DOCSLIB.ORG

Syrian Left Coalition

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

"The Left and the Arab Revolutions" "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" Conference Papers Cairo 24 to 25 April 2013 1 "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" Conference Papers Cairo 24 to 25 April 2013 Case Studies Ayman Abdel Muti Egypt Sonia Tamimi Tunisia Salameh Kaileh Syria Bushri Maqtari Yemen Abbas Mirza al-Murshid Bahrain Analytical Chapters Mohamed Agati Egypt Georges Fahmi Egypt Habiba Muhsen Egypt Omar Samir Egypt Arab Forum for Alternatives Publishers: Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Translated by: Ubab Murad Edited by: Ellen Jarrar Registration No: 18618/2012 Publishing and Distribution +2 01222235071 rwafead@gmail. com www. rwafead. com These papers are the product of an internal seminar. They are issued in a non-periodic manner and reflect only the views of their authors and not necessarily the opinion of the Arab Forum for Alternatives (AFA) or any of its partner institutions. 2 "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" the researchers bios Ayman abdel moati: Media Coordinator of the Arab Forum for Alternatives Studies, holds a Bachelor of Media from the University of Cairo. Sonia tamimi: Professor of History, University of Tunis. Salam kila : Leftist writer and thinker, holds a BA in Political Science from the University of Baghdad, a militant in the Palestinian resistance, was put in prison for eight years in Syria, has many books and published studies as well as the articles published in many Arab newspapers and magazines. Boshra elmaktari: Yemeni leftist writer and member of the Central Committee of the Socialist Party,in the Yemeni province of Taiz. Abbas elmorshed: leftist writer and researcher from Bahrain. Mohamed elagati: Executive Director of the Arab Forum for Alternatives studies. He holds a master's degree in political development from the University of Cairo. Researcher specializing in the field of civil society and social movements and reform in the Arab region. In addition to studies and articles published in a number of books , scientific periodicals and newspapers. Habiba mohsen: Researcher, holds a master's degree from the Institute of Political Science, University of Saint Joseph (St. Joseph), Beirut, Lebanon. The thesis title : "Islamic Jihad in Egypt: between belonging to al Qaeda and renounce violence." She holds a BA in Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, the French department. 3 Georges sarwat: Researcher at the arab forum for alternatives Studies. Ph.D. from the Institute of European Studies in Florence, Italy,thesis title: "Islamic institutions and democratization in the Middle East: a comparison between the situation of Egyptian and Turkish case." He holds a master's degree in political science from the Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University, the French department. Omar samir: Research Assistant at the arab forum for alternatives Studies. Master's student in Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University. He holds a Bachelor of Political Science from the Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University in 2010. 4 "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" Conference Papers Cairo 24 to 25 April 2013 5 6 "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" Index INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 9 THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION AND THE ROLE OF THE LEFT SUCCESS AND FAILURE FACTORS ................................................................................................ 13 THE PREDICAMENTS OF THE TUNISIAN LEFT ................................................. 35 ON THE ROLE OF THE SYRIAN LEFT IN THE SYRIAN REVOLUTION ...................... 53 PROSPECTS FOR THE RENEWAL OF THE LEFT IN YEMEN AND ITS CHALLENGES ... 73 CRISIS OF LEFTIST IDEOLOGY IN THE ARAB SPRING: CASE IN POINT, THE LEFT IN BAHRAIN ................................................................................................ 91 THE LEFT AND THE ARAB SPRING: THE COMPLEXITIES OF ORGANIZATION AND MOVEMENT .......................................................................................... 109 THE POLITICAL PERFORMANCE OF THE LEFT AFTER THE ARAB REVOLUTIONS …121 THE LEFT AND THE PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN THE ARAB REGION .................. 143 7 8 "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" Introduction It seemed that the Arab revolutions came at the backdrop of a somehow clear absence of the Left factions and forces at the level of action as well as at the level of political impact in the Arab street on the different causes and concerns of the citizens. Still, Leftist forces, old as well as other new ones, born from the womb of the conflict in the last years of the new millennium, have tried to play different roles in connecting with the waves of the Arab Spring and trying to reorganize their ranks and their political cards as players who are supposed to be the main ones in the roaring mass movement which is raising slogans calling for political, economic, and social rights that have been stolen from them over the past decades. Thus, conflicts