following a stream political life saw Davies where with the result that Sinclair meeting at London of the Liberal deliver dozens of public speeches did not arrive in the constituency Party Election Committee at the both within his constituency and until 22 June, reluctantly abandon- end of the month, the following throughout the realm. ing his nationwide tour as a result public statement was issued: As the war drew to an end in the of ominous pessimistic reports from spring of 1945, election specula- Caithness and Sutherland. The Liberal Party has suffered tion was inevitably in the air, as in The Liberal debacle went far a reverse as overwhelming as it 1918. At his party’s assembly in Feb- beyond the worst fears of the party was unexpected. Reports from ruary, Sinclair called for an early faithful. Not a single seat was held the constituencies showed almost contest – ‘A democracy in which in any of the large towns. Not a sin- without exception a keener and the people were never consulted gle Liberal MP was returned in the far more widespread interest in on concrete and specific issues of whole of Scotland. Of the twelve the Liberal programme than for policy would be a sham’. The Lib- Liberal MPs returned, no fewer many years past. But it is clear eral Party, he insisted, still offered than seven represented Welsh con- that the majority of the elec- a distinctive alternative to ‘the two stituencies, including the rather ‘But it is clear tors were mainly concerned to evils of Tory stagnation and the spurious University of Wales defeat the Conservative Party Socialist strait-jacket of control’.16 division whose days were by now that the and all those associated with it. Talk of a national Liberal revival certainly numbered. Nor was Sir They were naturally and justifi- proved to be wholly misplaced. As Archibald Sinclair the only senior majority of ably resentful of the Conserva- Clem Attlee’s Labour Party romped Liberal to suffer defeat in July 1945. tive record before the war, and to an unexpected landslide vic- Other Liberal casualties included the electors deeply suspicious of their luke- tory at the polls, the Liberals were Sir Percy Harris, the committed warm attitude towards projects humiliatingly decimated, return- deputy leader and chief whip, at were mainly of reconstruction. This was ing just twelve MPs to Westminster. Bethnal Green South West, Din- undoubtedly the principal reason In Caithness and Sutherland, Sin- gle Foot at Dundee, and James de concerned to why they elected a Labour Gov- clair faced a closely fought three- Rothschild in the Isle of Ely. Even ernment. Liberal candidates were cornered contest. Here the Labour in Wales all was not rosy. Major defeat the rejected, not because the electors aspirant Robert MacInnes repeated Goronwy Owen, veteran of 1922 disapproved of their policy or the well-worn argument that, ‘The and a member of Lloyd George’s Conservative outlook, but simply because they once great Liberal Party has sunk family, was defeated by the Labour appeared to offer a less effective to a position of insignificance and Party in the Liberal citadel of Party and all alternative to an Administration impotence in the State’.17 It was Caernarfonshire, while even LG’s which the majority were deter- widely expected that Sinclair’s old seat of the Caernarfon Bor- those associ- mined to bring to an end.20 majority would be considerably oughs, retained by the Liberals in ated with it. reduced.18 He had been much criti- a by-election in March, now sym- One of the most pressing immediate cised locally for allegedly neglect- bolically fell to the Tories, again by They were tasks to face the severely depleted ing his constituency because of his the agonisingly slim margin of just and demoralised Parliamentary responsibilities as a party leader 336 votes. Other prominent Lib- naturally and Liberal Party was the selection of a for almost the last ten years and as eral candidates who had realistic, if new party leader as successor to Sin- a minister of from May sometimes inflated, hopes of elec- justifiably clair. Few of the Liberal MPs elected 1940. It was readily alleged by his tion to parliament were all unsuc- in 1945 were truly national figures, detractors that Sinclair had focused cessful. These included Sir William resentful with a proven aptitude for leader- his attentions exclusively on the Beveridge, Roy Harrod, Isaac ship. The most well known and Air Ministry and on winning the Foot (himself a former Liberal MP) of the Con- popular was probably Lady Megan war at the expense of attending to and Lady Violet Bonham-Carter, Lloyd George (Anglesey), certainly his constituency where his reputa- daughter of Asquith, together servative a charismatic and eternally youth- tion accordingly suffered consider- with her adored son Mark Bon- ful, effervescent individual, and ably. Difficulties were intensified ham-Carter. Lady Violet, utterly record before also possessing the great advan- by the extremely remote location dejected by the outcome, wrote tage of a famous name. But she had of his constituency in the far north in her diary, ‘I didn’t care about the war, and always been viewed as firmly on of Scotland, and as the largest par- myself – but the thought of Mark’s the left wing of the party from the liamentary division in the whole victory had buoyed me up. It was deeply suspi- early 1930s, and she had little apti- of the . The war my great personal stake in this Elec- tude for organisation and admin- years had seen Sinclair ever more tion – & his whole future hinges on cious of their istration. Her elder brother Major cut off from his constituents, and it. Meanwhile the astounding elec- lukewarm Gwilym (Pembrokeshire) was obvi- in July 1945 they had their revenge tion results came rushing in … & ously already making tracks for the in a remarkable poll which saw just then the astounding news that not attitude Conservative Party. Yet he was still sixty-one votes separating the three only Dingle [Foot] & Beveridge approached by Sinclair and Har- candidates. While the Conserva- (which I feared) but Archie also had towards ris in connection with the vacant tive E. L. Gandar Dower headed the lost his seat. This last seemed to me leadership, but he at once refused poll, just six votes ahead of Mac- to be incredible. He was bottom of projects of even to consider the vacancy on the Innes, Sinclair was at the bottom. the poll at Thurso of all places. Like pretext that ‘he could not afford Liberal Party organisers were also the monarchy falling’.19 The Liber- reconstruc- the incidental expenses which the partly to blame. Convinced that als had put up a total of 307 candi- office would entail’. Bizarrely, their leader’s seat was relatively safe, dates; more than 200 had ended up tion. ‘ an approach was also made to

26 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 archie and clem him at this time in relation to the ‘There is a readily appreciated that Clem Dav- friends and neighbours send me to National Liberal group, the former ies had previously pursued ‘a very parliament and, unless and until Simonites. Again his reply was new spirit independent – indeed, it has seemed that happens, I cannot be half in firmly negative.21 Gwilym was in to many Liberals an erratic – course and half out of national politics’. any event ill suited to lead the party and with it in politics’, he was now convinced Lady Violet still persisted, ‘Hon- given the circumstances of 1945 and that his successor had ‘undertaken estly we need you badly to help us his obvious inclination ‘to go to comes con- big and serious responsibilities’, in our very uphill task’. Generally, the right’. In 1946 the Liberal Party impressing everyone with ‘his Sinclair had no wish to be involved whip was to be withdrawn from fidence.A t determination to make a success of in national politics, desiring to him, as he had consistently voted his job. … We must all help him and remain within his constituency. In with the Conservatives in the lob- last they are do our utmost to build up his posi- November 1946, his old associate bies of the House of Commons. Sir expressing tion in the Party’. His one heart- Winston Churchill urged him to (Carmarthen- felt fear was that Clem Davies, in become part of a cross-party ‘han- shire) had only recently returned their pride in associating himself so closely with dling group’ to press for a United to political life following thirteen the policies and aspirations of the Europe, but Sinclair was adamant years engaged in other occupations. the Liberal incoming Attlee administration, – ‘I am with you in spirit, but can- Again, he had no ambition or pas- might well adopt the potentially not be with you in action unless and sion to lead his party. Eventually, faith and not ‘dangerous tactics of trying to out- until I return to Parliament. Sam- the twelve Liberal MPs elected in flank the Labour Party from the left son without his hair was not more 1945 adopted the bizarre expedi- putting on, – tactics which would … give the disabled than I am from participat- ent of requesting each of their par- public an impression of insincer- ing in national politics without my liamentary colleagues to leave the as they have ity’.23 Sinclair’s concern was under- seat in Parliament’.25 room while the others candidly standable; during the 1945 general While he frequently dangled discussed his leadership potential. been doing, election campaign Clement Dav- before his supporters the prospect Sir R. H. Morris at once refused to ies had warmly endorsed extensive of his return to the Commons in allow his name to be considered in a sort of half- land reform and some nationalisa- a by-election or the next general this way. Their choice was to fall tion of British industry. Ironically, election, Sinclair continued to on E. Clement Davies, by this time apologetic within two years Davies was to be lend constant encouragement to aged sixty-one (and thus the old- accused by some of his left-wing Clement Davies. In 1949 he made est Liberal leader since Sir Henry look and parliamentary colleagues of initiat- something of a political comeback Campbell-Bannerman back in ing ‘a drift to the right’ within their with a speaking tour of the major 1899), now proclaimed as ‘Chair- assuming party and even ‘veering towards the cities. Following a national radio man of the Liberal Parliamentary a hangdog Tories’. But throughout Clem Dav- broadcast by Davies in February of Party’ at the beginning of August. ies never wavered from his belief that year, Sinclair enthusiastically It was emphasised that he had been attitude.’ that a future Liberal revival would described it as ‘splendid! We heard elected to ‘hold the office for the ses- eventually occur. every word as clear as a bell. Grand sion’ only.22 The left-winger Tom Sinclair, who had clearly never stuff too. I only wish you could do Horabin (North ), a close anticipated his electoral defeat in it more often’.26 Davies was truly personal friend to Clem Davies, 1945 and his succession by Clem- delighted: was also chosen as the party’s new ent Davies as party leader, was still chief whip as successor to Sir Percy anxious to encourage and support Thank you so much. I do appre- Harris. his successor. Although Sinclair ciate a pat on the back from you At this time Clem Davies was was in reality Davies’s junior by more than from anybody. No widely depicted as a stopgap, short- six years, Davies still appeared to one knows better than you what term party leader pending Sin- consider him as some kind of elder a hard struggle it is. However, clair’s imminent re-election to the statesman. Should Sinclair return I am convinced that we are on Commons in a by-election. After to the House of Commons, Clem the up grade. It is quite amazing all, Sinclair was generally viewed Davies’s position would change to see the response at these ral- as the natural Liberal Party leader dramatically at once. But conjec- lies and many of them are mak- who had been defeated in most ture that Gandar Dower might ing financial sacrifices which I unfortunate circumstances and by cause a by-election by resigning his am sure are greater than they the slenderest of margins in July seat, as he had indicated, predict- can really afford. There is a new 1945, surely just a temporary set- ably came to nothing.24 Local Lib- spirit and with it comes confi- back. Indeed, some Liberals had erals were sorely disappointed, but dence. At last they are expressing even pressed Sinclair to continue in began to pin their hopes on the next their pride in the Liberal faith the leadership although he was no general election. There were some and not putting on, as they have longer a MP. Moreover, the Tory who still pressed Sinclair to mount been doing, a sort of half-apolo- victor at Caithness and Sutherland a challenge to Clement Davies’s getic look and assuming a hang- in 1945, Gandar Dower, had fool- leadership, while Lady Violet Bon- dog attitude. Of course, I have ishly promised to resign his seat and ham-Carter repeatedly urged him no end of trouble here, as you cause a by-election following vic- to join the influential Liberal Party can well understand. I believe tory against Japan. Sinclair might Committee. But, as he pointed out if we can have real unity from soon be returned to Westminster to her, he had neither the means nor now till the Election and a true after all. In the meantime he gave the least inclination to travel regu- loyalty, rising above mere per- his cautious blessing to Clem Davies larly to London: ‘I belong here and sonal idiosyncrasies, we shall be as his successor. Although Sinclair my roots are here, except when my able to give a very good account

