Egypt: Freedom on the Net 2017
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Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report
ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 209 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Mohamed Farahat This is an Open Access report distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated. This report is part of ‘Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries’; the Introduction is also recommended reading. © 2021 Mohamed Farahat © Institute of Development Studies. DOI: 10.19088/IDS.2021.014 ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 210 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report 1. Introduction Egypt has experienced many political and social changes prior to and since the 2011 uprising. These changes have had a significant impact on civic space offline, as well as online. Digital rights are simply human rights in online spaces and are recognised as being of central importance. This is especially true when closing civic space in the physical world means that opening civic space online is a necessary last resort. The coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic has highlighted the importance of digital rights, especially for vulnerable groups such as refugees and people in rural and remote areas. The main objective of this report is to give an overview of digital rights in Egypt, especially in the context of freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, the right to access the internet, and for access to information, and the right to knowledge; and to explore the impacts of the political context on civic space in general and digital rights in particular. -
Egypt Presidential Election Observation Report
EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT JULY 2014 This publication was produced by Democracy International, Inc., for the United States Agency for International Development through Cooperative Agreement No. 3263-A- 13-00002. Photographs in this report were taken by DI while conducting the mission. Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: +1.301.961.1660 www.democracyinternational.com EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT July 2014 Disclaimer This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Democracy International, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ................................................................ 4 MAP OF EGYPT .......................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................. II DELEGATION MEMBERS ......................................... V ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ....................... X EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 6 ABOUT DI .......................................................... 6 ABOUT THE MISSION ....................................... 7 METHODOLOGY .............................................. 8 BACKGROUND ........................................................ 10 TUMULT -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian Urban Exigencies: Space, Governance and Structures of Meaning in a Globalising Cairo A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Global Studies by Roberta Duffield Committee in charge: Professor Paul Amar, Chair Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse Assistant Professor Javiera Barandiarán Associate Professor Juan Campo June 2019 The thesis of Roberta Duffield is approved. ____________________________________________ Paul Amar, Committee Chair ____________________________________________ Jan Nederveen Pieterse ____________________________________________ Javiera Barandiarán ____________________________________________ Juan Campo June 2014 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my thesis committee at the University of California, Santa Barbara whose valuable direction, comments and advice informed this work: Professor Paul Amar, Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Professor Javiera Barandiarán and Professor Juan Campo, alongside the rest of the faculty and staff of UCSB’s Global Studies Department. Without their tireless work to promote the field of Global Studies and committed support for their students I would not have been able to complete this degree. I am also eternally grateful for the intellectual camaraderie and unending solidarity of my UCSB colleagues who helped me navigate Californian graduate school and come out the other side: Brett Aho, Amy Fallas, Tina Guirguis, Taylor Horton, Miguel Fuentes Carreño, Lena Köpell, Ashkon Molaei, Asutay Ozmen, Jonas Richter, Eugene Riordan, Luka Šterić, Heather Snay and Leila Zonouzi. I would especially also like to thank my friends in Cairo whose infinite humour, loyalty and love created the best dysfunctional family away from home I could ever ask for and encouraged me to enroll in graduate studies and complete this thesis: Miriam Afifiy, Eman El-Sherbiny, Felix Fallon, Peter Holslin, Emily Hudson, Raïs Jamodien and Thomas Pinney. -
Facebook Revolution": Exploring the Meme-Like Spread of Narratives During the Egyptian Protests