and fragmentation within the Arab Left, in addition to the limited impact and political influence, have impacted on the Left and on the way in which it started its second millennium. This has made it appear in a state of confusion. In Tunisia, despite his focus on the Islamists, Ben Ali continued to adopt Bourguiba's repressive policies against the Left, which split into two opposition factions: public (acknowledged by the regime) and secret opposition. The public opposition is mainly composed of three parties: the Democratic Forum for Labour and Liberties (a member of the ruling coalition today), and the Renewal Movement, the heir of the Communist Party, which changed itself into a democratic movement with communist origins, and the secular socialist Progressive Democratic Party. The three parties have faced multiple forms of restrictions on their activities and media institutions, and they were prevented from expanding their popular base and informing the people of their ideas and opinions. This blockade on these parties was eased when the symbols of these parties were able to voice their opinions in Arab as well and foreign media outlets. In Egypt, these organizations and the Left factions, in general, have suffered a very big shock, and some of them have lost their contact with the masses after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc in the wake of mass movements that liberated the people from years of oppression and tyranny under the rule of Stalinist communist parties. Revolution and socialism have become either a 9 space for questioning and revision or mere slogans based on the same old visions for fear of the abandonment of the revolution project. However, no effort was made to analyze the crisis and the political changes and their causes with the exception of a few who have attempted to understand what has happened and to continue the struggle on the grounds of radical change. In Yemen, all internal factors and their interaction with the Cold War conflicts between the Eastern and Western blocs and the intervention of local and international political forces, which continued to resist the emergence of a Leftist state have gathered and eventually led to the outbreak of the crisis on 13 January, 1986. This was the first blow to the Leftist project in Yemen, especially after the assassination of its best leaders and the emergence of a local political discourse against the Left, creating a societal reaction that contributed to the emergence of extremist religious forces. These events and the subsequent ones were the key factors in the decline in the popular base of the party and for its being blamed for the civil war. The party continued to suffer from the repercussions of this partisan conflict, which had also reached to the party‟s organizational structures and its relations with its popular base. In light of the January events, some party leaders attempted to provide an intellectual review and called for partisan democracy instead of narrow centralism. However, despite these important revisions in the history of the left, the party leadership continued to be unable to absorb the renewal discourse and did not respect the organizational structures of the party. In order to escape its continued internal crisis in the south, the party signed a unity agreement with the north unilaterally without the knowledge of the party's organizational structures. Because the balance of power was in favor of the power in the north, it was able to evade the agreement's terms and the partnership, and it launched its war on the Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP) in the summer of 1994, the second blow to the Left in Yemen. After the 1994 war, the Secretary-General of the Party announced the political disintegration decision with the north and the return to the conditions that prevailed before 1990. This decision led to splits in the leadership of the party and confused its popular base, which was then unable to reach an agreed upon decision with regard to the war which they were part of and regarding the disintegration, especially because 10 "The Left and the Arab Revolutions" this decision was an individual one without consultation with the popular base or the party's regulatory bodies. In Syria, the situation was more complicated. The position of the Leftist parties vis-à-vis the regime was confused. The Left refused to be in the opposition and stressed that it criticizes the regime. However, it continued to be bound by the vision adopted by the two communist parties, and it stressed the "national" stances of Syria and its "hostility to imperialism." However, it increased the level of its criticism to the economic policy and the "economic team," and stressed that this policy will lead to a "disaster" as a result of impoverishment process of this policy. This situation made these parties part of the "structure" and responsible for its policies. Its long participation in power had made it part of the state bureaucracy, although it continued to "softly" reject or criticize certain policies and to demand that the regime (of which it was a part) solve a problem here and there.
Recommended publications
  • The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager