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 27 archie and clem

of ourselves when the Election It was impos- impending trial of strength, ‘I do that I was quite safe!! I trust that comes.27 not know whether I shall be back you too have a certain number sible for the here. Last time I had a straight fight of people who voted Tory at the Clem Davies’s respect and admi- with a Tory. This time Labour are last election merely in order to ration for his predecessor clearly party even in the field, and possibly a Welsh make certain that Winston fin- grew. As it became apparent that Nationalist. Even if I do pull it off, ished up the War with Japan and the ageing Lord Samuel’s days as to pretend to it will be “a damned near thing”. If will rally to you at the next elec- Liberal Party leader in the House of I did not come back, then of course tion. Clearly, however, you will Lords were now numbered, Davies be running naturally I [shall] at once resign have a tough fight and I hope came to believe that Sinclair would for govern- from the Committee, as I am only you won’t travel about too much make the ideal successor – although on it as happening to be the Chair- but concentrate on holding your at this point he was not a peer, and ment, while man of the Parliamentary Party. seat.30 still had real hopes of re-election to Each of us in Wales will have a very the Commons at the next general Sir Archibald tough fight’. Lady Megan’s position Clem Davies spent the next week election which was now certain to in Anglesey he felt was especially on a whirlwind tour of some of come during the first half of 1950. In Sinclair was ‘difficult’ in the face of an impend- the Welsh rural constituencies: December 1949 Davies invited Sin- ing three-cornered contest, like- ‘My meetings were full and enthu- clair to join the highly influential the only one wise in Merioneth, siastic, but I am not relying very Liberal Party Committee. Anxious but there was a crumb of comfort much on that. I know I have a very not to appear to neglect the Caith- of the 475 to de derived from the calibre of the tough passage, so it will be “a very ness and Sutherland constituency, Liberal candidates in Wales: ‘For- damned near thing” one way or and looking askance at the inevi- Liberal can- tunately our Welsh candidates are another’. While the sole meeting tably lengthy train journeys from good. They are young, vigorous, convened in Merioneth had left Thurso via to London, didates ever and good speakers, both in Welsh the Liberal leader ‘disappointed’ Sinclair turned him down, but curi- and English, and each one of them because of the ‘poor attendance’, ously several national newspapers to have held has had a good University career, a similar gathering at Wrexham then carried reports of his alleged and where old enough a good war proved to be ‘the biggest any Party acceptance. Two days into the new governmen- record as well. The three in South has had for thirty years’.31 The two year – 1950 – Sinclair wrote to Wales that have just come forward men corresponded extensively on Davies: tal office. are really good. Gwilym [Lloyd- policy formulation and on the per- George] of course has caused us petually thorny issue of an electoral I was, indeed, surprised to see a tremendous lot of worry, and pact with the Conservatives, a pos- my name in the newspapers as a now the Welsh Party have pub- sibility being strongly pressed in member of the Liberal Commit- licly declared that he is not a can- some sections of the party. Another tee the day after I had written to didate that the Party can support’.29 pressing issue was how Liberal you to decline with regret and Sinclair proved supportive and sympathisers should vote in con- reluctance the honour of your sympathetic: stituencies where the party had no invitation to serve on it. I can candidate of its own. In an election quite understand how it hap- It would be a terrible blow to the broadcast a week before polling day pened in the pre-Christmas rush Party if you don’t hold your seat; Clem Davies told his listeners, ‘If but I am afraid that, for the rea- but I feel sure you will. I should you fear Socialism and dislike the sons which I have already given imagine that the Welsh Nation- Labour Government, do not rush to you, I must adhere to my deci- alist will take away at least as into the arms of the Tories’.32 Speak- sion. I feel that I should be open many votes from the Labour ing at Denbigh two days later Sir to serious criticism if in the criti- Candidate as from you and that Henry Morris-Jones, the National cal time immediately preceed- all the Liberal and radical ele- Liberal and Conservative MP for ing [sic] the General Election I ments in the constituency will Denbigh (who had represented failed to attend the meetings of see you as the only real alterna- the division since 1929, initially the committee, which must be tive to the Tory. Moreover, you as a Liberal), told his audience, ‘If generally regarded as the most probably have a reserve, which I were a betting man, I would bet important and influential com- will rally to you in a four-cor- that at the very most there will be mittee of the Party. Yet regular nered contest, in a number of no more than twenty Independent attendance will quite clearly be Liberals who did not turn out to Liberals in the next House of Com- impossible for me.28 vote at the last election feeling mons’. To Morris-Jones, Wales was confident that you would easily ‘the cradle of Liberalism’, but, in He proceeded to discuss at length beat the Tory in a straight fight. his opinion, by 1950 not one of the the voting intentions of Liberal I have no doubt at all that, if Liberal-held seats was really safe. It sympathisers in constituencies everybody here had voted in the was impossible for the party even to where there was no party candidate. last election, I should have won pretend to be running for govern- Both men were convinced that a quite easily. There was a general ment, while Sir Archibald Sinclair general election was likely during feeling that I was sure to get in was the only one of the 475 Liberal the first months of 1950. and some people have confessed candidates ever to have held gov- On 6 January Clement Dav- that they even voted for Gandar ernmental office.33 The sentiments ies poured out to Sinclair his pro- Dower in order to express their which Morris-Jones expressed so found sense of heartfelt pessimism gratitude and admiration for cogently in public Clem Davies also and dejection in relation to the Winston in the hope and belief felt in his heart and voiced privately

28 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 archie and clem to senior figures in the party like numbers of votes.35 To Lady Violet him over many years), the 1950 gen- Sinclair. Now aged sixty-six, he led Bonham-Carter, who had travelled eral election campaign had proved his party’s national campaign while to Scotland to address a number very exhausting. Before the end of also fighting to save his skin in of public meetings, he wrote, ‘My March national newspapers car- Montgomeryshire, a large, sprawl- meetings seemed to get better and ried reports that Davies’s doctor ing, largely rural division. Many David Robertson’s to get less good had ordered him to take ‘a complete of his Liberal colleagues had been – the contrast being most marked rest’. Sinclair wrote at once: returned in 1945 by the narrowest of on the eve of the poll at Thurso & margins. Sinclair and , Wick, when both my opponents You have been under a severe again standing at and Shet- had poor & noisy meetings, while strain for a long time – the lead- land (where, unexpectedly, he had ours were terrifically successful – ership of the Parliamentary come within 200 votes of victory ending up with a packed audience Party, the conduct of the Gen- in 1945) were considered the most largely standing in the biggest hall eral Election campaign, your likely potential Liberal gains. Else- in Wick singing “Auld Lang Syne”! own hard but triumphant fight, where the prospect of success was But that silent Tory vote – a phrase your wife’s recent illness, and very remote. from your letter which we have the perplexities of the present To some extent Sinclair and often repeated to ourselves – fright- situation, must all have thrown Jo Grimond campaigned as a ened anti-Socialists, & mutts who an almost insupportable bur- team during January and Febru- fell for Sir David’s promises, won den on you. Do not scamp your ary 1950. It was avidly reported in the day’.36 rest. It is by far the most impor- the Scottish press that the former Liberal successes were indeed tant thing you have to do now. party leader had won ‘tumultuous few, but, against the odds, all the Health is the only thing that applause by packed halls’.34 Sinclair Welsh Liberal MPs were re-elected, matters now – not only to you was certainly at his vintage best – and Jo Grimond also won Orkney and your wife but to all to whom charismatic, even heroic, lucidly and , immediately cata- you feel responsibility. There is expounding Liberal policies and pulted into the position of Liberal no conflict between your duty ruthlessly laying bare the shortcom- Party chief whip to succeed Frank to yourself and your family and ings of the Attlee administration. Its Byers (defeated at Dorset North your public duty. You can only successes, he insisted, were mani- by ninety-seven votes). Nor was discharge the latter effectively festly a continuation of the policies there any reason for Clem Dav- when you are well and strong – initiated by the wartime coalition ies to fear the outcome in Mont- so stay away till your doctors are government to which the Liberals gomeryshire where he positively perfectly happy about letting had contributed a great deal. The romped to victory with a major- you resume work.39 Liberal policy commitment to ity of no fewer than 6,780 votes in In a rare a was also an intensely fought three-cornered display of ‘There was nothing organically strongly underlined in Sinclair’s contest. No one was more surprised wrong’, responded Davies, ‘but the campaign speeches. The optimism at this ringing endorsement than realism, the ancient machine at last was refus- and enthusiasm generated by Sin- Davies himself. Towards the end ing to function. Sleep had gone and clair and Grimond north of the bor- of March he wrote self-effacingly Liberal Party, there was almost continuous pain. der contrasted starkly with the sense to Sinclair, ‘I am frankly surprised Thereupon, these doctors became of malaise and pessimism projected at my return and especially at the tortured by judicially serious and, in legal lan- by the party generally in England support that was ultimately forth- guage, said I had embarked upon a and Wales. In a rare display of real- coming in Montgomeryshire’.37 He self-doubt, criminal career of serious neglect. ism, the Liberal Party, tortured had already communicated with … I was ordered quickly away. I by self-doubt, had even taken the Attlee in relation to a measure of had even have been very well protected. No extremely unusual step of insuring , somewhat heart- letters or messages were sent and I itself with Lloyds against the loss of ened by the tiny overall majority of taken the had a complete rest. I now feel 100 between 50 and 250 deposits. just five seats which the re-elected per cent fit. I do think I must cut The reality was even worse than Labour government now had and extremely down engagements, but you know anticipated – 319 Liberal depos- the resultant potential clout enjoyed how difficult that is. To-morrow its were lost, and only nine seats by the small band of Liberal MPs: ‘I unusual step comes the Budget and I feel that were won. But again Sinclair was think that that is to our advantage much will turn upon that so I sup- defeated by the slimmest of margins and I am in real hope that we can of insur- pose I shall have to deliver such – just 269 votes behind the Tory Sir get some measure of reform’.38 His thoughts as are in me on Wednes- David Robertson. The outcome at position as party leader was now ing itself day or Thursday’. 40 His health was Caithness and Sutherland was truly also rather more secure at long last. with Lloyds clearly at best uncertain – as was astonishing and a terrible shock to Sinclair’s defeat at Caithness and that of his wife Jano who was two Sinclair himself who had felt that Sutherland in February 1950, and against years his senior. The combined his numerous campaign meetings the unlikelihood of his ever stand- effect of excessively long hours had ‘varied from good to excellent’. ing again for parliament, meant that the loss of of hard work, leading a fractious, He concluded that he had failed to no one would now challenge Davies feud-wracked political party and restore the faith of the local elec- for the party leadership. between serving as a constituency MP, had torate in the Liberal Party and that Yet, for a man in his mid-sixties certainly taken their toll, as had Robertson’s lavish pledges to estab- battling health problems, depres- 50 and 250 heavy smoking and occasional lish light industries throughout the sion and an addiction to alcohol (all excessive drinking bouts. Once constituency had won him large serious problems which had beset deposits. restored to reasonable health,

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 29 archie and clem

Davies was most anxious to meet up Efforts to contact Davies proved His own side the popular vote and only six seats with Sinclair at London to discuss frustratingly abortive, probably in parliament. Bolton West was the in depth the future development of because he was at his constituency of the story party’s only gain. Clem Davies was the Liberal Party. Detecting a close home at . Subjected to per- now the only one of the six Liberal similarity in the programmes and suasive pressure and flattery from remains MPs to have sat in the Commons outlooks of the three major political Samuel, who even offered to con- representing the same constituency parties, Davies believed that it was tinue in office (as Liberal leader in untold with since before 1945. (Sir Rhys Hopkin now essential for the Liberal Party the Lords) for several more months, Morris, elected in Carmarthenshire to spell out ‘that which is distinc- Sinclair allowed his natural reluc- the inevi- in 1945, had represented Cardigan- tive in our policy so that we can say tance to be overcome, turning to shire from 1923 until 1932.) our belief in that is fundamental and Clem Davies for reassurance – ‘I table result Sinclair was determined never without it what is not Liberal’.41 In hope I have made it quite clear to that Sin- again to stand for parliament and response, Sinclair asserted that in a you that the last thing I want is a claimed to wish to return to farm- measure of electoral reform lay ‘the Peerage as a form of honourable clair’s impor- ing. At long last, the envisaged means of preserving the life, and retirement. In no circumstances peerage materialised with Church- securing the independence, of the would I contemplate going to the tant role and ill as prime minister. Sinclair was to Liberal Party’, possibly the adoption Lords, except if there is an impor- become of Ulbster of an ‘alternative vote’ system as a tant job of work to be done there. It contribu- in the county of Caithness.46 As the prelude to proportional representa- is on this point, in particular, that I ailing Liberal Party now enjoyed a tion. He was inclined to believe that require your advice’.43 tion have greater numerical presence and thus such reforms would be more likely Clement Davies, having dis- potential clout in the Lords, the to be introduced by a future Con- cussed the matter at length with tended to be long-awaited move appeared aus- servative administration rather than Attlee and Lord (Christopher) picious for the party’s future. Sin- by the Attlee government.42 Addison (himself a former Liberal overlooked. clair would feel very much at home But, while Clem Davies, at minister, now the Labour leader in amongst the more elderly Liberals sixty-six years old, was certainly the Lords), tended to take the same in the upper house, it was felt, and feeling his age, Lord Samuel, now line as Lord Rea. Consequently would soon become their leader. fully eighty years of age, was natu- Sinclair, although still entertaining Illness, however, cruelly inter- rally very anxious to stand down ‘grave misgivings’ about his ‘fitness vened when, early in 1952, Viscount as the Liberal Party leader in the for the role’, was highly ‘impressed Thurso suffered a severe . To Davies, Sin- by the unanimity of [his] friends’ which meant that he was unable to clair appeared the ideal successor to advice.44 Sinclair, it seemed, was at take his seat in the Lords until July Herbert Samuel, feeling convinced last destined to go to the House of 1954. Poor again that they could work together har- Lords – in the midst of repeated talk reluctantly agreed to postpone his moniously as a team. Moreover, about electoral reform and future retirement plans as Liberal Party removal of Sinclair to the upper electoral deals with Churchill and leader in the House of Lords. Clem house would mean that he would the Tories. But the envisaged peer- Davies, probably failing to realise never again contest a parliamen- age did not appear overnight, and the seriousness of Thurso’s condi- tary election and would thus much the issue was clouded somewhat tion, sympathised with him but strengthen Davies’s position as by the ever-increasing likelihood expressed the hope that he might party leader. By September the of yet another general election at soon serve on the Liberal Party proposal was well advanced that some point during 1951. As late as Committee.47 Sinclair should be granted a peer- September of that year there was Samuel finally retired as Liberal age with a view to his later suc- renewed conjecture that Sinclair leader in the Lords in June 1955. ceeding Samuel as party leader in might well be inclined to stand yet The idea that Thurso might suc- the Lords. Initially approached by again at Caithness and Sutherland. ceed him, a prospect which cer- Philip Rea, the Liberal chief whip There was even speculation that, tainly appealed to him personally, in the House of Lords, Sinclair had as he was unhappy at the failure of was at once vetoed by his doctor demurred ‘on the grounds among the local Liberal Party to reorgan- and his wife Marigold. The posi- others that I was disinclined to ise itself, he might well stand as a tion then went to Lord Rea, who abandon hope of re-entering the Liberal candidate elsewhere. It was had five years’ experience as Liberal [House of] Commons, that I knew even suggested that Churchill was chief whip there.48 Further minor the job as back-bencher in the prepared to allow him a free run then prevented Viscount Commons but gravely doubted my in his chosen constituency and, Thurso from playing an active part fitness for the high responsibilities if elected there, would promptly in the proceedings of the upper of leading the Party in the strange reward him with ministerial office. house as he had originally hoped. surroundings of the Lords and that There was further conjecture that Sadly, when Clement Davies finally I was deeply reluctant to relinquish an earldom was his for the asking stood down as party leader at the my present name and status for that from the Conservative leader.45 In Folkestone national assembly in of a Peer of the Realm’. Pressed by the event, Sinclair stood nowhere the autumn of 1956, his indiffer- Rea and Clem Davies to recon- in November 1951, simply speaking ent health prevented Thurso (who sider, and assured that Attlee fully on a few Liberal platforms. As the had recently returned from a holi- supported such a move, Sinclair further trial of strength had come so day in Switzerland) from attending flew to London for extended talks quickly, the impoverished Liberal his farewell dinner at the National with Samuel, Rea and other ‘inti- Party could muster only 109 candi- Liberal Club.49 A further even more mate friends’ in the metropolis. dates. They won just 2.5 per cent of severe stroke in 1959 left Thurso a