It was a "Facebook revolution": Exploring the meme-like spread of narratives during the Egyptian protests. Fue una "Revolución de Facebook": Explorando la narrativa de los meme difundidos durante las protestas egipcias. Summer Harlow1 Recibido el 14 de mayo de 2013- Aceptado el 22 de julio de 2013 ABSTRACT: Considering online social media’s importance in the Arab Spring, this study is a preliminary exploration of the spread of narratives via new media technologies. Via a textual analysis of Facebook comments and traditional news media stories during the 2011 Egyptian uprisings, this study uses the concept of “memes” to move beyond dominant social movement paradigms and suggest that the telling and re-telling, both online and offline, of the principal narrative of a “Facebook revolution” helped involve people in the protests. Keywords: Activism, digital media, Egypt, social media, social movements. RESUMEN: Éste es un estudio preliminar sobre el rol desempeñado por un estilo narrativo de los medios sociales, conocido como meme, durante la primavera árabe. Para ello, realiza un análisis textual de los principales comentarios e historias vertidas en Facebook y retratadas en los medios tradicionales, durante las protestas egipcias de 2011. En concreto, este trabajo captura los principales “memes” de esta historia, en calidad de literatura principal de este movimiento social y analiza cómo el contar y el volver a contar estas historias, tanto en línea como fuera de línea, se convirtió en un estilo narrativo de la “revolución de Facebook” que ayudó a involucrar a la gente en la protesta. Palabras claves: Activismo, medios digitales, Egipto, medios sociales, movimientos sociales. -
Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist for Terrorism
Snapshot – The Wrong Target: Egypt Imprisons Nonviolent Student Activist For Terrorism SUMMARY On October 15, Andrew Nasif, an Egyptian university student and leftist opposition party member, became the first Coptic Christian to be sent to prison under the country’s draconian anti-terrorism law. The court ruled that Andrew promoted terrorist acts through Facebook posts, flyers, and petitions calling for political and economic rights. Andrew’s lawyer describes his conviction as “truly frivolous” and “literally completely empty” of any evidence showing that he was involved in calling for violence. His case is the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities punish peaceful dissent as “terrorism,” while the problem of actual violent militancy in Egypt grows worse. Genuine security in Egypt will come not through blanket repression, but through the rule of law, rights, justice, and strong and accountable institutions. To read this snapshot as a PDF, click here. INTRODUCTION On October 15, the Zagazig Criminal Court in al-Sharqia Governorate in Egypt’s Delta region sentenced Andrew Nasif Noshi Saleeb to five years in prison for violating Law 94 of 2015, the anti- terrorism law.[1] The judge ruled that 23-year-old Andrew, a business student at Zagazig University, had promoted terrorism through pro-democracy pamphlets, posts on Facebook, and a petition opposing President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s economic policies. Andrew’s conviction is only the latest example of how the Egyptian authorities are using terrorism as a pretext to repress citizens who have nothing to do with the country’s violent Islamist extremist threat, but who speak out against rising authoritarianism, injustice, and economic hardship. -
Treatment of Members of the Muslim Brotherhood, Including Leaders
Responses to Information Requests - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Page 1 of 6 Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Home > Research Program > Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests Responses to Information Requests (RIR) respond to focused Requests for Information that are submitted to the Research Directorate in the course of the refugee protection determination process. The database contains a seven-year archive of English and French RIRs. Earlier RIRs may be found on the UNHCR's Refworld website. 4 November 2013 EGY104639.E Egypt: Treatment of members of the Muslim Brotherhood, including leaders, returnee members and suspected members, by authorities following the removal of President Mohamed Morsi (3 July 2013-30 October 2013) Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa 1. Background President Mohammed Morsi was the Muslim Brotherhood's presidential candidate in Egypt's 2012 elections (BBC 4 Nov. 2013; Human Rights Watch 16 Aug. 2013). He ran under the Freedom and Justice Party (ibid.; Al Jazeera 1 July 2013), which is the Muslim Brotherhood's political wing (ibid.). President Morsi was overthrown by the Egyptian army on 3 July 2013, one year after becoming president (AI Jazeera 30 Aug. 2013; BBC 4 Nov. 2013). Sources provide different estimates on the number of Muslim Brotherhood members in Egypt, ranging from 400,000 (NBC News 15 July 2013) to one million (The Guardian 2 Apr. 2013). 2. Status of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt On 23 September 2013, the Court for Urgent Cases [also Court for Urgent Matters] banned the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt (Egypt 23 Sept. -
Minority Profile: Egypt's Nubians