    The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager

    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager Aug 23, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Eric Trager Eric Trager was the Esther K. Wagner Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony The iconic youths of Egypt's Tahrir Square revolution are now deeply divided among nearly a dozen, often indistinguishable political parties, while the Muslim Brotherhood is seizing the momentum. he protesters who led Egypt's revolt last January were young, liberal, and linked-in. They were the bloggers T who first proposed the demonstrations against Hosni Mubarak on Twitter; the Facebook-based activists who invited their "friends" to protest; and Wael Ghonim, the 30-year-old Google executive who, after Egypt's state security agency detained him for 12 days, rallied the crowds to hold Tahrir Square. Far from emulating Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, they channeled Thomas Paine, calling for civil liberties, religious equality, and an end to Mubarak's dictatorship. Their determination, punctuated by the speed of their triumph, fueled optimism that the long-awaited Arab Spring had finally sprung -- that the Middle East would no longer be an autocratic exception in an increasingly democratic world. The political transition following their revolt, however, has dulled this optimism. The iconic youths of Tahrir Square are now deeply divided among nearly a dozen, often indistinguishable political parties, almost all of which are either too new to be known or too discredited by their cooperation with the previous regime. Concentrated within the small percentage of Internet-using, politically literate Egyptians, their numbers are surprisingly small.
  • Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis Volume 6, Issue 1 Jan/Feb 2014

    Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis Volume 6, Issue 1 Jan/Feb 2014

    Counter Terrorist Trends and Analysis Volume 6, Issue 1 Jan/Feb 2014 Annual Threat Assessment SOUTHEAST ASIA Myanmar, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia and Singapore SOUTH ASIA Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka EAST AND CENTRAL ASIA China and Central Asia MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICA Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Egypt, Libya and Somalia INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND TERRORISM RESEARCH S. RAJARATNAM SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES NANYANG TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY 2 ANNUAL THREAT ASSESSMENT Terrorism and Political Violence in 2013 Southeast Asia peace talks were held in January 2014. Iraq, too, remains besieged by sectarian violence and constant attacks. In Yemen, Southeast Asia has seen some of its insurgencies and conflicts multiple insurgencies and a robust threat from Al Qaeda in the diminish while others have continued unabated. In Thailand, the Arabian Peninsula have hampered an already difficult political restive south continued to see violence in 2013 while Bangkok transition. In Egypt, Morsi’s ouster has seen protests continuing witnessed a political crisis with protests against the government to plague the country while the military attempts another turning violent. In Myanmar, reforms have moved forward but political transition. Libya, meanwhile, faces a persistent security communal violence continues to plague the country and has challenge in its southern border region and the success of its evolved from targeting Rohingyas towards Muslim minority transition after Gaddafi will depend on the militias which communities in general. Indonesia continues to face a potent deposed the former dictator giving up their arms. In Somalia, threat from radicalization and concern has emerged over the al-Shabaab has intensified its campaign against the role its “hard” counterterrorist approach is playing in fueling government in the wake of a hardline faction emerging further extremism.
  • The Muslim Brotherhood Fol- Lowing the “25 Janu- Ary Revolution”

    The Muslim Brotherhood Fol- Lowing the “25 Janu- Ary Revolution”

    Maria Dolores Algora Weber CEU San Pablo University THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD FOL- LOWING THE “25 JANU- ARY REVOLUTION”: FROM THE IDEALS OF THE PAST TO THE POLITICAL CHAL- LENGES OF THE PRESENT In the framework of the Arab Spring, as the wave of social mobilisation of 2011 has come to be known, the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt marked the beginning of a process which has deeply transformed the re- ality of many countries in the Arab World. In Egypt, the events that took place in Tahrir Square not only put an end to President Mubarak's dic- tatorship, but also paved the way for new political actors, among which the Muslim Brotherhood has played a key role. During the subsequent transition, the Brotherhood gained control of the National Assembly and positioned their leader, Mohamed Mursi, as the new President. The present debate is focused on the true democratic vocation of this move- ment and its relationship with the other social forces inside Egypt and beyond. This article intends to address these issues. To that end, it begins with an explanation as to the ideological and political evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood and its internal changes brought about by the end of the previous regime, closing with an analysis of its transnational influ- ence and the possible international aftermaths. Islam, Islamism, Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, Arab Spring 181 INTRODUCTION n 2011, a wave of social mobilisations took place in various Arab countries and which came to be known as the “Arab Spring”. This name is undoubtedly an at- tempt to draw a comparison between the historic process that unfolded in Europe Iin the mid-nineteenth century and the events that have taken place in the Arab World.
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed

    ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed

    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
  • Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran

    Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran

    k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon.
  • Geopolitical Realignments