30 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 archie and clem bed-ridden, only partly conscious 16 The Times, 5 February 1945. January 1949 [recte 1950] (copy). invalid. In this pathetic condi- 17 Election address of Robert MacInnes, 30 Ibid. J3/11i, Sinclair to Davies, 17 Jan- tion he was to survive for another July 1945. uary 1950. eleven years. His condition meant 18 , 22 June 1945. 31 Ibid. J3/12, Davies to Sinclair, 17 Jan- that, very sadly (unlike most of his 19 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Violet uary 1950 (copy). contemporaries), Thurso never had Bonham-Carter Papers, diary entry 32 The Times, 17 February 1950. the opportunity to pen his reminis- for 26–28 July 1945. 33 Ibid., 20 February 1950. cences or publish a volume of war 20 The Times, 1 August 1945. 34 Orkney Herald, 1 November 1949. memoirs. His own side of the story 21 Roy Douglas, The History of the Liberal 35 Parliamentary Archive, House of remains untold with the inevitable Party, 1895–1970 (London: Sidgwick & Lords, Samuel Papers A/155 (xiii), result that Sinclair’s important role Jackson, 1971), p. 249. Sinclair to Samuel, 28 February and contribution have tended to be 22 The Times, 3 August 1945; Manches- 1950. overlooked. ter Guardian, 3 August 1945. Dav- 36 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Violet ies’s position remained somewhat Bonham-Carter Papers, Sinclair to Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archivist insecure. Even in November 1946 it VB-C, 26 February 1950. and Head of the Welsh Political Archive was pointedly reported that he had 37 NLW, Clement Davies Papers J3/14, at the National Library of Wales, been re-elected as ‘chairman’ ‘for the Davies to Sinclair, 22 March 1950 Aberystwyth present session’ only, (The Times, 26 (copy). November 1946), and even at the end 38 Ibid. 1 Parliamentary Archive, House of of 1950 (after five and a half years in 39 Ibid. J3/15, Sinclair to Davies, 28 Lords, Lloyd George Papers G/18/4/4, the position) he voiced his heartfelt March 1950. Sinclair to Lloyd George, 30 January exasperation to Lady Violet Bonham- 40 Ibid. J3/16, Davies to Sinclair, 17 1927; ibid., Samuel Papers A/84, f. 10, Carter, frustratingly referring to April 1950 (copy). Sinclair to Samuel, 3 November 1931. ‘this so-called leadership’. (National 41 Ibid. J3/22, Davies to Sinclair, 25 2 Churchill College, Cambridge, Library of Wales (hereafter NLW), April 1950 (copy). Thurso Papers I/17/4, Sinclair to V. Clement Davies Papers J3/45, Davies 42 Ibid. J3/23, Sinclair to Davies, 3 May Finney, 19 March 1931 (copy). to VB-C, 15 November 1950 [copy]). 1950. 3 For details, see the Liberal Magazine, 23 Cited in de Groot, op. cit., p. 229. 43 Ibid. J3/37, Sinclair to Davies, 5 Sep- 1931, p. 194. 24 The Times, 15 and 26 February 1946, tember 1950 (‘Personal and Secret’). 4 Cited in Alun Wyburn-Powell, Clem- 31 January 1947. 44 Ibid. J3/38, Sinclair to Davies, 14 Sep- ent Davies: Liberal Leader (London: 25 Sinclair to Bonham-Carter, 1 Octo- tember 1950. Politicos, 2003), p. 46. ber 1946; VB-C to Sinclair, 26 Sep- 45 de Groot, op. cit., pp. 235–36. 5 Liberal Magazine, 1931, p. 549. tember and 10 October 1946, cited 46 The Times, 1 January and 16 April 6 Parliamentary Archive, House of in de Groot, op. cit., p. 232; Sinclair 1952. Lords, Samuel Papers A/84, f. 10, Sin- to Churchill, 18 November 1946, 47 NLW, Clement Davies Papers J3/72, clair to Samuel, 3 November 1931. cited in Ian Hunter (ed.), Winston and Davies to Sinclair, 11 January 1952 7 Churchill College, Cambridge, Archie: the Letters of Sir Archibald Sin- (copy). Thurso Papers III/1/3, Sinclair to clair and Winston S. Churchill, 1915–1960 48 Parliamentary Archive, House of Samuel, 14 October 1933 (copy). (London: Politico’s, 2005), p. 430. Lords, Samuel Papers A/144 (i), Sam- 8 Ibid. II/1934/37, Samuel to Sinclair, 26 NLW, Clement Davies papers J3/2, uel to Rea, 7 June 1955 (copy); ibid., 30 October 1933. Sinclair to Davies, 14 February 1949. A/144 (v), Thurso to Samuel, 13 June 9 See the report in The Times, 17 27 Ibid. J3/3, Davies to Sinclair, 16 Feb- 1955. December 1933. ruary 1949 (copy). 49 NLW, Clement Davies Papers J3/85, 10 Sir Percy Harris, Forty Years in and out 28 Ibid. J3/9, Sinclair to Davies, 2 Janu- Thurso to Coss Billson, 31 October of Parliament (London and New York: ary 1950. 1956 (copy). A. Melrose, 1949), p. 126. 29 Ibid. J3/10, Davies to Sinclair, 6 11 Sinclair to Samuel, 21 January 1935, cited in Gerard de Groot, Liberal Cru- sader: the Life of Sir Archibald Sinclair (London: Hurst & Co., 1993), p. 105. Liberal Democrat History Group on the web 12 Cited in Roy Douglas, Liberals: a His- tory of the Liberal and Liberal Democrat Email Parties (London: Hambledon, 2005), Join our email mailing list for news of History Group meetings and publications – the fastest and earliest p. 204. way to find out what we’re doing. To join the list, send a blank email toliberalhistory-subscribe@lists. 13 The National Archives, , PREM libdems.org.uk. 5/209, Sinclair to Churchill, 11 May 1940. Website 14 J. Graham Jones, ‘Clement Davies See www.liberalhistory.org.uk for details of History Group activities, records of all past Journals and and Montgomeryshire politics during past meetings, guides to archive sources, research in progress and other research resources, together the Second World War’, Montgomery- with a growing number of pages on the history of the party, covering particular issues and periods in shire Collections, Vol. 95 (2007), pp. more detail, including lists of party leaders, election results and cabinet ministers. 111–143; David M. Roberts, ‘Clement Davies and the fall of Neville Cham- page berlain’, Welsh History Review, Vol. 8 See us on Facebook for news of the latest meeting, and a discussion forum: (1976–77), pp. 188–215. www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup 15 Harris, op. cit., pp. 150–51.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 31 John Bright great political Campaigner or something more?

In his time – an age of political giants – John Bright was seen as an extraordinary man and his achievements deserve to be better known. Yet he did not feature in the Liberal Democrat History Group’s contest to find the greatest Liberal (see Journal of Liberal History 55 (summer 2007)), for he was not a great politician or statesman, nor did he write any lasting books. Antony Wood reassesses the record, and asks: was Bright simply a great political campaigner, or something more?

32 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 John Bright great political Campaigner or something more?

ohn Bright was a great helped his legacy. In his book Victorian Parliamentary seat of Durham campaigner, an outstand- People, Professor Asa Briggs describes on the twin issues of repeal of the ing orator and a man of John Bright as the ‘the most important and himself as an inde- high integrity who had a figure of mid Victorian radicalism.’1 pendent champion of the common strong impact on national Similarly, A. J. P. Taylor claims that people. During the campaign in lifeJ for over forty years. Neverthe- Bright’s speeches were ‘perhaps the Durham he said, ‘I am a working less, there are issues such as female greatest ever delivered in a Parliamen- man as much as you. I have no inter- suffrage, home rule for Ireland and tary Assembly.’2 In his heyday, Bright est in seeking appointments under proposals for factory reform where would address thousands of people at any government. I have nothing to his stance appears to sit uneas- a time3 and, although he died in 1889 gain by being the tool of any party ily with his strongly held Quaker his speeches were reprinted twice and I come before you as the firm beliefs, and these need to be exam- between 1900 and 1914.4 defender of your rights.’7 He won ined if we want to come to a bal- Born in 1811 to a Northern mill the seat in 1843 and, having become anced view. owner, Bright managed the family an MP, Bright remained one for Although Bright’s career and firm for most of his life, alongside the rest of his life. His next seat achievements have been well docu- being an MP. He first rose to local was Manchester (1847–1857), where mented by historians, it may be that attention in in the 1830s there is still a fine statue of him in his special contribution to Victo- by opposing the introduction of the city centre. After a temporary rian public life and the growth of compulsory church rates,5 and this setback caused by his opposition to Liberalism has been overshadowed local success led on to his involve- the Crimean War (to be discussed by his inability to hold high office ment with the Anti Corn Law later), he went on almost immedi- or to work comfortably with the League, when he was only twenty- ately to be elected MP for Birming- inevitable compromises of political nine (in 1840). Although young, ham (1857). His long tenure there life. The interesting question this he nevertheless became a leading lasted until 1885 and was rounded raises is therefore: how did Bright figure in a campaign of national off by a short period as MP for Bir- become such a powerful influence importance, and it is wrong to think mingham Central until his death in in his day? he had just a bit part in Corn Law 1889, aged 77. Finding the right balance about repeal. At a time when the cam- Not surprisingly, given the Bright and his work is made harder by paign had been going for some influence and experience he gained the fact that it is not the written word years and was faltering his arrival in such a long career, Bright was

which defines him but the spoken. introduced vigour and direction offered high office, albeit not until Bright’s greatest talent lay in his abil- as well as optimism. Bright always he was in his late fifties. However,

ity to address large crowds or packed believed, even against the odds, that he had a dislike of the minutiae assemblies, which nowadays is almost the League would succeed because of administration and the com- a lost art. He was a master orator and, of the justice of its cause.6 promises of power, so neither of given the generally ephemeral nature On the back of this suc- John Bright his two stints in Cabinet lasted of the spoken word, this may not have cess he then campaigned for the (1811–89) very long. He was President of the

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 33 john bright: great political campaigner or something more?

suspicious of Britain’s ‘accidental’ an outstanding orator, capable of Empire’: ‘[It] may lead to a seeming rousing crowds. He displayed vision glory to the Crown and may give and a sound tactical sense by empha- scope for patronage and promotion, sising that free trade, when it came, … but to you, the people, it brings would raise wages and shorten expenditure of blood and treasure, hours. Twenty years later, he was increased debt and taxes and the able to substantiate these claims, added risks of war in every quarter which his opponents had contested, of the globe.’10 Finally, for much of for it was estimated that over the his life, he had a mistrust of the rul- period nearly £500 million worth ing elite which he linked to a genuine of food which the old Corn Laws compassion for the poor. ‘You may would have prohibited had entered have an historical monarchy decked the country. Trade in general had out in the dazzling splendour of expanded beyond expectation and Royalty; you may have an ancient also average wages in most parts nobility settled in grand mansions of the country had risen between and on great estates but, notwith- 30 and 40 per cent.16 In his own standing all of this, the fabric may be lifetime, this most eloquent of the rotten and doomed ultimately to fall, League’s two leaders saw his vision if the great mass of people on who of the political and social benefits of it is supported is poor and suffering repeal come to fruition.17 and degraded.’11 As might be expected, both To understand the importance Bright and Cobden enjoyed great of the repeal of the Corn Laws we popular acclaim for some years need to consider ‘the condition of after the Corn Laws were repealed. England’ – to use Carlyle’s phrase. But all this was to change and they The Corn Law of 1815 (and subse- became virtual outcasts on account quent amendments) was designed to of their opposition to the Crimean protect the profits of landowners by War, which started in 1854.18 They Board of Trade for two years until prohibiting imports of foreign corn attacked the war as immoral, he resigned in 1868, ostensibly on below a certain price. This thresh- unnecessary and expensive (it cost health grounds, and he held the old price was set punitively high, in £500 million) and this stance made sinecure of Chancellor of the Duchy effect leaving the nation reliant on them very unpopular.19 However, of Lancaster twice. The latter post the home harvest and unable to bal- as Asa Briggs has noted, ‘It is a he left in protest at the bombard- ance out any shortages with cheap sign of John Bright’s greatness that ment of Alexandria (1882) and it imports from abroad.12 As a result, he never trimmed his sails on this is typical of Bright that he should if the British harvest was bad, rents issue’, and during the course of the both be careless of the trappings of rose and the poor literally starved.13 conflict he made two of his great- office and that he should resign on At this time wealthier families gen- est speeches.20 On 23 February 1855, a matter of principle. But it is also erally ate meat, whilst the middle speaking of the excessive casualties symptomatic of his personality that classes could mostly afford bread he said, ‘The angel of death has been he found being in the Cabinet diffi- as their staple diet. However meat abroad throughout the land; you cult. As an orator he was at his best and bread was too expensive for the may almost hear his wings.’21 Then, where he could outline the scope, poor, which left many people sur- in a speech about a year into the seriousness and possibilities of prob- viving on a diet of potatoes, turnips war, he ended with this peroration: lems rather than having to imple- and other poor foodstuffs – a prac- ‘Let it not be said that I am alone in ment the solution.8 tice known as ‘clemming.’ In 1842 my condemnation of this war and Having briefly reviewed Bright’s the number of paupers in Britain of this incapable and guilty Admin- career it is now time to examine was estimated at 1.4 million or 10 istration. Even if I were alone … I his legacy more closely. His stature per cent of the population, and such have … the priceless consolation rests on his ability to oppose Gov- people faced malnutrition or starva- that no word of mine has tended ernment by arguing for what he tion on a regular basis.14 However, to promote the squandering of my felt was right, as opposed to what Cobden and Bright campaigned country’s treasure or the spilling of a was popular, pragmatic or expedi- throughout the country, using single drop of my country’s blood.’22 ent. Evidence of this can be seen in every method of raising support In only two and a half years the Bright’s stance on four emblematic (the press, public opinion and pop- war had led to about 40,000 deaths topics of the day, namely: the Corn ulist meetings etc.) and the Anti- (Bright’s figure), and a commission Laws; the Crimean War (1854–1856); Corn Law League became, perhaps, of enquiry into the competence of the American Civil War (1861–1865); the first modern pressure group.15 the military was set up.23 However, and, later, electoral reform. These techniques brought them suc- especially in the early stages, the As a background to these specific cess in 1846, when the Corn Laws conflict had touched a strong, even campaigns we should note three con- were repealed, and indeed presaged jingoistic, streak within the British, tinuing themes. First is his distrust the form that political campaigning which , as prime minis- of war as a sensible act of policy. He would take in the years ahead. ter, cleverly manipulated and those did not feel ‘it is our duty to med- During this campaign Bright who opposed the war, like Bright, dle everywhere’.9 Secondly, he was showed himself to be more than just were vilified as unpatriotic.

