Fragmenting Under Pressure Egypt’S Islamists Since Morsi’S Ouster
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Egypt: Freedom on the Net 2017
FREEDOM ON THE NET 2017 Egypt 2016 2017 Population: 95.7 million Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2016 (ITU): 39.2 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 15 16 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 15 18 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 33 34 TOTAL* (0-100) 63 68 Press Freedom 2017 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: June 2016 – May 2017 • More than 100 websites—including those of prominent news outlets and human rights organizations—were blocked by June 2017, with the figure rising to 434 by October (se Blocking and Filtering). • Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) services are restricted on most mobile connections, while repeated shutdowns of cell phone service affected residents of northern Sinai (Se Restrictions on Connectivity). • Parliament is reviewing a problematic cybercrime bill that could undermine internet freedom, and lawmakers separately proposed forcing social media users to register with the government and pay a monthly fee (see Legal Environment and Surveillance, Privacy, and Anonymity). • Mohamed Ramadan, a human rights lawyer, was sentenced to 10 years in prison and a 5-year ban on using the internet, in retaliation for his political speech online (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Activists at seven human rights organizations on trial for receiving foreign funds were targeted in a massive spearphishing campaign by hackers seeking incriminating information about them (see Technical Attacks). 1 www.freedomonthenet.org Introduction FREEDOM EGYPT ON THE NET Obstacles to Access 2017 Introduction Availability and Ease of Access Internet freedom declined dramatically in 2017 after the government blocked dozens of critical news Restrictions on Connectivity sites and cracked down on encryption and circumvention tools. -
Egypt's Unsustainable Crackdown
MEMO POLICY EGYPT’S UNSUSTAINABLE CRACKDOWN Anthony Dworkin and Hélène Michou Six months after the army deposed Egypt’s first freely SUMMARY As a referendum on the constitution approaches, elected president, the new authorities are keen to give Egyptian authorities are keen to give the the impression that the country is back on the path to impression that the country is back on track democracy. A new constitution has been drafted and will towards democracy. But the government’s be put to a referendum in mid-January. Parliamentary apparent effort to drive the Muslim Brotherhood completely out of public life and the repression of and presidential elections are scheduled to follow within alternative voices mean that a political solution the following six months. Egypt’s interim president, Adly to the country’s divisions remains far off. While Mansour, described the draft constitution as “a good start on there are uncertainties about the path that Egypt which to build the institutions of a democratic and modern will follow, these will play out within limits set by state”.1 Amr Moussa, chairman of the committee of 50 that the country’s powerful security forces. Against a background of popular intolerance and public was largely responsible for writing the constitution, said that media that strongly back the state, there is little it marked “the transition from disturbances to stability and prospect of the clampdown being lifted in the from economic stagnation to development”.2 short term. Yet it would be wrong to believe that Egypt’s current However, this path seems to promise only further instability and turbulence. -
Abuses by the Supreme State Security Prosecution
PERMANENT STATE OF EXCEPTION ABUSES BY THE SUPREME STATE SECURITY PROSECUTION Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: Illustration depicting, based on testimonies provided to Amnesty International, the inside Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons of an office of a prosecutor at the Supreme State Security Prosecution. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Inkyfada https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 12/1399/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 METHODOLOGY 11 BACKGROUND 13 SUPREME STATE SECURITY PROSECUTION 16 JURISDICTION 16 HISTORY 17 VIOLATIONS OF FAIR TRIAL GUARANTEES 20 ARBITRARY DETENTION -
The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds The Unbreakable Muslim Brotherhood: Grim Prospects for a Liberal Egypt by Eric Trager Aug 23, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Eric Trager Eric Trager was the Esther K. Wagner Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony The iconic youths of Egypt's Tahrir Square revolution are now deeply divided among nearly a dozen, often indistinguishable political parties, while the Muslim Brotherhood is seizing the momentum. he protesters who led Egypt's revolt last January were young, liberal, and linked-in. They were the bloggers T who first proposed the demonstrations against Hosni Mubarak on Twitter; the Facebook-based activists who invited their "friends" to protest; and Wael Ghonim, the 30-year-old Google executive who, after Egypt's state security agency detained him for 12 days, rallied the crowds to hold Tahrir Square. Far from emulating Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, they channeled Thomas Paine, calling for civil liberties, religious equality, and an end to Mubarak's dictatorship. Their determination, punctuated by the speed of their triumph, fueled optimism that the long-awaited Arab Spring had finally sprung -- that the Middle East would no longer be an autocratic exception in an increasingly democratic world. The political transition following their revolt, however, has dulled this optimism. The iconic youths of Tahrir Square are now deeply divided among nearly a dozen, often indistinguishable political parties, almost all of which are either too new to be known or too discredited by their cooperation with the previous regime. Concentrated within the small percentage of Internet-using, politically literate Egyptians, their numbers are surprisingly small. -
Nvskh Ktvb 2007.Pdf
