The Time Has Come (1964-1966) MAN: What Dr
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Untimely Meditations: Reflections on the Black Audio Film Collective
8QWLPHO\0HGLWDWLRQV5HIOHFWLRQVRQWKH%ODFN$XGLR )LOP&ROOHFWLYH .RGZR(VKXQ Nka: Journal of Contemporary African Art, Number 19, Summer 2004, pp. 38-45 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\'XNH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/nka/summary/v019/19.eshun.html Access provided by Birkbeck College-University of London (14 Mar 2015 12:24 GMT) t is no exaggeration to say that the installation of In its totality, the work of John Akomfrah, Reece Auguiste, Handsworth Songs (1985) at Documentall introduced a Edward George, Lina Gopaul, Avril Johnson, David Lawson, and new audience and a new generation to the work of the Trevor Mathison remains terra infirma. There are good reasons Black Audio Film Collective. An artworld audience internal and external to the group why this is so, and any sus• weaned on Fischli and Weiss emerged from the black tained exploration of the Collective's work should begin by iden• cube with a dramatically expanded sense of the historical, poet• tifying the reasons for that occlusion. Such an analysis in turn ic, and aesthetic project of the legendary British group. sets up the discursive parameters for a close hearing and viewing The critical acclaim that subsequently greeted Handsworth of the visionary project of the Black Audio Film Collective. Songs only underlines its reputation as the most important and We can locate the moment when the YBA narrative achieved influential art film to emerge from England in the last twenty cultural liftoff in 1996 with Douglas Gordon's Turner Prize vic• years. It is perhaps inevitable that Handsworth Songs has tended tory. -
Erit ...Ublishers
BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS ON THE AFRO-AMERICAN STRUGGLE CLOTH How A Minority Can Change Society, George Breitman .25 Malcolm X, The Man and His Ideas, George Breitman .25 Marxism and the Negro Struggle, Cruse, Breitman, DeBerry .50 The Autobiography of Malcolm X 7 .50 .95 Malcolm X Speaks - Speeches, Statements, Letters 5.95 Malcolm X Talks to Young People .35 Two Speeches by Malcolm X .25 Negroes in American History, A Freedom Primer 1.95 Freedom Now: New Stage in the Struggle for Negro Emancipation .25 The Black Ghetto, Robert Vernon .35 Watts and Harlem, Robert Vernon and George Novack .15 Why Watts Exploded, Della Rossa .25 erit 5 E"'os'-3rd-S'-ree-'- .... ublishers New York, N. Y. 10003 SPEECH BY JOHN HULETT INTERVIEW· WITH STOKELY CARMICHAEL SEND FOR A FREE COPYOF A CATALOG LISTING BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS ON SOCIALISM, VIETNAM, THE LABOR MOVEMENT, CIVIL RIGHTS , REPORT FROM LOWNDES COUNTY AFRO- AMEJUf6tt>~~(~r'8C16KIV ~Ff6~ ES , HISTORY . 25C 1702 East Fourth St. ~====== L A. 33 AN. 9-49~3 THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY I TABLE OF CONTENTS MERIT PUBLISHERS TITLE PAGE 'S EAST THIRD STREET NEWYORK, N. Y. 10003 INTRODUCTION 4 HOW THE BLACK PANTHER PARTY WAS ORGANIZED by John ;Hulett 7 A REPORT FROM LOWNDES COUNTY by John Benson 16 Printed in June, 1966 INTERVIEW WITH STOKELY CARMICHAEL 24 .,]6 3 a nd "irresponsible." In attacking SNCC the press and the more conserva tive Negro leaders have constantly harped on the theme that since Negroes are a minority of the population, they are fools INTRODUCTION to take action on their own. -
The Crusader Monthll,J Nelijsletter
THE CRUSADER MONTHLL,J NELIJSLETTER ROBERT F. WILLIAMS, EDITOR -IN EXILE- VoL . ~ - No. 9 MAY 1968 Afro-Americans & Slick John Kennedy Government of the United States is no government T~E of the Afro-Americans at all. The slick John Ken- nedy gang is operating one of the greatest sham govern- ment in the entire world. Afro-Americans and fair minded Od > ~- O THE wN«< /l~USL . lF Yov~Re EyER IN NE60, CALL ME AT whites must be gullible indeed to believe that the racist, KKK dominated so-called U.S. Government is concerned with the welfare and human rights of colored people. The colored people of the USA must bring themselves to realize that taken integration is a slick manuever to check the restlessness of an oppressed people fast becoming infect ed with the germ of total resistance policy developing among all of the oppressed peoples of the world. Token integration means nothing to the masses. Even an idiot should be able to see that so-called Token integration is no more than window dressing designed to lull the poor downtrodden Afro-American to sleep and to make the out side world think that the racist, savage USA is a fountainhead of social justice and democracy. The Afro-American in the USA is facing his greatest crisis since chattel slavery. All forms of violence and underhanded methods o.f extermination are being stepped up against our people. Contrary to what the "big daddies" and their "good nigras" would have us believe about all of the phoney progress they claim the race is making, the True status of the Afro-Ameri- can is s#eadily on the down turn. -