34 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 john bright: great political campaigner or something more?

After one piece of compelling a possible of war against France), reform, even though a complex oratory about the war, Disraeli com- Bright took the courageous view process was further complicated plimented him saying, ‘I would give that the American Civil War was by regular changes of government all that I ever had to have made that different, since it was really about (six in fifteen years) and by the vari- speech.’ Bright’s reply was typically freedom – and the defence of free- ous leaders playing musical chairs. severe: ‘Well, you might have made dom was a greater cause than being It’s true Bright was not a supporter it if you had been honest!’24 Initially, anti-war. Certainly, the Americans either of universal male suffrage or however, the war was very popu- appreciated his contribution. After of women having the vote, none- lar and, as has been said, Bright’s 1865 and the war’s end, Bright was theless by the mid 1860s he was, in uncompromising anti-war stance often told that he was the most pop- effect both an advisor and an activ- took its toll. During 1856 and 1857 ular man in America: ‘… if he came ist for the reform movement, con- he had what we would now call a we would scatter flowers before him stantly warning, exhorting and nervous breakdown and it took some all the way to the sea.’31 President advising.36 In particular, he alerted time for him to regain his original Lincoln had his picture in his office, the nation to the need for land vigour.25 When he did recover, he and fifty years later Trevelyan reform and, at a time when the cit- once again became involved with summed up Bright’s contribution ies were very much in limelight, he two other campaigns with clear during this period with the com- brought the issue of rural poverty to moral implications – the American ment: ‘When the wise were blind he the fore.37 Once again, campaign- Civil War and electoral reform. made half England see.’32 ing meant an arduous programme 1861 saw the start of the Ameri- In the latter part of his career of speeches, but these helped to can Civil War, and, in common Bright championed the cause of increase the pressure on the gov- with much of public opinion, the electoral reform. Even though he ernment.38 However, being the British government was minded to changed his style he was still very head of the campaign meant he also support the South. Had this become effective and he tempered his ora- took the full brunt of the aggressive official policy it could well have led tory so as not to offend either the opposition to reform.39 Eventually to a worldwide revival of slavery, church or the aristocracy. Also, he all the passion and hard work paid let alone severe damage to the good mollified his stance with colleagues off and in 1867 a Tory instigated name of Britain internationally.26 so that his influence became more Reform Act was passed, which From a modern standpoint this may of a unifying force. Rather than Bright thought more or less mir- seem surprising, but at the time there splitting those elements which rored his own proposals of 1859.40 was a feeling amongst the middle eventually came together in 1859 Unfortunately, in an article of classes in Britain that the Southern- (and the ensuing years) to form this length there is not space to cover ers were brave, well-mannered gen- the new Liberal party, he worked all the areas of Bright’s political tlemen ‘who were being bullied by hard to maintain unity.33 Thus involvement, such as India etc., nor the Yankees.’27 Also the North was another of Bright’s achievements is that the intention. A change in per- seen as having started the war against was to be an important member spective is the aim, and others will the ‘gallant little South,’ which of that group of Whigs, Radicals need to carry out a more extensive believed in free trade and which, and who came together evaluation. However, before tak- tellingly, had become home to many to plan the defeat of Lord ’s ing stock of a man who was famous British former cotton workers. Tory administration at a meeting and influential in his time, there are Of course, set against such issues in Willis’s Tea Rooms in 1859. This three issues on which he has been as human rights and freedom these meeting is generally considered to severely criticised. First, Bright was feelings were quite lightweight. have consolidated the expansion a mill owner who from time to time Nonetheless, it took the best efforts of the Liberal Party. A year before opposed efforts to improve the lot of various individuals, including this, in 1858, Bright had started of workers, for example Wilber- Prince Albert, the Duke of Argyll, his campaign for electoral reform force’s Ten Hour Act. In fact, all the Mill, Cobden and Bright, to reverse with another famous speech, say- evidence is that he treated his own such views.28 Nor should we think ing, ‘Let us have a real (reform) Bill workers well but objected to the pro- this was some arcane international or no Bill at all.’34 He now thought posed method of reform, via legisla- issue. The blockade of Southern that, rather than trying to change tion. He thought this was the state ports caused a shortage of cotton, the system of franchise, it was tac- interfering improperly between con- which then threw operatives in the tically better to concentrate on tracting parties, who should, he felt, British mills out of work, including seeking fairer representation (i.e. ‘The angel agree necessary changes amongst those in Bright’s own factory. How- the right balance of electors to themselves.41 Secondly, with regard ever, despite these pressures, British MPs) and to introduce secret bal- of death has to Ireland – another area for which workers refused to fall in line with lots.35 Although the current elec- been abroad he is criticised – Bright opposed Irish the government’s wish to support toral rules prevented five out of six home rule becoming, in effect, a Lib- the slave owners and speed the war’s men from voting, Bright realised throughout eral Unionist and fell out with Glad- end.29 It is interesting to note that, that sorting out the franchise sys- stone. He disliked and distrusted the during the war, Bright, despite his tem, grossly unfair though it was, the land; you ‘rebel’ Irish politicians and felt that pacifist background, wrote to Presi- would have to wait. Strategically what Ireland needed was proper dent Lincoln to say that the fighting the time was not right. may almost protection for the Protestant minor- should not end until slavery had In fact, during the years leading ity, plus a period of consolidation for been abolished.30 up to the introduction by Disraeli hear his the land system.42 Finally, there is So, despite having opposed of the secret ballot (1872), steady the question of Bright’s objection to the Crimean War (together with progress was made on electoral wings.’ female suffrage, a stance for which he

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 35 john bright: great political campaigner or something more? came under regular attack, not least On this Northern mill owner and of rela- 5 Duncan Brack (ed.) Dictionary of Lib- from his sister. At one point he had tively humble origins, he provided eral Biography (Politico’s, 1998), p. 55. theoretically been open to the idea, record John the Nonconformist movement with See also a good summary of Bright’s even supporting a John Stuart Mill political leadership and gave a voice career in Jonathan Parry, The Rise and proposal to extend the franchise to Bright stands to the grievances of many poor peo- Fall of Liberal Government (Yale Uni- women. However he was opposed ple. To do all this took a very special versity Press, 1993), p. 320. in general to the idea of women comparison person for on many issues he had 6 Miles Taylor, Dictionary of National MPs, and in 1871 he wrote, ‘I do not the exceptional gift of being able to Biography online (Oxford University think the bestowal of the Suffrage with many connect politics with emotion and Press, 2004–10), p. 3 of the entry on on Women will be of any advan- other great use ‘poetry’ to invest old feelings Bright. tage to them and I fear, at present, with confidence and clarity.49 It is 7 G. M. Trevelyan, The Life of John and perhaps always, it will tend to Liberals, a measure of the man that, in 1883, Bright (Constable, 1913), p. 113. strengthen the Party which hitherto on the anniversary of his forty years 8 John Vincent, Formation of the Brit- has opposed every good measure and his story in parliament, half a million of his ish Liberal Party (Constable, 1966 and passed during the past thirty years.’43 constituents lined the streets of Bir- Harper and Row, 1976), p. 171. In summing up this paradoxical deserves mingham. The old radical had been 9 Duncan Brack and Tony Little (eds.), man it is easy to see why he upset accepted.50 Great Liberal Speeches (Politico’s, people such as the aristocracy and to be more On this record John Bright 2001), p. 139. Church leaders. Also, it is tempt- stands comparison with many 10 Duncan Brack and Robert Ingham ing to try and assess him for what widely other great Liberals, and his story (eds.), Dictionary of Liberal Quotations he wasn’t – an intellectual, a great deserves to be more widely known. (Politico’s, 1999), p. 29. writer or a towering politician.44 It known. Bright – the first Quaker in Cabi- 11 Ibid, p. 28. is also true that he was not good at net; champion of free trade; scourge 12 G. M. Trevelyan, The Life of John legislative form, such as statistical of a complacent establishment; pil- Bright (Constable, 1913), p. 53. analysis and the special demands of lar of electoral reform; key founder 13 Ibid., p. 49. for, as we have seen, of the Liberal party; anti-war 14 Ibid., p. 59. Bright was more a man of the plat- leader; enemy of over-interference 15 Brack and Little, op. cit., p. xix. form than the council chamber.45 by the State and man of principle in 16 Trevelyan, op, cit., p. 83. Bright However, set against these criticisms the murky world of politics – per- speaking in his home town of Roch- are some truly major campaigning haps deserves better than he has got dale and quoting Parliamentary fig- achievements, and it is these that so far. Add to this his power as an ures for imports. underpin John Bright’s legacy. orator and successes as a campaigner 17 Briggs, op. cit., p. 214. Together Bright and Cobden and you have a man to outlast the 18 Ibid., p. 221. helped saved thousands of lives years. Of very few people was it 19 Olive Anderson, A Liberal State at War through their successful efforts to ever said, ‘MPs would rush into the (St Martin’s Press, 1967), pp. 163 and repeal the Corn Laws and many, House if they heard he was to be 207. During the war, Sir Arthur Elton particularly those in the poorer called,’51 and this oratory still reso- published sixty-seven penny tracts classes, never forgot what he had nates today: saying that, since the original casus done for them.46 Almost single- belli had been removed, then the handedly Bright opposed the [For we] are bound by the sacred war was simply interventionist and Crimean War, especially at the duty to examine why it is, with opportunist. It is reckoned that in one start. Between 1861 and 1865 he led all this trade, all this industry year the war cost 92 per cent of the the successful movement to support and all this personal freedom, value of British exports. not the South but the North in the there is still so much that is 20 Briggs, op. cit., p. 221. American Civil War. Bright then unsound at the base of our social 21 Brack and Ingham, op. cit., p. 28. successfully headed the campaign fabric.52 22 Brack and Little, op. cit., p. 121. for electoral reform which resulted 23 Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 248. It is almost in improved representation, a fairer Antony Wood is a Liberal Demo- impossible to find accurate figures for franchise and, eventually, in the crat councillor in the Royal Borough of the total number of dead over the two ballot becoming secret in 1872. As Windsor and Maidenhead. Before that and half years of the war. However in much as anyone he created the con- he served in the army and then worked in a speech in Birmingham on 28 Octo- ditions for the formation and sur- business. ber 1858 Bright talks about ‘40,000 vival of the Liberal Party. Whilst men sent to perish … in the Crimea,’ working towards this latter goal he 1 Asa Briggs, Victorian People (Univer- whilst on p. 251 Trevelyan quotes altered his style, so that the aggres- sity of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 205. Bright’s letter to Charles Villiers: sive, trenchant Bright became more On p. 206 he also makes the point ‘the Russian War spent about £500 tolerant of both colleagues and that Bright’s politics were concerned millions.’ opponents. He moderated his lan- not with expediency but moral 24 Ibid., p 245. guage, but not his values, for the principles. 25 Taylor, Dictionary of National Biography greater good.47 2 A. J. P. Taylor, The Trouble Makers online, p. 7 of the entry on Bright. His legacy in terms of the sur- (Hamish Hamilton, 1957), p. 62. 26 Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 297. vival and growth of Liberalism 3 G. M. Trevelyan, The Life of John 27 Ibid., p. 30l. However, to get the should not be understated. He left Bright (Constable, 1913), pp. 80 and 88. sense of why so many people initially Gladstone his supporters and his 4 Keith Robbins, John Bright supported the South and how this method and made Liberalism more (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979), p. view was changed, with the conse- than just a creed.48 Despite being a xvi. quent effect of improving England’s