    Geopolitical Realignments

    ARCHIVED - Archiving Content ARCHIVÉE - Contenu archivé Archived Content Contenu archivé Information identified as archived is provided for L’information dont il est indiqué qu’elle est archivée reference, research or recordkeeping purposes. It est fournie à des fins de référence, de recherche is not subject to the Government of Canada Web ou de tenue de documents. Elle n’est pas Standards and has not been altered or updated assujettie aux normes Web du gouvernement du since it was archived. Please contact us to request Canada et elle n’a pas été modifiée ou mise à jour a format other than those available. depuis son archivage. Pour obtenir cette information dans un autre format, veuillez communiquer avec nous. This document is archival in nature and is intended Le présent document a une valeur archivistique et for those who wish to consult archival documents fait partie des documents d’archives rendus made available from the collection of Public Safety disponibles par Sécurité publique Canada à ceux Canada. qui souhaitent consulter ces documents issus de sa collection. Some of these documents are available in only one official language. Translation, to be provided Certains de ces documents ne sont disponibles by Public Safety Canada, is available upon que dans une langue officielle. Sécurité publique request. Canada fournira une traduction sur demande. Competing Visions of the State Political and Security Trends in the Arab World and the Middle East Highlights from the conference 19-20 January 2012, Ottawa Think recycling This document is printed with environmentally C friendly ink FSC World Watch: Expert Notes series publication No 2010-09-02 This report is based on the views expressed by presenting experts and other participants at a conference organised by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service as part of its academic outreach program.
  • Can Egypt Transition to a Modern Day Democracy?

    Can Egypt Transition to a Modern Day Democracy?

    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Honors Theses Lee Honors College 2-1-2012 Revolution and Democratization: Can Egypt Transition to a Modern Day Democracy? Kristin M. Horitski Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Horitski, Kristin M., "Revolution and Democratization: Can Egypt Transition to a Modern Day Democracy?" (2012). Honors Theses. 745. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses/745 This Honors Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Lee Honors College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Horitski 1 Revolution and Democratization: Can Egypt Transition to a Modern Day Democracy? Kristin Horitski Honors Thesis Horitski 2 On January 25, 2011, the world’s attention was transfixed by Egypt. The people took to the streets in a series of demonstrations and marches to protest the long-time reign of President Hosni Mubarak and demand his immediate resignation. While the protests started out as peaceful acts of civil disobedience, the Mubarak government’s response was not. Police and security forces used conventional techniques such as tear gas and water cannons on the protesters, before turning to terror tactics such as snipers, live ammunition, and thugs and criminals who terrorized the people. A couple days into the uprising, Mubarak deployed the army, but they were welcomed by the protesters and did not interfere in confrontations between the police and protesters.
  • Bahrain: Reform Shelved, Repression Unleashed

    Bahrain: Reform Shelved, Repression Unleashed

    Bahrain: reform shelved, repression unleashed amnesty international is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the universal declaration of human rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. first published in 2012 by amnesty international ltd peter Benenson house 1 easton street london WC1X 0dW united Kingdom © amnesty international 2012 index: mde 11/062/2012 english original language: english printed by amnesty international, international secretariat, united Kingdom all rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. for copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo : police try to restrain a suspected protester during clashes in the Bahraini capital, manama, 21 september 2012. © epa/maZen mahdi amnesty.org Bahrain 1 Reform shelved, repression unleashed BAHRAIN: REFORM SHELVED, REPRESSION UNLEASHED CONTENTS 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................2 2. Investigations into past torture and use of excessive force .............................................5 3.
  • Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Contents

    Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Contents

    Research Paper Jane Kinninmont and Omar Sirri Middle East and North Africa Programme | October 2014 Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Contents Summary 2 Introduction 3 Political Disputes and Failed Dialogues 7 Bahraini Civil Society, Youth and Informal Political Processes 16 The International Context 28 Conclusions 33 About the Authors 36 Acknowledgments 36 1 | Chatham House Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Summary • Bahrain’s political crisis continues, following the failure of dialogue efforts since 2011. That crisis is not only damaging the country’s economy and social fabric; it is also contributing to a deepening of sectarian tensions and an increased risk of violence. • The failure of the dialogue efforts to date is radicalizing the opposition and weakening the reformist elements within the government. At the same time, tight restrictions on freedom of association, speech and political activity are not silencing the most vocal and radical of the political opposition; rather, they are squeezing out the very moderates with whom the authorities will eventually need to work if they are to reach a sustainable political resolution to the crisis. • Because of the stalemate, many Bahrainis expect the future of their country to be determined by the government’s interactions with larger powers – especially the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia – adding to the sense of disempowerment among the population. But those countries have many other priorities; and it is unclear whether they have a clear vision for the future of Bahrain. • Despite the stalling of the formal dialogue, Bahrain’s traditionally active civil society could make a valuable contribution to sincere efforts to reach a political resolution – if, that is, it were given the political space to do so.
  • From Hasan Al-Banna to Mohammad Morsi; the Political Experience of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