Minority Profile: Egypt’s Nubians February 2018 The Nubians have been displaced for over 100 years, yet the government repeatedly denies their legal rights to resettle on their historic homelands in Upper Egypt. Dozens of Nubians were arrested in 2016 and 2017 for participating in protests against the conversion of Nubian land into militarized zones, as decided by the president and government. Nubians who have been relocated to government-provided villages suffer from poor living conditions and resources and ultimately experience the gradual erasure of their Nubian identities. AN INDIGENOUS PEOPLE WHO HAVE HISTORICALLY BEEN DISPLACED Egypt’s Nubians are an indigenous ethnic group who primarily reside in Upper Egypt, near Egypt’s southern border with Sudan. The Kingdom of Nubia in present day Upper Egypt coalesced as far back as 800 BCE, while the Nubians’ ancestors pre-date 5000 BCE.1 The Kingdom of Nubia had autonomy from Egypt through the rule of King Farouk. When Gamal Abdel Nasser overthrew Farouk in 1952, Nubian lands were incorporated into the newly-established Egyptian republic.2 Nubians today still speak Nubian languages, which are a group of related nilo-saharan languages whose written records precede the 3rd century CE.3 However, younger generation Nubians also speak Arabic, which at times is the language used in government- run Nubian schools. Most Nubians are Sunni Muslims. The number of Egyptians with Nubian ancestry is estimated to be around three million, less than 4% of the total population.4 Nubians have historically faced discrimination from both state and non-state actors within Egypt. Most notably, following their displacement throughout the 20th century, the government repeatedly denied the community their legal rights to resettle on their historic homelands in Upper Egypt. -
Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and Government Newspapers in Egypt: a Content Analysis
American University in Cairo AUC Knowledge Fountain Theses and Dissertations 6-1-2012 Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis Noha El-Nahass Follow this and additional works at: https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds Recommended Citation APA Citation El-Nahass, N. (2012).Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis [Master’s thesis, the American University in Cairo]. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 MLA Citation El-Nahass, Noha. Framing of political forces in liberal, islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis. 2012. American University in Cairo, Master's thesis. AUC Knowledge Fountain. https://fount.aucegypt.edu/etds/296 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by AUC Knowledge Fountain. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of AUC Knowledge Fountain. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The American University in Cairo School of Global Affairs and Public Policy Framing of Political Forces in Liberal, Islamist and government newspapers in Egypt: A content analysis A Thesis Submitted to Journalism & Mass Communication department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts By Noha El-Nahass Under the supervision of Dr. Naila Hamdy Spring 2016 1 Dedication I dedicate this thesis to the journalists who lost their lives while covering the political turbulences in Egypt, may their sacrifices enlighten the road and give the strength to their colleagues to continue reflecting the truth and nothing but the truth. -
The Egyptian Political Debate on the Youth and the January 25Th Revolution (Part 2) Mervat F. Hatem DEBATE ANALYSIS August 2014
DEBATE ANALYSIS August 2014 The Egyptian Political Debate on the Youth and the January 25th Revolution (Part 2) Mervat F. Hatem Keywords: January 25, 2011 revolution, June 30, 2013 revolution, Mohmmed Mursi, Muslim Brotherhood, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi. Summary: This is the second part of a discussion of the role that the youth has played in the Arab uprisings of 2011 and the political transitions that followed. In part I, I reviewed some of the multi- disciplinary work done in the field of Middle East studies that explained the demographic, economic and social developments that contributed to the youthful character of Arab societies and the challenges that they posed. I also suggested that Middle East political science’s preoccupation with authoritarian stability explained its lack of interest in the study of the “youth” as a non-state actor that highlighted changes and forms of political mobilization that took place outside formal political spaces and institutions.1 In part II of this discussion, I begin with an examination of the political context of the Egyptian debate on the youth and the roles that they layed in the revolutions of January of 2011 and June 2013. Next, I discuss how the youth emerged as specific objects of a heated debate in many newspaper articles and television programs in November and December of 2013 becoming an extension of the partisan political debate that sought to exclude the Muslim Brotherhood and their youthful supporters from politics following the July 3, 2013 coup that deposed President Mohammed Mursi. The demonization of the Muslim Brotherhood, as a violent threat to the ability of state institutions (especially the police and the military)1to function and restore political order was used by the government to emphasize the need to close ranks and respond to regional and international threats to national security. -
Border Center for Support and Consulting (BSC), Egypt