36 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 letters

reputation in the victorious 36 Brack and Little, op. cit., p. 127: approaching 1,000 in the do something and not just talk. North, it is worth reading the Bright speaking in Birmingham autumn, falling to around 500 I was impressed! whole chapter – pp. 296–327. In on 27 October 1858, where, in by the following summer. I In the summer of 1961 we fact Lincoln personally invited the previous year, he had been believe that the Conservative canvassed in Penrith & the him to visit the US – p. 327 – and elected MP. This speech was the and Labour clubs were rather Border for a remarkable lady had Bright’s picture in his office; start of a sustained campaign on larger. I don’t agree with Dr named Nancy Powell who was Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 296. See electoral reform which lasted a Hatton that they were ‘social one of the tiny handful of full- also Taylor, Dictionary of National number of years. members’. They were politically time Liberal agents. We had a Biography online, p. 9 of the entry 37 Vincent, op. cit., p. 193. interested students with general great time and in general chat on Bright. 38 Ibid., p. 177. Liberal sympathies. Club officers I argued that the party needed 28 Trevelyan, op. cit., p. 296. 39 Taylor, Dictionary of National were, I think, committed Liber- better organisation – a good 29 Ibid., p. 308. Biography online, p. 9 of the entry als. The Liberal Party Group agent was far more important 30 Ibid., p. 318. on Bright. which met on Sunday after- than a good candidate. Six 31 Ibid., p. 327. As told to Mr E. J. 40 Ibid., p. 10. noons was for committed Liber- months later Nancy wrote to Broadfield whilst on a trip to 41 Trevelyan, op. cit., pp. 154–60. als. We discussed policy issues, ask me if I really meant it and America in 1880. 42 Ibid., pp. 444–47. usually with an expert speaker would I like a job for a year as 32 Ibid., p. 297. 43 Ibid., p. 380. from the University or else- agent for Carlisle Liberals! 33 John Vincent, Formation of the 44 Vincent, op. cit., p. 186. where. There were also Study So I deferred teacher train- British Liberal Party (Constable, 45 Hawkins, op. cit., p. 158 et seq. to Groups developing policy and ing for a year and worked for 1966 and Harper & Row, 1976), 161. reporting to the Club or LPG, the party in Carlisle and then p. 184. 46 Taylor, Dictionary of National but I can’t remember what these Penrith & the Border from 34 Brack and Little, op. cit., p. Biography online, p. 4 of the entry achieved, and I can find nothing June 1962 to September 1963, 123. In this speech Bright also on Bright. On 8 July 1846, 12,000 relevant in my files! and then June to September compared the English electoral people in Rochdale paraded a Relations between the 1964. It was a fascinating expe- arrangements unfavourably loaf with ‘Cobden’ and ‘Bright’ Oxford Club and the National rience and it also led me to a with the American system (pp. inscribed on its sides, and that Union of Liberal Students were teaching post in Carlisle and, 133 and 134). By this time the US same year a bookcase worth acrimonious. I think this was rather reluctantly, to becom- had secret ballots and ‘an equal £5,000 and containing 1,200 because some Oxford students ing parliamentary candidate allotment of Members to elec- books was presented to him. had staged a sort of coup d’état for Penrith & the Border tors.’ No doubt Bright was cor- 47 Hawkins, op. cit., p. 162. at the 1959 ULS conference, but 1966–69. It was in this role that rect in what he said but this view 48 Vincent, op. cit., p. 162. these new ULS officers aban- I observed the reaction of local was unlikely to make him new 49 Ibid., p. 168. See also Taylor, Dic- doned the Oxford Club and Liberals to the Young Liberal friends. tionary of National Biography online, refused to attend our meetings. agitation and their attacks on 35 Angus Hawkins, Parliament, p. 12 of the entry on Bright. They then launched a termly the Party leadership discussed Party and the Art of Politics in Brit- 50 Ibid. p. 11. tabloid newspaper, allegedly in Journal 68. ain, 1855–59 (Macmillan Press, 51 Briggs, op. cit., p. 225. jointly with the ULS, with a Locally, was 1987), p. 158 et seq. to 162. 52 Brack and Little, op. cit., p. 145. national circulation. It was a liked; while lacking Grimond’s financially disastrous fiasco, gravitas he had a flair for pub- and they then came to us with licity, quick wit and repartee, the bills, which we had to pay – and he seemed better than Gri- an unhappy story! mond at ‘meeting the people’. On the other hand, we had We thought that he, and we, excellent relations with Party had quite enough to do in fight- Headquarters in London. I met ing Tories and Labour – we Tommy Nudds at 58 Victoria didn’t need YL troublemakers Letters Street to discuss possible par- as well! liamentary candidates and how I was personally surprised Young Liberals we could help party organisa- by George Kiloh’s emergence The report on the Young Lib- four years at Oxford I heard all tions. We helped at by-elections (at least in press reports) as a erals in the 1960s in Journal of the then Liberal MPs and lead- and at Oxford City elections (I wild radical, for I’d known him Liberal History 68 (autumn 2010), ing Liberal peers. Mr Grimond was a candidate in May 1964) in the OU Liberal Club and and Dr Peter Hatton’s comment came twice. Aspiring parlia- and there were canvassing couldn’t recall him ever saying (Journal 69) suggests the follow- mentarians like Mark Bonham tours in the summer vacations anything revolutionary. In an ing reflections, based on my Carter, Desmond Banks and – North Devon in 1959, New- effort to attract younger mem- recollections supported by my , Liberal aca- bury in 1960. bers we invited Terry Lacey to diary entries and documents I demics like Lord Beveridge and Talks on party policy were visit the constituency. His repu- hold. party organisers such as Pratap interesting but I was more tation provoked some qualms I joined the Oxford Univer- Chitnis gave us their time. impressed by , PPC on my executive, but what he sity Liberal Club in 1959 and The first Liberal I heard was for Oxford, who spoke to LPG actually said was entirely mod- was president in the summer of Jeremy Thorpe, who addressed in October 1959. He said how- erate and sensible. There were 1961. The Club’s main activity a packed and triumphant meet- ever splendid our policies they two radical features of his talk: was to run weekly meetings. ing at the Union two weeks were no good if we couldn’t instead of using a lectern, he We were fortunate that lead- after his North Devon victory implement them. The party sat on a desk and chatted to the ing Liberals and other eminent in October 1959. needed local organisation and audience, and instead of dark people readily accepted our Club membership was local campaigns to fight and suit, collar and tie, he wore a invitations to speak, so in my on a termly basis and it was win local elections so we could sweater and jeans …

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 37 reports

Overall I think we decided that party policy far away in London or been lowered, leaving ’s the Young Liberals were prob- at party conferences did not really claims to radicalism seeming less ably rather naive young people, concern us. They were no more absurd. being encouraged and exploited than a minor annoyance for us, and But then Dr Salmon asked why by our opponents in the Tory press I don’t suppose they had any effect we persist in painting the 1832 Act to damage Liberal credibility. at all on the voters. as such a great landmark in this Rumours of intrigues and rows on John Howe country’s political history. He pro- vided two explanations, the first of which concerned the impact of the legislation and the campaign for reform on the relationship between the people and parliament. Dr Salmon showed how parlia- mentary reform had been on the reports agenda of radical politicians and activists since the 1770s. He traced the political cause back to decades- old concerns about the dominance The Great Reform Act of 1832: its legacy and of the executive and its ideological roots back to the French revolution influence on the Coalition’s reform agenda and the works of . Evening meeting, 24 January 2011, with Dr Philip Salmon He explained that, by the 1820s, campaigners for a diverse range of and dr Mark Pack; Chair: William Wallace. causes, including banking reform, Report by Neil Stockley free trade, lower taxation, religious and the rights of local communities, had coalesced around oon after he became deputy comparable to the expansion that the cause of parliamentary reform. prime minister in May 2010, took place in the decade leading up Political unions were vital in rally- SNick Clegg promised that the to 1832. The proportion of adult ing middle-class support, especially Conservative–Liberal Democrat men who could vote rose after 1832 in Manchester. The cause was coalition would enact ‘the most from 13.5 per cent to 18 per cent. framed as a ‘restoration’ of a consti- significant programme of reform Some of the growth could be attrib- tution that had been usurped by the by a British government since the uted to the natural expansion in the ruling classes and the reforging of a nineteenth century … the biggest size of the franchise, as a result of – largely mythical – bond between shake-up of our democracy since population and economic growth the Commons and the nation. 1832’.1 during the previous decade. Dr Salmon was at his most At first, Nick Clegg’s assertion Moreover, after 1832, thousands interesting and insightful when he seemed overblown, a classic case of men lost the franchise, as a result discussed the ways in which the bill of political hyperbole. After all, of the new requirements on electors captured the public imagination. liberal-minded historians have long to register to vote and to keep up The passage of the 1832 Act marked seen the 1832 Act, in widening the to date with paying their rates in the culmination of eighteen months franchise and redistributing repre- order to do so. Dr Salmon cited the Liberal- of debate. The final form of the sentation, as a foundation of mod- examples of Lancaster, where 3,000 legislation was shaped in impor- ern democracy. Dr Philip Salmon non-resident freemen lost their vot- minded his- tant ways by public interventions of the History of Parliament Trust, ing rights, and also Preston, where and community action, with the the first speaker at the meeting, the new requirements for registra- torians have original bill changed substantially claimed that the 1832 Act occupies tion and paying rates disadvantaged as a result of appeals, petitions to ‘a central place in the constitutional thousands of low-paid workers. Dr long seen the the Commons (which carried much development of the British political Salmon estimated that for every more weight than they do now) and system’. He said that the legislation eleven men who gained the vote as 1832 Act, in representations to ministers. Dur- forced politicians to engage with a result of the new household fran- ing this process, freemen protested the electorate and restored public chise, five lost their right to vote widening the against attacks on their voting faith in a political system that had because of the ratepayer require- rights, and the government made been discredited. ment. He added that those who lost franchise and important concessions. A provi- But Dr Salmon also questioned out came disproportionately from redistribut- sion in the original bill to reduce some of the enduring myths and, the ‘lower orders’. the number of MPs by 10 per cent in particular, the extent to which Dr Salmon also reminded the ing represen- was abandoned, for example, and the 1832 Act accelerated the enfran- meeting that, after the 1832 Act was the number of new constituencies chisement of the . passed, very little really changed tation, as a under the legislation was doubled. He explained that the growth in in British politics. The same sorts The wide public dialogue and the size of the English electorate of elites still ran the country, foundation consultation conferred a powerful after 1832 was, in fact, very modest: pocket boroughs still existed and sense of legitimacy on the reforms. from 435,000 before the Act was electoral violence and bribery of modern When it was finally passed, the 1832 passed, to 614,000 afterwards, an remained endemic. The bar for Act was greeted by public celebra- increase of just 14 per cent, a figure political reform seemed to have democracy. tions on a scale usually reserved

38 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 reports for triumphs on the battlefield. Dr Perhaps durable. Dr Salmond concluded – multi-member constituencies or Salmon suggested that this experi- though he could have said more on proportional representation is used, ence carried valuable lessons for the most this point – that the new political should produce a more diverse today’s politicians and activists consensus provided the basis of Vic- parliament. about how to re-engage with the significant torian democracy. But Dr Pack’s assertions about public and legitimise major politi- Dr Mark Pack, formerly the the likely impacts of adopting the cal reforms. But perhaps the most insight of the head of innovations at Liberal alternative vote, if it passes, were significant insight of the evening Democrat party HQ, seemed more open to argument. He sug- was Dr Salmon’s contention that evening was to defend Nick Clegg’s claim to gested that AV would, in time, the manner in which political radicalism when he argued that the reduce the number of ‘safe’ seats reform was carried out had a pow- Dr Salmon’s coalition’s planned constitutional in the Commons – that is, con- erful impact on how the public contention and political reforms are as radical stituencies that seldom or never accepted and used their new rights. as any since 1832. Dr Pack reminded change their party allegiances. A By contrast, in 2011 the coali- that the the meeting of the sheer scale of comparison may be made with the tion’s reforms have not, in them- the coalition’s plans. In addition to Australian House of Representa- selves, been the subject of huge manner in the AV referendum they include: tives which is elected using AV, as public debate and they have not five-yearly reviews of constituency are the ‘lower houses’ in all but one attracted a great deal of enthusi- which politi- boundaries; a 10 per cent reduction of that country’s state legislatures. asm. They stem largely from the in the number of MPs; the intro- Over recent decades, the propor- coalition parties’ own agendas, cal reform duction of fixed-term parliaments; tion of safe seats in Australia does which overlap in some areas (such the introduction of elections for not appear to be markedly smaller as the recall of MPs and reducing was carried the House of Lords; a new power to that in the UK. Whatever its the size of the Commons) but not for voters to ‘recall’ MPs who are other merits, AV may not succeed in others. The AV referendum, to out had a found guilty of major misdemean- in building new links between the be the subject of the first UK-wide ours; and an overhaul of the way in people and their representatives or referendum since 1975, represents powerful which political parties are funded. restore public faith in politics in the a compromise between the Con- Dr Pack contended that, of all the ways that are often suggested. servative Party, strong supporters impact on constitutional and political reforms Dr Pack also suggested that AV of first past the post, and the Liberal since 1832, only those enacted by would eventually give birth to a Democrats, who have long called how the pub- the Blair government after 1997 more respectful, more civilised for proportional representation were comparable in their radical- form of politics, as parties had to for all Westminster elections. At lic accepted ism. He developed this theme by reach out to their opponents’ vot- the time of writing, however, the and used discussing the potential impacts ers, to ask for their second, third referendum on replacing the first- of the coalition’s planned reforms and fourth preferences. On this past-the-post (FPTP) voting system their new on the political system – although basis, he compared a shift to AV for the Commons with alternative his suggestions were, inevitably, to the introduction of electoral voting (AV) has still not been held. rights. speculative because the changes are registers for its potential impact The campaign has hardly begun. As not yet in place and nobody can be on Britain’s political culture. But a result, it is impossible to draw any sure what effect they will have on observers of Australian politics may conclusions about the process for the unforeseeable political environ- not recognise Dr Pack’s implied change or the extent of its public ments of the future. description of that country’s politi- legitimacy. On some points, Dr Pack was on cal discourse. The second reason that led Dr strong ground. He contended that Dr Pack was doubtful – cor- Salmon to see the 1832 Act as a the move to fixed-term parliaments rectly, in my view – that the cur- historical landmark that ‘spoke could alter the course of political rent coalition’s reform programme to the modern age’ concerned its history. As Dr Pack pointed out, would bring about a great resur- political and constitutional legacy. in autumn 2007, gence in the public’s interest or He believed that the development marched his troops up the hill, confidence in politics. Even so, the of political parties that were estab- when he planned an early general precise changes in political culture lished nationally and organised election, only to have to march that may flow from the coalition locally was a consequence of the them back down again. His prime government’s planned reforms are cumbersome and adversarial new ministership never recovered from very hard to predict; even if all of process for registering voters. this act of cyncism and failure of the reforms eventuate, making any There were also legal and financial political nerve. But Mr Brown firm comparisons with the Great restrictions on registration. These could not have been tempted to ‘go Reform Act of 1832 and its after- factors encouraged voter indiffer- early’ had the 2005 parliament been math somewhat hazardous. ence and laziness and left the parties elected on a fixed term. and political clubs with little choice Dr Pack was surely correct when Neil Stockley is director of a public but to organise themselves effec- argued that quinquennial elec- affairs company and a frequent con- tively, including at local level, to toral boundary reviews will have tributor to the Journal of Liberal ensure that their supporters were on a profound impact on individual History. the electoral register. Moreover, he political careers and even, I suggest, argued, the redistribution of Com- on the outcomes of some future 1 See http://www.cabinetoffice. mons seats, particularly in favour of general elections. Similarly, I agree gov.uk/news/nick-clegg-speech- counties, produced a representative that the election of the House of on-constitutional-reform for a full system that was more stable and Lords, assuming that some form of transcript.