First Annual Levtzion Lecture The Islamisation of Egypt and North Africa (Delivered 12 January 2005) Michael Brett The School of Oriental and African Studies The University of London The Nehemia Levtzion Center for Islamic Studies The Institute of Asian and African Studies The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2006 1 Abstract The subject of Islamization is clearly a major issue in the history of the Middle East, to which Nehemia Levtzion devoted much attention. In this lecture, attention is drawn to its development in two adjacent areas, Egypt and North Africa, in which the process differed with the society. In Christian Egypt, the Church survived, but intermarriage and a continuous trickle of conversion on the part of the Copts contributed to a higher rate of reproduction on the part of the Muslim element in the population, which eventually transformed it into a majority. In North Africa, the transformation began with the identification of the pagan Berbers as a nation which had submitted to Islam, and their recruitment into the Arab armies. Immigration into the cities created an urban Muslim population, but the framework for the incorporation of the rural population was created by the revolutionary appeal of Islam to the tribes, which resulted in the unification of North Africa in the Almohad empire. תקציר סוגית ההתאסלמות היא נושא מרכזי בהיסטוריה של המזרח התיכון, והיתה אחד מתחומי המחקר הבולטים של נחמיה לבציון. בהרצאה שלפניך, נבחנת סוגיה זו בשני אזורים סמוכים -- במצרים ובצפון אפריקה -- בהם התרחשו תהליכי התאסלמות שונים. במצרים הנוצרית, הכנסייה הצליחה לשרוד, אולם נישואי תערובת ותהליך המרה אטי אך מתמשך מצד הקופטים תרמו לשיעור ריבוי גבוה יותר בקרב המרכיב המוסלמי של החברה. -
The Muslim Brotherhood Fol- Lowing the “25 Janu- Ary Revolution”
Maria Dolores Algora Weber CEU San Pablo University THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD FOL- LOWING THE “25 JANU- ARY REVOLUTION”: FROM THE IDEALS OF THE PAST TO THE POLITICAL CHAL- LENGES OF THE PRESENT In the framework of the Arab Spring, as the wave of social mobilisation of 2011 has come to be known, the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt marked the beginning of a process which has deeply transformed the re- ality of many countries in the Arab World. In Egypt, the events that took place in Tahrir Square not only put an end to President Mubarak's dic- tatorship, but also paved the way for new political actors, among which the Muslim Brotherhood has played a key role. During the subsequent transition, the Brotherhood gained control of the National Assembly and positioned their leader, Mohamed Mursi, as the new President. The present debate is focused on the true democratic vocation of this move- ment and its relationship with the other social forces inside Egypt and beyond. This article intends to address these issues. To that end, it begins with an explanation as to the ideological and political evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood and its internal changes brought about by the end of the previous regime, closing with an analysis of its transnational influ- ence and the possible international aftermaths. Islam, Islamism, Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt, Arab Spring 181 INTRODUCTION n 2011, a wave of social mobilisations took place in various Arab countries and which came to be known as the “Arab Spring”. This name is undoubtedly an at- tempt to draw a comparison between the historic process that unfolded in Europe Iin the mid-nineteenth century and the events that have taken place in the Arab World. -
How to Navigate Egypt's Enduring Human Rights Crisis
How to Navigate Egypt’s Enduring Human Rights Crisis BLUEPRINT FOR U.S. GOVERNMENT POLICY January 2016 Human Rights First American ideals. Universal values. On human rights, the United States must be a beacon. Activists fighting for freedom around the globe continue to look to us for inspiration and count on us for support. Upholding human rights is not only a moral obligation; it’s a vital national interest. America is strongest when our policies and actions match our values. Human Rights First is an independent advocacy and action organization that challenges America to live up to its ideals. We believe American leadership is essential in the struggle for human rights so we press the U.S. government and private companies to respect human rights and the rule of law. When they don’t, we step in to demand reform, accountability and justice. Around the world, we work where we can best harness American influence to secure core freedoms. We know that it is not enough to expose and protest injustice, so we create the political environment and policy solutions necessary to ensure consistent respect for human rights. Whether we are protecting refugees, combating torture, or defending persecuted minorities, we focus not on making a point, but on making a difference. For over 30 years, we’ve built bipartisan coalitions and teamed up with frontline activists and lawyers to tackle issues that demand American leadership. Human Rights First is a nonprofit, nonpartisan international human rights organization based in New York and Washington D.C. To maintain our independence, we accept no government funding. -
Egypt Presidential Election Observation Report
EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT JULY 2014 This publication was produced by Democracy International, Inc., for the United States Agency for International Development through Cooperative Agreement No. 3263-A- 13-00002. Photographs in this report were taken by DI while conducting the mission. Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: +1.301.961.1660 www.democracyinternational.com EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT July 2014 Disclaimer This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Democracy International, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ................................................................ 4 MAP OF EGYPT .......................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................. II DELEGATION MEMBERS ......................................... V ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ....................... X EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 6 ABOUT DI .......................................................... 6 ABOUT THE MISSION ....................................... 7 METHODOLOGY .............................................. 8 BACKGROUND ........................................................ 