Border Center for Support and Consulting (BSC) Founded in 2013 https://www.bsc-eg.org BSC (Hodoud) Is An EgyptiAn non-profit humAn rights orgAnizAtion working on the rights of NubiAns As indigenous people within Egypt through the legal and community framework, and focuses its efforts to enable Nubians entitlement as indigenous people within Egypt to enjoy the internAtionAl rights pAckAge estAblished in nAtionAl lAws And internAtionAl obligations, through advocacy programs and raising the capacity and legal assistance through which we submit and propose legislative amendments and the issuance of studies and periodicals corresponding to the international obligations of Egypt. A. Where is Nubia? 1. The geographical region located on the banks of the Nile from the first waterfall south of Egypt and extends to the sixth waterfall in Sudan, the Nubians settled in this region since thousands of years in the form of a group of one ethnic origin joined by one language and distinctive culture richness, which contributed to shaping their habits and the form of their community. 2. The beginning of the Nubian problem in modern times: 3. In 1841, after the Ottoman caliphate1 issued the decree demarcating the southern border of Egypt, this was followed by the decision of the Minister of Interior to amend the borders of Egypt and Sudan on the basis of the bilateral agreement between Egypt and the British occupation on January 19, 1899, which involved the separation of ten Nubian villages of the Halfa Center in Nubia province, villages south of the latitude 22, to enter the borders of Sudan. The area inside the Egyptian border extended from the village of Adhandan in the south to the waterfall in the north, and the name of the province of Nubia, which was known as the Border Directorate, was changed to Aswan. -
Sisi Pardons Activists, Journalists; April 6 Movement Leader Arrested
Egypt Daily Update: Sisi Pardons Activists, Journalists; April 6 Movement Leader Arrested Sisi Pardons Activists, Journalists April 6 Movement Leader Arrested Administrative Court Accepts Candidate Appeals Political Cartoon of the Day: The Tide of Change Top Stories Sisi Pardons Activists, Jazeera Journalists President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi pardoned 100 prisoners, among them two Al Jazeera journalists and several well-known activists, coinciding with the Eid al-Adha holiday. Al Jazeera journalists Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed were sentenced last month to three years in prison for spreading false news and alleged support of the Muslim Brotherhood. Fahmy and Mohamed’s families reacted joyfully at the news. Fahmy’s wife expressed [Ar] “great relief” at his pardon and Mohamed’s wife said her “life changed” because of the news. Young activists and prisoners in poor health were also pardoned in the decree. Yara Sallam and Sanaa Seif, two human rights activists who were arrested along with 20 others for protesting near the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace in June 2014, are among those pardoned [Ar]. The decree pardoned 18 of the 21 prisoners charged with protesting against military trials outside of the Shura Council in November 2013, though it is unclear whether prominent activist Alaa Abd al-Fattah is among those pardoned. Activist Omar Hazek, who was charged with organizing an unauthorized protest in December 2013, was also pardoned while Mahinour al-Masry, who was charged in the same case and won the 2014 Ludovic Trarieux award for her human rights work, was not mentioned in the decree. Amnesty International Egypt stated [Ar] that they hope “that the decision stems from the authorities’ conviction of the innocence of those imprisoned.” back to top April 6 Movement Leader Arrested The leader of the April 6 Youth Movement, Amr Ali, was detained [Ar] on Tuesday as part of an “ongoing investigation” according to the head of the Ashmoun Investigative Bureau. -
Freedom on the Net 2011 1 F H
REEDOM OUSE Freedom on the Net 2011 1 F H FREEDOM ON THE NET 2011: GLOBAL SCORES Freedom on the Net aims to measure each country’s level of internet and new media freedom. Each country receives a numerical score from 0 (the most free) to 100 (the least free), which serves as the basis for an internet freedom status designation of Free (0-30 points), Partly Free (31-60 points), or Not Free (61-100). Ratings are determined through an examination of three broad categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violation of user rights. Obstacles to Access: assesses infrastructural and economic barriers to access; governmental efforts to block specific applications or technologies; and legal, regulatory and ownership control over internet and mobile phone access providers. Limits on Content: examines filtering and blocking of websites; other forms of censorship and self-censorship; manipulation of content; the diversity of online news media; and usage of digital media for social and political activism. Violations of User Rights: measures legal protections and restrictions on online activity; surveillance; privacy; and repercussions for online activity, such as legal prosecution, imprisonment, physical attacks, or other forms of harassment. FREEDOM ON A SUBTOTAL: B SUBTOTAL: C SUBTOTAL: FREEDOM THE NET OBSTACLES TO LIMITS ON VIOLATIONS OF COUNTRY ON THE NET TOTAL ACCESS CONTENT USER RIGHTS STATUS 0-100 Points 0-25 Points 0-35 Points 0-40 Points Estonia Free 10 2 2 6 USA Free 13 4 2 7 Germany Free 16 4 5 7 Australia Free 18 3 6 9 UK