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 39 Reviews

A coalition is born , 22 Days in May (Biteback, 2010); , 5 Days to Power (Biteback, 2010) Reviewed by David Howarth

t remains to be seen whether though has claimed that the 2010 Conservative–Liberal the Liberal Democrats’ change of IDemocrat coalition is a one-off position on that issue demonstrates curiosity or a decisive break in that they had intended to go with the pattern of British politics, and the Conservatives all along. Laws whether it marks the dawn of a new thinks that Balls might not have era of Liberal influence or the par- read his own party’s position paper, ty’s final twilight. But when writ- which would be consistent with ing the coalition’s history becomes Wilson’s account of the catastrophi- possible, these two instant books cally chaotic nature of Labour’s about its genesis by practising poli- conduct of the talks; but whatever ticians – one a Liberal Democrat the explanation, the document negotiator, the other a Conserva- itself is clear.3 tive backbencher – will provide More generally, the docu- valuable information. Although ments show that Labour’s offer published in the midst of contro- was roughly equivalent to that of versy about the events they depict – the Conservatives, even after the not so much products of the Owl of Conservatives matched Labour on a Minerva as of Vulcan’s forge – what referendum on the alternative vote they lose through partisanship they (AV) system. On constitutional more than make up in immediacy reform, both offered fixed-term of recall and access to key players. parliaments,4 recall of MPs, the David Laws, especially, was at the Wright Committee reforms of the centre of events, and his account is Commons, party funding reform considerably enhanced by his use of along Hayden Phillips’ lines, contemporaneous notes taken for regulation of lobbyists, the Calman the Lib Dem negotiating team by reforms for Scotland, a referendum the estimable Alison Suttie, then on expanding the Welsh Assem- head of Nick Clegg’s office. bly’s powers and a proportionally Sceptical future histori- elected Lords. There were differ- ans might ask whether either ences: Labour, for example, offered account is complete, but they will a convention on moving to a writ- undoubtedly be grateful that Laws ten constitution and consideration reproduces as appendices several of votes at the age of sixteen, crucial documents, including both whereas the Conservatives offered Labour’s and the Conservatives’ moving more quickly to individual opening bargaining positions.1 voter registration. On balance Although he reveals no Liberal Labour’s constitutional reform offer Democrat material from the post- was stronger, but on taxation the election period, he provides enough Conservative offer was stronger: for a decent understanding of the guaranteed early moves towards a course of the negotiations even £10,000 personal allowance funded without commentary. Indeed, a by increases in capital gains tax good way to read these books is to and a firm policy of prioritising look first at Laws’ documents, then further moves in the same direc- at Rob Wilson’s weaving together tion. Labour offered only a review. of accounts by leading participants, The Conservatives also led on extra before turning finally to Laws’ funding for schools to reflect num- first-person account.2 bers of low-income background Conservatives produced a longer The documents establish, for pupils (the ‘pupil premium’), but list of agreed policies but the crucial example, that Labour was prepared only because Labour insisted on difference was that Labour offered to make early (that is, in 2010–11) telling schools what to spend the a 40 per cent ‘low-carbon’ target cuts in public expenditure, even premium on. On green issues, the for electricity production, whereas

40 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 reviews the Conservatives would ‘seek’ to government made an immediate day after the election with David increase the target for ‘renewable’ start on deficit reduction. They Cameron’s ‘big, open and compre- energy. That is, Labour offered comforted themselves that the hensive offer’, a move the Liberal a specific target, but one that precise amount (£6 billion or 0.5 Democrat team had anticipated. included nuclear power, whereas per cent of GDP) was too low seri- Nick Clegg, citing his commit- the Conservatives were vaguer ously to affect aggregate demand, ment to talk first to the party with on the target but more helpful but they hoped it would work as a the better mandate, fended off on nuclear. The position on civil signal. an attempt by Gordon Brown to and justice was similar to In favour of the Liberal Demo- bulldoze his way into the process, that on constitutional reform. The crat policy shift, as Jacques Attali although contacts with Labour Labour and Conservative offers pointed out in a contemporaneous started secretly. The Conservatives greatly overlapped (restoration of book, much read across the Chan- treated the Liberal Democrats with protest rights, the Scottish DNA nel but entirely ignored here,5 considerable respect (‘as grown ups’, retention rules, no biometrics from sovereign debt crises depend more Wilson reports), whereas Labour children without parental consent, on confidence than on the numbers. treated them as inferiors, tending to CCTV regulation, extension of Nevertheless the UK’s numbers didacticism. Nevertheless, the Lib- freedom of information), but nei- looked solid. The debt was over- eral Democrat–Conservative nego- ther mentioned protection of the whelmingly held domestically and tiations stalled on electoral reform, Human Rights Act. The Labour in sterling, and the refinancing and the Conservatives moved proposal, however, offered some timetable was, by international to offer a progress on criminal defendants’ standards, comfortable.6 Moreover, arrangement instead of full coali- rights, a review of short prison sen- the decision crucially depended tion. Negotiations with Labour tences and an ‘extensive roll-out’ of on an imponderable issue of com- then intensified, but the stumbling restorative justice. The Conserva- parative irrationality, namely on block was the immensely unpopu- tives offered nothing on criminal whether financial markets are more lar Brown’s personal position. The justice, but were committed to the easily moved by symbolic gestures Liberal Democrats did not want, in complete repeal of the identity card than the real economy. As another Laws’ (or rather Vergil’s) words to legislation. Labour would only contemporaneous economic analy- be ‘chained to a decaying corpse’,10 agree to freeze its national identity sis pointed out, in the real economy and put pressure on Brown, very system for one parliament. much turns on Keynes’ ‘animal much resented by some in Labour, But there is much the documents spirits’ – the confidence entrepre- to go. After much misunderstand- do not explain, for which one must neurs need to make investments.7 ing about his intentions, Brown turn to the narratives. They explain Expectations of public spending eventually announced his resigna- neither why the Liberal Democrats cuts would dampen those spirits. tion as Labour leader. changed their stance on deficit To make a new judgment on the Just before Brown’s announce- reduction nor why what looks like balance between raising confidence ment, the Liberal Democrat parlia- a close race for a deal resulted so in the financial markets and lower- mentary party somewhat bizarrely quickly in a decisive Conservative ing it in the real economy in the decided that it preferred a coalition victory. The puzzle is heat of an election campaign, and with either party to a confidence The Liberal Democrat mani- to put it into operation immedi- and supply agreement. Laws’ expla- festo position was that net public not that the ately thereafter is, to say the least, nation of that decision, which had expenditure should not fall in courageous. According to Wilson, fateful effects, was that the parlia- 2010–11 and thereafter the struc- party took the Liberal Democrat leadership mentary party came to believe that tural deficit should be eliminated took no external advice about the confidence and supply agreements over eight years, with half achieved one view or issue, or about the separate issue delivered less power than coali- within four. The eventual Con–Lib of accelerated deficit reduction. tion but no escape from blame for agreement proposed £6 billion another, but Both the Treasury and the Bank unpopular government policies. in spending cuts in 2010–11, with of England would have reinforced If that was the real reason, it was some of the proceeds ploughed back that it did the acceleration view, given half a extraordinary. Coalition does mean into green jobs programmes, and chance,8 but that view is built into more influence to shape decisions a ‘significantly accelerated reduc- so on the fly their nature. Others took very than confidence and supply, but it is tion in the structural deficit over different positions on the optimal far worse in terms of blame. That is the course of a parliament’. Laws without con- path, from the NIESR’s moderate precisely why the choice is so dif- explains that during the campaign, caution to David Blanchflower’s ficult: it is a choice between policy the Liberal Democrat leadership sulting spe- jeremiads. The puzzle is not that and politics. decided that since the markets cialists. Has the party took one view or another, The parliamentary party might would be sceptical about a multi- but that it did so on the fly without have been influenced by historical party government’s capacity to the party of consulting specialists. Has the party parallels with 1924, which ended reduce the deficit, it would have of Keynes lost touch with econom- very badly for the party, and the to make noises about accelerated Keynes lost ics as a discipline?9 Lib–Lab pact of 1977–78. But 1924 deficit reduction, but until the crisis On the second question, how did not see a confidence and supply in Greece, they still were thinking touch with the Conservatives won the race agreement between the Liberals and in terms of 2011–12, not 2010–11. so easily, the basic chronology is a minority Labour government or The Greek crisis, however, con- economics as tolerably clear and agreed by Laws any sort of stability arrangement. vinced them that the markets could and Wilson. The Conservatives got The lesson of 1924 is that there are turn on the UK unless the new a discipline? in first, opening negotiations the very great risks in taking the option

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 41 reviews of doing nothing and treating each If the party 1922, when Labour gained second proposal only subsequently put to issue on its merits, especially the place. The second led to the wipe- Labour by and sum- risk of an early election in which was inter- out of 1935, from which the party marily rejected, the Conservatives the party nearest to an overall was lucky to survive. leadership persuaded its parliamen- majority (the Conservatives in ested in the Subsequent events surround- tary party to accept an AV refer- 1924) has a strong argument that ing tuition fees and control orders endum. The Liberal Democrats, a majority would restore stabil- lessons of illustrate the point that there is a having ruled out confidence and ity. The whole point of confidence trade-off between influence and supply, then faced a straight choice and supply agreements is to avoid history it popularity, a trade-off in which between coalition with Labour and the 1924 situation by ensuring that coalition leans towards influence coalition with the Conservatives. the government does not fall over might also and confidence and supply towards Most controversy surrounds some random event. Confidence have con- popularity. A Conservative minor- what happened next. The Liberal and supply agreements also reduce ity government would very prob- Democrat negotiators met the incentives for the opposition to act sidered the ably have proposed policies much Labour team for the first formally opportunistically (in the fashion of worse, in Liberal Democrat terms, acknowledged time. As Laws Labour’s attempts to bring down lessons to be than those proposed by the coali- reports it, the meeting was a disas- the Major government by voting tion, and would probably have ter. , leading for against the Maastricht Treaty) by drawn from made a deal with Labour to get Labour, was serious and engaged, confronting the opposition with them through parliament. Labour, but Laws ‘detected an element of the reality that the government the coali- after all, introduced tuition fees and distance’ in him. Laws concedes will not fall whatever the opposi- commissioned the that another Labour negotiator, tion does. tions of 1918 to justify raising them, and its posi- Andrew Adonis, was ‘commit- Two documents printed by tion on anti-terrorism legislation , professional and thoughtful’, Laws, a pre-election Liberal Demo- and 1931. The was by far the most authoritarian of and clearly pushing for a deal. The crat draft confidence and supply the three parties. The Liberal Dem- problem was the other three Labour template and the Conservative first led to ocrats would thus have escaped participants: , Ed Balls offer of a confidence and supply much of their current opprobrium, and . Miliband agreement of Monday 10 May, both the catastro- but only at the cost of seeing worse rubbished the Liberal Democrats’ recognise the importance of the policies put into effect. energy and climate change policy, creation of stability. They stipulate phe of 1922, One suspects there were other stressed the indispensability of that they are to subsist for four reasons for the decision to reject nuclear power and declared the years and that they are predicated when Labour confidence and supply, although Lib Dem target of 40 per cent on the introduction of fixed-term gained sec- Laws gives away little. One pos- renewables by 2020 ‘pie in the sky’. parliaments. (One might mention sibility is that those who favoured Balls complained that the Liberal in passing, however, that both suf- ond place. an alliance with Labour, believing Democrat £10,000 personal allow- fer from the defect of imposing no the Conservatives could not offer ance policy was unaffordable (while constraint on what the government The second an electoral reform referendum, admitting to an attempt at sharp counts as a vote of confidence, purported to prefer full coalition practice by inserting into Labour’s which was precisely the problem led to the to confidence and supply as a way document a misleading promise with the vote in of excluding the Conservatives to increase the personal allowance 1924). Crucially, Laws informs us wipe-out of from the game, whereas those who for pensioners to £10,000), contra- that the parliamentary party con- favoured the Conservative option dicted Labour’s own position paper sciously considered the 1924 option 1935, from believed that ruling out confidence on 2010–11 cuts and kept insisting of taking each issue as it comes as and supply would put sufficient that any economic issue had to be a distinct option – different from which the extra pressure on the Conservatives referred to , the confidence and supply – and (prob- to make a credible offer on electoral Chancellor of the Exchequer, who ably sensibly) rejected it. party was reform. Tellingly, Laws reports was not part of Labour’s team. As As for the Lib–Lab pact, there is that during the meeting, Nick Wilson reveals, Darling was an an enormous difference between an lucky to Harvey sent him a note saying that opponent of any deal. Balls also agreement at the start of a parlia- the Conservative whips had been sabotaged discussion of consti- ment and an agreement halfway survive. asking their whether tutional issues by claiming that through, in which the junior part- they might accept an AV referen- Labour’s chief whip believed that ner effectively takes responsibil- dum as the price of coalition, infor- inducing Labour MPs to vote for ity for the existing government’s mation Laws passed immediately an AV referendum would be dif- record in office. In any case, the to Nick Clegg. As Laws says, ‘This ficult, despite Labour’s . pact was not the disaster many was helpful confirmation … that Harriet Harman managed to throw thought it was at the time. The the ice on the Conservative side was into doubt Labour’s commitment to Liberal Party’s poll ratings before thawing.’ It also improved the odds another proposal in its own paper, the pact were in the 10–12 per cent on going for broke. the Wright Committee reforms range. At the 1979 election, the Meanwhile, in circumstances of Commons procedures. The party reached 14 per cent. that remain controversial among paper conceded reforms ‘based on’ If the party was interested in the Conservative backbenchers, some Wright. When Chris Huhne asked lessons of history it might also have of whom accuse of whether that meant Wright ‘in considered the lessons to be drawn misleading them that Labour was full’, Harman replied, ‘Well, we from the coalitions of 1918 and 1931. about to offer the Liberal Demo- wouldn’t want to throw everything The first led to the catastrophe of crats AV without a referendum, a into chaos.’