Stokely Carmichael______Toward Black Liberation the Massachusetts Review
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 Getty Images Stokely Carmichael_______ Toward Black Liberation The Massachusetts Review Autumn 1966____Excerpt* Stokely Carmichael came to the U.S. from Trinidad as a child in 1952, In 1966 he became chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Later he became a leader of the Black Panther Party. Traditionally, for each new ethnic group, the route Stokely Carmichael, 1973 to social and political integration into America’s pluralistic society, has been through the organization of their own institutions with which to represent their communal needs within the larger society. This is simply stating what the advocates of Black Power are saying. The strident outcry, particularly from the liberal community, that has been evoked by this proposal can only be understood by examining the historic relationship between Negro and white power in this country. Negroes are defined by two forces, their blackness and their powerlessness. There have been traditionally two communities in America: the white community, which controlled and defined the forms that all institutions within the society would take; and the Negro community, which has been excluded from participation in the power decisions that shaped the society, and has traditionally been dependent upon, and subservient to, the white community. This has not been accidental. The history of every institution of this society indicates that a major concern in the ordering and structuring of the society has been the maintaining of the Negro community in its condition of dependence and oppression. This has not been on the level of individual acts of discrimination between individual whites against individual Negroes, but as total acts by the white community against the Negro community. -
Remembering the Struggle for Civil Rights – the Greenwood Sites
rallied a crowd of workers set up shop in a building that stood Union Grove M.B. Church protestors in this park on this site. By 1963, local participation in 615 Saint Charles Street with shouts of “We Civil Rights activities was growing, accel- Union Grove was the first Baptist church in want black power!” erated by the supervisors’ decision to halt Greenwood to open its doors to Civil Rights Change Began Here Greenwood was the commodity distribution. The Congress of activities when it participated in the 1963 midpoint of James Racial Equality (CORE), Council of Federated Primary Election Freedom Vote. Comedian GREENWOOD AND LEFLORE COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI Meredith’s “March Organizations (COFO), Southern Christian and activist Dick Gregory spoke at the church Against Fear” from Memphis to Jackson. in the spring of that year as part of his cam- Carmichael and two other marchers had paign to provide food and clothing to those been arrested for pitching tents on a school left in need after Leflore County Supervisors Birth of a Movement campus. By the time they were bailed out, discontinued federal commodities distribution. “In the meetings everything--- more than 600 marchers and local people uncertainty, fear, even desperation--- had gathered in the park, and Carmichael St. Francis Center finds expression, and there is comfort seized the moment to voice the “black 709 Avenue I power” slogan, which fellow SNCC worker This Catholic Church structure served as a and sustenance in talkin‘ ‘bout it.” Willie Ricks had originated. hospital for blacks and a food distribution – Michael Thelwell, SNCC Organizer center in the years before the Civil Rights First SNCC Office Movement. -
Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Talk It out 17