    From Hasan Al-Banna to Mohammad Morsi; the Political Experience of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

    FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY AHMET YUSUF ÖZDEMİR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES JULY 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Assoc.Prof.Dr. Özlem Tür Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Nuri Yurdusev (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı (METU, IR) Assis. Prof. Dr. Bayram Sinkaya (YBU, IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Ahmet Yusuf Özdemir Signature : iii ABSTRACT FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT Özdemir, Ahmet Yusuf M.S. Program of Middle East Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı July 2013, 141 pages This thesis analyses the political and ideological transformation of the Society of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from its foundation in 1928 to 2012.
  • PITF Consolidated Ca

    PITF Consolidated Ca

    Political Instability Task Force (PITF) Consolidated Problem Set, Historical State Armed Conflicts and Regime Crises, 1955-20161 Country Type of Began Ended Brief Description Conflict Afghanistan Complex2 4/1978 —3 In wake of unrest stemming from assassination of prominent opposition leader, Daoud regime is overthrown in left-wing military coup, followed by political purges of ruling circles and Soviet invasion (ARC4 4/78-12/79). Widespread insurgency by Mujahedeen (REV 4/78-4/92) factions provokes Soviet and Afghan Government tactics of systematic terror, destruction of villages, and execution of prisoners (GEN 4/78-4/92). Soviet-supported Najibullah regime falls after defection of General Dostam and his Uzbek militia. Mujahedeen forces enter Kabul and establish interim Taliban- controlled central government (ARC 4/92-9/96). Civil war continues among political factions based on Pashtun, Tajik, Uzbek, and Hazara ethnic groups, first, as Taliban attempts to extend its authority and, then, after Northern Alliance militias, backed by strong US and British air support, displace the collapsed Taliban regime in November 2001 (ETH 5/92-10/01, ARC 11/01-6/02). Mainly ethnic-Pashtun Mujahedeen and Taliban fighters continue to challenge secular central authorities from strongholds in south and east regions (REV from 11/01). Albania Complex 5/1996 5/1997 Third post-Communist parliamentary elections are marked by bloody police repression and electoral fraud. President Berisha attempts to consolidate political power but regime is undermined by poor performance (ARC 5/96). Collapse of pyramid investment schemes ignites simmering dissatisfaction. Capital and southern half of country engulfed in fighting, looting, and rioting.
  • Bahrain: Change of the Regime Or Changes Within the Regime?

    Bahrain: Change of the Regime Or Changes Within the Regime?

    Bahrain: Change of the Regime or Changes within the Regime? The 14th February Uprising opposition of all shades was in agreement with Bahrain has been witnessing an uprising since the uprising, despite differences on the agenda 14th February 2011, the eruption of which had and means of protests. been signaled by a call on Facebook two weeks The first days of the uprisings (14–17 before. The call promoted two slogans: one, that February) witnessed increasingly dramatic the protests should be of a peaceful nature; and developments, which led to an unprecedented two, that the aim is to topple the regime. Both situation in the country. None of the concerned demands were in line with their precedents parties, neither the opposition nor the security in Tunisia and Egypt, and with the popular establishment, government or the general public expected such a large turnout of protesters amid tight security measures. Tens of Despite the peaceful nature thousands showed up in defiance. Despite the of the protests, it was quelled peaceful nature of the protests, it was quelled with ruthless force resulting in with ruthless force resulting in deaths and tens deaths and tens of causalities of causalities among the protesters. The funeral among the protesters. of a victim at Al-Daih village east of the island’s capital Manama on 15th February was massive. Thousands advanced towards the so-called expression “The People want the downfall of Lulu (eng: Pearl) roundabout1 in Manama. the regime“ (ash-sha’b yurid isqat al-nizam). The call came from anonymous persons, but thousands of Bahrainis supported it on the Facebook group entitled “14th February Bahrain Revolution”.