42 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 reviews

Naturally, Andrew Adonis took other was not serious. The Liberal political dynamics than the Liberal a different view: ‘Your people must Democrats reverted to the some- Democrats, their first priority was have been at a different meeting,’ what surprised and relieved Con- to lever Brown out of Number 10 Wilson reports him telling Paddy servatives and raced to complete the as quickly as possible. They realised Ashdown after accounts of the Lib- coalition agreement before Gordon Fear of a sec- that as soon as Cameron was estab- eral Democrat team’s assessment of Brown worked out that the game lished in Downing Street, every- the encounter reached the media. was up and made his last move – ond election thing, including market sentiment, Adonis, and, allegedly, Balls con- precipitate resignation as a way of would change. The Conservatives cluded at that point that the Liberal making the new government look is crucial to were therefore determined to create Democrats were not serious about chaotic on its first day. The negoti- a level of momentum Labour never Labour and had already decided to ating teams finished their work just understand- matched. Labour’s chaotic negoti- opt for the Conservatives, a conclu- as David Cameron left for Buck- ating style was made to look even sion that, whatever its accuracy, ingham Palace. That night saw the ing Liberal worse because Labour was so far soured all further contacts between dénouement: the Liberal Democrat Democrat behind. A bad start in a 1500m race the parties. Laws claims that the parliamentary party and Federal is unimportant. In a 100m sprint, it Liberal Democrat team, though Executive, with only a single dis- behaviour. is disastrous. sceptical about whether the par- senting vote, endorsed the deal, The second theme is the dif- liamentary numbers added up for thus easily clearing the bar set by It probably ficulty negotiators find in revising the Labour option, genuinely tried the so-called triple lock procedure, their background assumptions. to reach a deal and concluded only originally imposed by the party played an The Liberal Democrat negotia- after the meeting that Labour was conference in 1998 to discourage tors seemed able to change only so divided, or so interested in lead- ’s attempts to forge important one of their assumptions at a time, ership ambitions, that it lacked the a coalition with Blair’s majority when, in fact, large numbers of party discipline necessary to make government. part, for them proved unjustified. The Lib- any agreement work, an impression Three themes arise from this eral Democrats held three central confirmed the following day when tale. The first is the importance example, assumptions at the start of the nego- Labour ministers and backbench- of pace. In the Lib Dem team, tiations: that, absent any agree- ers queued up to tell the media that both , drawing in the fate- ment, the markets would ‘go nuts’ Labour should spurn the Liberal on his local government experi- on the Monday morning; that the Democrats and go into opposition. ence, and Chris Huhne – an early ful decision Conservatives would call a second Laws’ interest in laying the advocate of full coalition and thus election in the autumn if the parties blame for the breakdown on anxious to allow sufficient time to that coali- agreed anything less than full coali- Labour is obvious, but so is Adonis’ negotiate a complete programme tion; and that the Conservatives in the opposite direction. A more for government – both favoured tion with would offer nothing substantial on charitable explanation is that thir- giving the negotiations time to anyone was electoral reform. All three were teen years of being patronised and develop. Laws, however, supported shown to be false by midnight on treated with contempt by Labour by , favoured a better than Monday 10 May, but only one of politicians had sensitised the Liberal rapid pace and an early conclusion, them, the third, had any effect on Democrats to interpret Labour’s for two reasons. First, Laws was confidence the party’s position. characteristically caustic behav- afraid of the media and thought The dreaded markets barely iour as deep hostility and lack of that any attempt to refuse to feed and supply. flickered, although neither Laws respect, whereas Adonis, more them their favourite diet of con- nor Wilson notices. The bond mar- accustomed to Labour’s aggressive stant activity and instant decision It is striking, kets changed very little even when style, concentrated on the positive would damage not only the party uncertainty was at its highest – at text he had presented. Another fac- but also the very idea of coopera- therefore, most an upward interest movement tor might have been that Labour, tion between parties. Laws even of one-tenth of 1 per cent on some believing that the Liberal Demo- feared headlines that the Lib Dem that Wilson short-term gilts. Sterling remained crats much preferred a Labour team had gone to get some sleep, in rock steady against both dollar alliance to a Conservative one, consequence of which he himself maintains and euro. The FTSE 100 opened 81 wrongly assumed that it needed to seems to have taken very little rest. points higher than its Friday close give very little to secure a deal. Secondly, Laws, and Nick Clegg, that the and then rose more than 140 points. More important, however, is feared the markets. Clegg in par- Presumably traders had already that, whatever the Liberal Demo- ticular believed that, in the absence Conservative anticipated all the risks. Even more crats’ motives, authority in the of rapid agreement, ‘the markets striking, the average interest rate Labour Party had, objectively, bro- would go nuts’. From Wilson’s leadership on UK treasury bills at the ten- ken down in the wake of Brown’s account we learn that the Civil had no inten- der the day after the election was resignation. Brown was both the Service, in the form of the Cabinet lower than at the first tender after main barrier to the negotiations Secretary, Gus O’Donnell, also tion of call- the coalition agreement, the exact and the only source of authority expected meltdown in the markets opposite of what the Liberal Demo- capable of bringing them to a suc- failing an agreement by the Mon- ing a second crats and the Cabinet Secretary cessful conclusion. day morning. The Laws view pre- expected. The rest is a forced endgame. vailed, with profound effects. election in Fear of a second election is Further talks between Labour Wilson reveals that the Con- crucial to understanding Liberal and the Liberal Democrats were servative leadership, too, wanted the autumn Democrat behaviour. It prob- more positive in tone but doomed rapid progress, but largely because, ably played an important part, for by each side’s assumption that the having a much better grasp of of 2010. example, in the fateful decision

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 43 reviews that coalition with anyone was bet- journalists’ error that government MPs could abstain if they disagreed ter than confidence and supply. It is about ‘initiatives’ and ‘announce- with the government’s response is striking, therefore, that Wilson ments’ rather than the grind of to the Browne Report on higher maintains that the Conservative prioritisation. The real difference education. As we now know, leadership had no intention of call- between confidence and supply and only five Lib Dem MPs abstained ing a second election in the autumn full coalition, for example, depends on the votes to increase fees to of 2010. Wilson reports Patrick on institutional detail. Some ver- £6000–9000. Twenty-eight voted McLoughlin, the Conservative sions of coalition give the junior with the government and twenty- Chief Whip, telling backbenchers party as little practical power as one voted in accordance with their that the Conservatives would be standard confidence and supply individual pledges to the electorate unlikely to win such an election. agreements.11 to oppose any increase.12 Student The financial situation meant that Lack of interest in institutional demonstrations raged outside par- the government had no choice but questions led to a misunderstand- liament and the party’s opinion poll to embark on cuts in public expen- ing of the practical position of a ratings plunged to near Thorpe diture. Especially after the Conser- Labour–Liberal Democrat coali- crisis levels. The decision was made vatives’ campaign rhetoric about a tion. Some on the Liberal Democrat during the final scramble. It failed possible sovereign debt crisis, any- side, including the leader, seemed to specify how the government was thing else might prove ruinous. But to think that such a government’s to come to its decision on how to a cuts programme would inevitably lack of an overall majority would respond to Browne, thus begging revive Labour. constantly frustrate spending deci- the only question that mattered. Liberal Democrat MPs might be sions. But parliament authorises Labour’s 10 May offer suffered forgiven not reading the Financial expenditure through bills that set from the same fault – it offered a Times, but some did suspect that only maximum amounts. Spend- ‘national debate’ on Browne’s rec- the Conservatives would shun an ing cuts require no parliamentary ommendation with no way of dis- early second election. Laws records approval. Moreover, no one except tilling that debate into a decision, thinking, during the first substan- ministers can propose increases but at least it omitted the absten- tive negotiating session with the in expenditure, so that no need tion proposal. How that proposal Conservatives, ‘Nor could we would arise to make deals on votes was made remains unexplained in assume that the Conservative lead- to reverse cuts. The only exception both Laws and Wilson. It certainly ership would relish the prospect of – important but politically man- appears, however, that the absten- a second general election in just a ageable with a Conservative oppo- tion idea had already been used to few months, given their failure to sition – is expenditure that arises finesse another difference between secure an overall majority in cir- out of individuals’ statutory rights, the parties, namely favourable cumstances which they must have such as benefits and . treatment for marriage in the tax considered to be unusually favour- Admittedly, the government needs One suspects system, and it was used a third time able.’ There was no follow-up to a majority for votes on Appropria- later in the document to deal with that thought, perceptive though it tion Bills as a whole (they are in that the nuclear power. The three cases are, was. In contrast, Liberal Democrat practice unamendable), but such however, fundamentally different: reaction to the Conservative con- votes are precisely the stuff of con- leadership most Liberal Democrat candidates cession of an AV referendum was fidence and supply agreements with had not made public pledges to immediate and positive. minor parties. The difficulty for a thought the vote against marriage tax breaks or Some might see here evidence Labour–Liberal Democrat minor- nuclear power national planning of predetermination to choose the ity government would have come negotiations statements, and had not highlighted Conservative coalition option. in steering through tax increases, their positions in election literature. Another explanation, however, is not spending cuts. But the effect provided an Greater interest in institutional that the Liberal Democrats suffered would have been to push policy in matters might have helped gener- from the common cognitive bias of the direction of a more bond-mar- excellent ate mechanisms better suited to ‘focusing’, namely the error of put- ket-friendly split between tax and the political circumstances (e.g. ting too much emphasis on a single spending. Gordon Brown seems opportunity proposing public all-party talks characteristic of a situation, to the to have grasped the point early on, on Browne before issuing a White exclusion of other relevant char- although his appalling interper- to abandon Paper, to put Labour on the spot acteristics, a bias the negotiations sonal skills meant that he failed rather than the Lib Dems). But themselves set up when discussions to persuade Nick Clegg. Paddy a policy Laws admits that he opposed the between the parties focused heavily Ashdown, after advice from Chris Liberal Democrats’ policy on fees, on voting reform. Rennard, seems to have grasped it a it never and Wilson quotes internal Liberal The third theme is surprising: day later, which explains his sharp wanted, Democrat pre-election documents the extent to which the negotia- shift on coalition with Labour, but in which the negotiating team tions concentrated on policy to the most Liberal Democrats remained but under- agrees not to die in a ditch for it. exclusion of institutional ques- in thrall to their initial assessment. One suspects that the leadership tions. One might have expected Lack of institutional imagina- estimated, thought the negotiations provided more time spent on how the parties tion also seems to have contrib- an excellent opportunity to aban- would sort out responses to unfore- uted to what has proved so far the massively, don a policy it never wanted, but seen events and how they would fill worst decision made during the underestimated, massively, its gaps. Perhaps the inexperience of negotiations, although lack of its political political importance. both the Conservatives and the Lib- political will was probably more One might question how far eral Democrats led them into the important: that Liberal Democrat importance. these errors mattered in the end.