Writing for Understanding ACTIVITY Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Talk It Out 17 Overview Materials This Writing for Understanding activity allows students to learn about and write • Transparency 17A a fictional dialogue reflecting the differing viewpoints of Martin Luther King Jr. • Student Handouts and Malcolm X on the methods African Americans should use to achieve equal 17 A –17C rights. Students study written information about either Martin Luther King Jr. • Information Master or Malcolm X and then compare the backgrounds and views of the two men. 17A Students then use what they have learned to assume the roles of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X and debate methods for achieving African American equality. Afterward, students write a dialogue between the two men to reveal their differing viewpoints. Procedures at a Glance • Before class, decide how you will divide students into mixed-ability pairs. Use the diagram at right to determine where they should sit. • In class, tell students that they will write a dialogue reflecting the differing viewpoints of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X on the methods African Americans should use to achieve equal rights. • Divide the class into two groups—one representing each man. Explain that pairs will become “experts” on either Martin Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X. Direct students to move into their correct places. • Give pairs a copy of the appropriate Student Handout 17A. Have them read the information and discuss the “stop and discuss” questions. • Next, place each pair from the King group with a pair from the Malcolm X group. -
Waveland, Mississippi, November 1964: Death of Sncc, Birth of Radicalism
WAVELAND, MISSISSIPPI, NOVEMBER 1964: DEATH OF SNCC, BIRTH OF RADICALISM University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire: History Department History 489: Research Seminar Professor Robert Gough Professor Selika Ducksworth – Lawton, Cooperating Professor Matthew Pronley University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire May 2008 Abstract: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced Snick) was a nonviolent direct action organization that participated in the civil rights movement in the 1960s. After the Freedom Summer, where hundreds of northern volunteers came to participate in voter registration drives among rural blacks, SNCC underwent internal upheaval. The upheaval was centered on the future direction of SNCC. Several staff meetings occurred in the fall of 1964, none more important than the staff retreat in Waveland, Mississippi, in November. Thirty-seven position papers were written before the retreat in order to reflect upon the question of future direction of the organization; however, along with answers about the future direction, these papers also outlined and foreshadowed future trends in radical thought. Most specifically, these trends include race relations within SNCC, which resulted in the emergence of black self-consciousness and an exodus of hundreds of white activists from SNCC. ii Table of Contents: Abstract ii Historiography 1 Introduction to Civil Rights and SNCC 5 Waveland Retreat 16 Position Papers – Racial Tensions 18 Time after Waveland – SNCC’s New Identity 26 Conclusion 29 Bibliography 32 iii Historiography Research can both answer questions and create them. Initially I discovered SNCC though Taylor Branch’s epic volumes on the Civil Right Movements in the 1960s. Further reading revealed the role of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC, pronounced Snick) in the Civil Right Movement and opened the doors into an effective and controversial organization. -
Spittin' Truth to the Power While Light Leaping for The
1 SPITTIN’ TRUTH TO THE POWER WHILE LIGHT LEAPING FOR THE PEOPLE By Alyce Smith Cooper and Shammy Dee A La Jolla Playhouse Commission Grade Level: Middle and High School Before You Watch: ● Learn more about La Jolla Playhouse Digital Without Walls (WOW) Artists Alyce Smith Cooper and Shammy Dee and the creative team for this piece. Questions for class discussion or journal: ○ Consider the title for this piece. What do you think this title means? What do you imagine you will be seeing, hearing, and experiencing? ○ When you see the image of a person with their hand in a fist, stretched up towards the sky, what does that evoke for you? Where have you seen this symbol before and what does it mean? ○ Make a list as a class of the fairy tales and stories they have heard as children. Ask the students to consider who is the storyteller and who is the audience for these stories. Which stories did you connect to the most and why? Do you feel like the stories you heard as a kid represented who you are as a person? Why or why not? ○ What do the words sermon, communion, and fellowship mean to you, and in what context do you think of these words? Have the students share their various definitions and ask them why they think the three pieces of SPITTIN’ TRUTH TO THE POWER WHILE LIGHT LEAPING FOR THE PEOPLE may have these titles--what might they expect to see or hear in each piece? (Revisit this question after watching each piece with each term). -