10 TUMULT -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian Urban Exigencies: Space, Governance and Structures of Meaning in a Globalising Cairo A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Global Studies by Roberta Duffield Committee in charge: Professor Paul Amar, Chair Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse Assistant Professor Javiera Barandiarán Associate Professor Juan Campo June 2019 The thesis of Roberta Duffield is approved. ____________________________________________ Paul Amar, Committee Chair ____________________________________________ Jan Nederveen Pieterse ____________________________________________ Javiera Barandiarán ____________________________________________ Juan Campo June 2014 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my thesis committee at the University of California, Santa Barbara whose valuable direction, comments and advice informed this work: Professor Paul Amar, Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Professor Javiera Barandiarán and Professor Juan Campo, alongside the rest of the faculty and staff of UCSB’s Global Studies Department. Without their tireless work to promote the field of Global Studies and committed support for their students I would not have been able to complete this degree. I am also eternally grateful for the intellectual camaraderie and unending solidarity of my UCSB colleagues who helped me navigate Californian graduate school and come out the other side: Brett Aho, Amy Fallas, Tina Guirguis, Taylor Horton, Miguel Fuentes Carreño, Lena Köpell, Ashkon Molaei, Asutay Ozmen, Jonas Richter, Eugene Riordan, Luka Šterić, Heather Snay and Leila Zonouzi. I would especially also like to thank my friends in Cairo whose infinite humour, loyalty and love created the best dysfunctional family away from home I could ever ask for and encouraged me to enroll in graduate studies and complete this thesis: Miriam Afifiy, Eman El-Sherbiny, Felix Fallon, Peter Holslin, Emily Hudson, Raïs Jamodien and Thomas Pinney. -
Fault Lines: Sinai Peninsula 20 OCT 2017 the Sinai Peninsula Is a Complicated Operational Environment (OE)
Fault Lines: Sinai Peninsula 20 OCT 2017 The Sinai Peninsula is a complicated operational environment (OE). At present, there are a number of interconnected conditions creating instability and fostering a favorable environment for the growth of Islamic extremist groups. Egypt is battling this situation with large-scale security operations, yet militant activity is not diminishing. The Egyptian government, in coordination with the Israeli government, is placing renewed interest on countering insurgent actors in the region and establishing a lasting security. Despite its best effort, Egypt has been largely unsuccessful. A variety of factors have contributed to the continued rise of the insurgents. We submit there are four key fault lines contributing to instability. These fault lines are neither mutually exclusive nor are they isolated to the Sinai. In fact, they are inexorably intertwined, in ways between Egypt, Israel, and the Sinai Peninsula. Issues related to faults create stability complications, legitimacy concerns, and disidentification problems that can be easily exploited by interested actors. It is essential to understand the conditions creating the faults, the escalation that results from them operating at the same time, and the potential effects for continued insecurity and ultimately instability in the region. FAULT LINES Egypt-Israel Relations - Enduring geopolitical tension between Egypt and Israel, and complex coordination needs between are “exploitable dissimilar and traditionally untrusting cultures, has potential for explosive effects on regional stability. sources of Political Instability - Continued political instability, generated from leadership turmoil, mounting security concerns, and insufficient efforts for economic development may lead to an exponentially dire security situation and direct and violent instability in the challenges to the government. -
Proquest Dissertations
The history of the conquest of Egypt, being a partial translation of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam's "Futuh Misr" and an analysis of this translation Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Hilloowala, Yasmin, 1969- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 10/10/2021 21:08:06 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282810 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly fi-om the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectiotiing the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. -
Facebook Revolution": Exploring the Meme-Like Spread of Narratives During the Egyptian Protests
It was a "Facebook revolution": Exploring the meme-like spread of narratives during the Egyptian protests. Fue una "Revolución de Facebook": Explorando la narrativa de los meme difundidos durante las protestas egipcias. Summer Harlow1 Recibido el 14 de mayo de 2013- Aceptado el 22 de julio de 2013 ABSTRACT: Considering online social media’s importance in the Arab Spring, this study is a preliminary exploration of the spread of narratives via new media technologies. Via a textual analysis of Facebook comments and traditional news media stories during the 2011 Egyptian uprisings, this study uses the concept of “memes” to move beyond dominant social movement paradigms and suggest that the telling and re-telling, both online and offline, of the principal narrative of a “Facebook revolution” helped involve people in the protests. Keywords: Activism, digital media, Egypt, social media, social movements. RESUMEN: Éste es un estudio preliminar sobre el rol desempeñado por un estilo narrativo de los medios sociales, conocido como meme, durante la primavera árabe. Para ello, realiza un análisis textual de los principales comentarios e historias vertidas en Facebook y retratadas en los medios tradicionales, durante las protestas egipcias de 2011. En concreto, este trabajo captura los principales “memes” de esta historia, en calidad de literatura principal de este movimiento social y analiza cómo el contar y el volver a contar estas historias, tanto en línea como fuera de línea, se convirtió en un estilo narrativo de la “revolución de Facebook” que ayudó a involucrar a la gente en la protesta. Palabras claves: Activismo, medios digitales, Egipto, medios sociales, movimientos sociales.