44 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 reviews

Even if Liberal Democrat negotia- Even if the dramatic effect of learning how 6 See UK Debt Management Office, tors had given themselves more wrong certain people were at various Annual Report 2009–10. time, properly discounted the risk Liberal points of the negotiations. The best 7 G. Akerlof and R. Shiller, Animal of an early second election and example is Laws’ account of Paddy Spirits (Princeton NJ: Princeton UP, taken care to compare the deals Democrat Ashdown’s desperate attempts to enlist 2009) offered to them as a whole, the a globetrotting to inter- 8 The Liberal Democrat negotiating fundamental problem would have negotiators vene with Gordon Brown to persuade team declined opportunities offered remained that, without a perma- him to facilitate Lib–Lab negotia- by the Cabinet Secretary to be brow- nent leader, Labour fell apart to had given tions. Only when we turn to Wilson’s beaten by officials, but only because the extent that it was incapable of themselves account do we learn that Blair opposed they were in no further need of making any deal stick. It was not any deal with the Liberal Democrats persuasion. even clear how it would decide to more time, and told Brown so. Any parallels with 9 One explanation is that many of lead- accept or reject any deal. There is 1997–98 are far from coincidental. As ing Lib Dem MPs were themselves an important lesson here. Unless properly Conrad Russell once remarked about economists by background, with a we can discover how to bind a Paddy Ashdown’s relationship with bias to the City rather than the uni- leaderless party to a coalition deal, discounted Blair, ‘Love is blind.’ versities (Laws, Huhne, Cable, plus it is incompatible to call for a party 3 See Laws’ Appendix 5, paragraph PPE graduate Alexander). Perhaps leader to resign and still to expect the risk of an 1.4.3. ‘Reallocate a proportion of any they felt that consultation with mere the party to negotiate a coalition. identified in year 2010-11 savings to academia was unnecessary. But that still leaves the choice early second the promotion of growth and jobs.’ 10 Aeneid Book VIII, lines 485-499. As between full coalition and con- Notice only ‘a proportion’. Vergil says, this is ‘tormenti genus’. fidence and supply with the election and 4 Interestingly until the very last stage 11 The two parties later negotiated a set Conservatives. More time, better of the negotiations with the Conserv- of institutional arrangements whose estimation of the risks of a second taken care to atives all parties seem to have agreed main characteristic is that they place election and careful consideration to four-year fixed terms. The idea of an immense burden on the leader of a greater range of institutional compare the a five-year fixed term appeared very of the Liberal Democrats, a burden arrangements could have pro- late – possibly as a knock-on effect of that seems incompatible with his duced a different outcome. It deals offered agreeing a five-year deficit elimina- retaining substantive departmental may be, however, that the Liberal tion timescale. responsibilities. Democrats would have chosen full to them as a 5 J. Attali, Tous ruinés dans dix ans? 12 Three were absent: Martin Horwood, coalition anyway, consciously sac- (Paris: Fayard, 2010) at pp. 127-130. Chris Huhne and Sir Bob Smith. rificing their poll ratings, and even whole, the their entire future as a party, in fundamental exchange for greater influence. But at least they would have made that problem choice with their eyes open. would have Lloyd George and Wales David Howarth is a Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge; University Reader remained J. Graham Jones, Lloyd George and Welsh Liberalism in Private Law, University of Cam- (National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, 2010) bridge; Associate Fellow of the Centre that, without for Science and Policy, University of Reviewed by Kenneth O. Morgan Cambridge; Electoral Commissioner; a perma- former MP for Cambridge and Leader s might have said, meanders through mid-Wales. But of Cambridge City Council, Liberal nent leader, if John Graham Jones did a meeting with the deeply learned, Democrat member Anot exist he would have if deceptively modest, Dr Jones is 2007–10; Federal Policy Committee Labour fell had to be invented. As head of the always vaut le détour. For the first member 1990–2000. Welsh Political Archive established time, after selflessly helping other apart to at the National Library of Wales in scholars for three decades, he has 1 They are: a pre-election Liberal 1983, he has become an irreplace- branched out with a major work of Democrat draft ‘confidence and sup- the extent able figure in the scholarly life of his own. It consists of twenty-eight ply’ agreement for use with either that it was Wales. He has a unique knowledge chapters – all of them essays that other party, the Conservatives’ and of the rich collections under his have been previously published Labour’s opening proposals from Sat- incapable of care (many of them housed in in local Welsh historical journals urday 8 May, the Conservatives’ draft Aberystwyth as a direct result of save for one that appeared in this of a ‘confidence and supply’ agree- making any his own energy and initiative) and journal. The focus is on Welsh poli- ment from the following Monday, he has been a generous adviser tics between the late 1880s and the their later written offer of a referen- deal stick. to other scholars working on the 1940s. In itself, this is a fascinating dum on electoral reform, Labour’s archival riches deposited in that theme, on which previous scholars revised coalition offer of the same monumental Cymric Parthenon have written during the resurgence day and the final coalition agreement overlooking the tranquil waters of of modern Welsh history over the between the Conservatives and the Cardigan Bay. Travelling to this past half-century. But since the Liberal Democrats of the evening of Welsh copyright library is a lengthy main emphasis is on episodes in the Tuesday 11 May. business, demanding a large volume career of David Lloyd George, that 2 There is also a case for reading Laws’ to while away the time on David ever-present magnet for legions of narrative before Wilson’s, if only for Davies’ Cambrian railway as it authors from Beriah Gwynfe Evans

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 45 reviews

1979 devolution referendum and depicted, and perhaps the two most beyond. interesting chapters are the first The emphasis is overwhelm- two. We read of the emergence of ingly on elections and by-elections the young rural firebrand in the – indeed, excessively so – rather backwoods politics of Caernar- than on the social composition, fonshire and Merioneth in the late economic interests or political eighties, and of the affinities of of Welsh Liberals. These Lloyd George and with Liberals, too, are overwhelmingly , both as an Irish from rural, Nonconformist Welsh- nationalist and even more as a land speaking North and mid-Wales nationaliser. – Caernarfonshire, Anglesey, Davitt, an agrarian socialist, Denbighshire, Merioneth, Cardi- was to make his last appearance in ganshire, Montgomeryshire, and Wales speaking for in also from Carmarthenshire in the Merthyr in 1906. A full account of south during the 1920s – signifi- the Caernarfon Boroughs general cantly all of them counties which election contest in 1892 illus- voted for the continued Sunday trates the various cross-tensions closure of pubs in the local ref- between the six boroughs in the erendum in 1961. This is all very constituency (there was a major fascinating, but it is only part of the gulf between the cathedral-bound reality of Welsh Liberalism. The world of Bangor and Calvinist cosmopolitan urban centres of the Methodist Criccieth and Pwll- south – Newport, Cardiff, Barry heli), and the uncomradely sniping and Swansea – seem an alien world, within the chapels at the free- while we hear little of Merthyr or thinking Campbellite Baptist who the mining valleys or indeed of the had captured the seat by eighteen Labour movement in any respect. votes in a dramatic by-election in to , the book has a The maverick coalowner, D. A. 1890. Lloyd George’s seat was a particular appeal for historians of Thomas, Lord (who is distinctly marginal one down to twentieth-century British politics, mistakenly said to have been ‘an 1906 and this article graphically and especially of the fortunes of the uninterested observer’ moored on illustrates why. Later chapters offer Liberal Party and its renamed suc- the sidelines of Welsh politics after material, of varying importance, cessors. Scholars will thus give Gra- 1896) is a bit player, while the great bearing on some of Lloyd George’s ham Jones’ book a warm welcome. mining Lib-Lab patriarchs like later activities in national British The value of this book lies in the ‘Mabon’ and Brace, are absentees, as politics, including his pioneer- rich local political material that it are the socialist ILP and the notori- ing work at the Board of Trade contains. Dr Jones is a wonderful ous Chief Constable of Glamorgan, in 1905–8 (a formative period archivist, and his work pivots on Lionel Lindsay. This was the violent which still needs close examina- the bulky manuscript collections era of Taff Vale and Tonypandy, tion), the People’s Budget, the under his custody, which he him- after all, yet no strike is discussed, (where many Welsh self is often able to work on before not even the traumatic events in Liberals responded with a disgrace- other scholars may do so. In par- Thomas’s own Cambrian Combine ful exhibition of violent bigotry), ticular, his work is inspired by four pits in 1910, nor the railwaymen the 1916 conscription crisis which recent major Lloyd George collec- shot down by troops at Llanelli divided the party so fatefully, the tions which he has collected and in 1911. The South Wales Liberal post-war coalition of ‘hard-faced catalogued since 1990: the archive Federation gets many mentions; the men’, the Green Book and other of L.G.’s younger brother, William, South Wales Miners’ Federation, campaigns in the twenties, the who selflessly kept the show on the like the 225,000 workforce, does Council of Action for Peace and road in Caernarfon Boroughs and not feature in the index even once. Reconstruction crusading for eco- ran the family solicitors; the papers Most of the articles are solid nomic renewal in 1935, the Abdica- of Lloyd George’s second daughter, and well constructed: about half tion crisis in the following year Lady Olwen; the large collec- a dozen, though, consist of the (Edward VIII’s backers included, tion of papers of Lloyd George’s reprinting of documents of lim- variously Lloyd George, Churchill ambitious private secretary, A. J. ited value almost for the sake of it, and, remarkably, ) Sylvester; and a small residue of including some typically manic and the crisis of May 1940. It cannot material retained by Lloyd George’s comments by in be said that earlier interpretations secretary-mistress and eventual the twenties. In short, this book are challenged on these issues, but second wife, . covers some, though by no means we understand them in more detail But there are also many other col- all, key aspects of Welsh Liberalism after the material that Dr Jones has lections which Dr Jones has been from the late-Victorian period, but accumulated. through, some long established in it does so through generous docu- These articles reflect once again the National Library, such as those mentation set out by a uniquely the vibrant culture that was late- of Tom Ellis and D. R. Daniel, expert guide. As a source book, nineteenth and early-twentieth- some of far more recent provenance therefore, it is of much value. century Wales. It was truly an and taking the story down to the Lloyd George’s life odyssey is well Antonine Age of political vitality,

46 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 reviews economic enterprise, revival- dedicated public figure who could university and, finally, campaign- ist religion, cultural innovation work well with Lloyd George. Alan ing for the League of Nations and and growing national awareness. Taylor’s dismissive judgement of world peace. Dr Jones also tells us of From its All-Black-beating rugby Lloyd George – ‘He had no friends Llewelyn Williams, the visionary team to the revival of the national and did not deserve any’ – was, like Oxford-bred ‘Young Wales’ Liberal eisteddfod, it was the Welsh Golden other of my old mentor’s epigrams, who broke with Lloyd George over Age. Its monuments still dominate vividly compelling but deeply conscription in 1916 and fought the the nation today, one being the untrue. We are told of Sir Alfred Coalition despairingly in a historic National Library at Aberystwyth Mond, deeply engulfed in Welsh by-election in Cardiganshire in itself, located there to balance the politics for all his involvement with February 1921. Unfortunately, Dr museum set up in faraway Cardiff. his metallurgical empire, a bold Jones’s relentless emphasis on party Attention, however, was far Lloyd Georgian reformer before the politics and by-elections leads him from monopolised by Lloyd George, war, but a case of Liberalism laps- to neglect Williams’s wider role political colossus though he was. ing into a crude anti-socialism after as a rare kind of Welsh Thomas There are other dramatis personae, 1922. We encounter David Davies Davis, a cultural nationalist, writer vivid and compelling. Thus we of Llandinam, a Welsh Andrew of charming children’s stories read of the public-spirited Her- Carnegie, millionaire industrial- and a scholarly historian of Tudor bert Lewis, who illustrates – as do ist, but also a philanthropic idealist Wales with a revisionist view of the C. P. Scott, or who spent millions on combating Act of Union. Welsh Liberalism H. A. L. Fisher – the kind of honest, lung disease, endowing the national could have done more like Llew. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see ) for inclusion here.

Letters of (1804–65) the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper and . Looking to explore the effects of the party split Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later and at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected]. friend of and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ‘’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the Liberal Unionists Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew A study of the as a discrete political entity. Help Francis; [email protected]. with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 ac.uk. Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. [email protected]. The political career of David Steel, Lord Steel of Aikwood Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 David Steel was one of the longest-serving leaders of the Liberal Party Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an and an important figure in the realignment debate of the 1970s and ‘80s understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include that led to the formation of the Liberal Democrats. Author would like to personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of hear from anyone with pertinent or entertaining anecdotes relating to the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Steel’s life and times, particularly his leadership, or who can point me Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. towards any relevant source material. David Torrance; davidtorrance@ hotmail.com . Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it The Lib-Lab Pact went from being the party of government to the of politics. The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise Mount Earl, , Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting forgotten heroes for a governing party Some forgotten figures of Liberal history may deserve their obscurity, but most remain an unmined source of reference, quotation and inspiration for the contemporary Liberal Democrat – especially now, when the party is participating in national government for the first time in more than a generation.

At this year’s Liberal Democrat History Group summer meeting, two senior party figures and two well- known academics will rescue their own forgotten heroes from the twlight of history and tell us how their champions’ public lives can influence today’s Liberal Democrats.

Speakers: Lady ; Lord Navnit Dholakia; Dr Matt Cole; Dr Mark Pack.

The meeting will also mark the launch of Matt Cole’s new biography, Richard Wainwright, the Liberals and Liberal Democrats; copies will be available for sale.

6.30pm, Monday 20 June David Lloyd George Room, National Liberal Club, 1 Place, London SW1A 2HE

The Lloyd George legacy in after 1918. It was always sternly only 0.5 per cent on a low poll). all his fellow Liberals loyally its different guises is shown anti-socialist. Lloyd George’s Wales was not Ireland, not even backed up his People’s Budget in the later careers of Megan, quasi land nationalisation Scotland. It sought national to promote social and a genuine radical who joined manifested in the ‘cultivating equality within the United redistributive direct taxation, Labour, and Gwilym, who tenure’ proposed in his Green Kingdom not exclusion from it. set up children’s allowances, became a hyphenated Tory, and Book in 1925 left Alfred Mond Lloyd George, far from being and invest in national develop- a Home Secretary who retained apoplectic. Significantly, the the Parnell of Wales, became ment to generate employment. capital punishment. Truly their New Liberalism flourished prime minister of Great Britain Today, after ’s father’s house contained many in urban centres in England, and a belligerent, even racial- anti-working-class budget has mansions. notably L. T. Hobhouse’s Man- ist, head of the Imperial War taken precisely the opposite What general conclusions chester, not in Wales, where Cabinet. Even today, the Welsh path on all these issues, Liber- can we reach about Welsh Lib- the prevailing tone was Old Assembly lags well behind its als in Wales and elsewhere are eralism in its era of greatness Liberalism – just as it was to be counterpart in Edinburgh. voting haplessly to undermine and glory? This book shows, Old, not New, Labour eighty Finally, and of current rel- Lloyd George’s legacy. It is a of course, the centrality of years on. Above all, there is evance, coalition was always mournful comment on the glo- popular Nonconformity in the significantly little here on ideas bad news for Liberalism. Lloyd ries of the Edwardian Liberal public life of the nation, leading of home rule, even the most George’s ‘couponed’ peacetime high noon that John Graham ultimately to the downfall and modest forms of devolution. It coalition with the Tories after Jones’s fascinating book so even discredit of the chapels was not a major theme in Welsh 1918 led to massive internal movingly describes. as religious communities. Lib- history before Kilbrandon in divisions, and left Coalition eralism emerges as invincibly 1973. Lloyd George’s great Liberalism in the valleys an Kenneth O. Morgan is Fellow of bourgeois, even with its popu- defeat at Newport in 1896, open target for Labour. The the British Academy, honorary fel- list grass roots, its shipowners when the quasi-nationalists so-called National govern- low of The Queen’s and Oriel Col- and coalowners, preachers and of Cymru Fydd were shouted ment after 1931 was even more leges, Oxford, and a Labour peer. teachers, journalists and the down, left a dark shadow over divisive, with only Lloyd He is the author of several books on inevitable lawyers all increas- movements for devolution, still George’s family group of four modern history, most recently Ages ingly out of touch with Labour, evident in the referendum of left as a rump of independent of Reform: Dawns and Down- leading to a calamitous elec- 1979 (and even in 1997 when Liberalism. But, at least in falls of the (I. B. toral collapse in the valleys the ‘Yes’ vote triumphed by Lloyd George’s day, almost Tauris, 2010).