'The Only Position for Women in SNCC Is Prone'
‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’ 29 ‘The Only Position for Women in SNCC is Prone’: Stokely Carmichael and the Perceived Patriarchy of Civil Rights Organisations in America 1 Sabina Peck Second Year Undergraduate, 1 University of New South Wales There is the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement ... There are those, some of the young people [of SNCC] especially, who have said to me that if I had not been a woman I would have been well known in certain places, and perhaps held certain kinds of positions. – Ella Baker, 19702 Until relatively recently, historiography concerning the Civil Rights movement and its organisations has been fairly devoid of the study of the participation of women, focusing instead on certain charismatic, notably black male individuals such as Martin Luther King Jnr., Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X.3 Steven Lawson, for example, has traced the evolution of 1 Note the following abbreviations are used throughout the article: CORE- Congress of Racial Equality MFDP – Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party NAACP – National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People SCLC – Southern Christian Leadership Conference SNCC – Student Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee 2 Ella Baker, Developing Community Leadership, Taped interview with Gerda Lerner (December 1970) paragraphs 15 and 14, respectively. 3 Joan C. Browning explores the extent to which women’s activities have been glossed over in Civil Rights Historiography in her article, ‘Invisible Revolutionaries: White Women in Civil Rights Historiography’ Journal of Women’s History, Vol. -
Civil Rights Part 2 1960-75
BIRMINGHAM (1963) SELMA (1965) MALCOLM X CIVIL RIGHTS PART 2 CITY RIOTS (1964-68) 1960-75 . SNCC and SCLC organised peaceful . MLK and SCLC were invited to . Radical beliefs: believed in using . Major riots in US cities e.g. Watts, protests in Birmingham, Alabama (a campaign in Selma, Alabama, where violence if necessary and did not LA (1965) and Chicago (1966). notoriously racist city). voter registration was very low. want integration. Caused by long-term factors such . They knew they would get a reaction . Around 600 began a peaceful march . Like MLK he was well educated and GREENSBORO SIT-INS (1960) as unemployment and poverty. from police chief Bull Connor. from Selma to Montgomery, but an excellent speaker. Usually sparked by incidents of . Connor used police dogs and water were attacked by state troopers. Belonged to radical group Nation of police brutality and hot weather. 4 students held a sit-in at a segregated lunch counter in cannon against the protestors, even Known as ‘Bloody Sunday’ Islam, but left in 1964 after . 1968 Kerner Report said the riots Woolworths, North Carolina. children lots of publicity in favour massive publicity. disagreements with leader. had been caused by discrimination, . This gained massive publicity, of the protesters. President Johnson federalised the . His views softened after he left NOI and officials should do more to help leading to more students joining in. Encouraged sympathy for civil rights National Guard and ordered them to – he began to work with whites and the black community. Also said the . The sit-in inspired others to hold (although some controversy over escort the marchers safely. -
THE MILITANT Monday, September 9, 1963 Why Speech Speech That SNCC Leader the NATIONAL PICKET LINEL of John Lewis Had Planned for D.C
The Aug. 28 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom — It was the biggest civil-rights demonstration the Capital ever saw. THE In Wake of Capital March: MILITANT No Let-Up in Rights Battle Published in the Interests of the Working People By George Lavan On Aug. 30 a rioting mob of schoolrooms being installed in the Where does the Negro people’s hundreds in Folcroft, Pa., pelted black ghetto to avert the transfer Vol. 27 - No. 31 Monday, September 9, 1963 Price 10c fight for equality stand now that and cursed a Negro couple which of Negro children to adjacent, the March on Washington has had bought a home in that pre white, school districts where passed into history? viously lily-white neighborhood. there are empty classrooms. Mean The Aug. 28 march, the largest More Danville Negroes were while, neighborhood Negro lead demonstration Washington has jailed Aug. 30. In Williamston, ers announced plans for citywide Continued US Aid in Vietnam ever seen, commanded the atten N.C., teachers accused the police of protest actions against widespread tion of the whole country — in “gross brutality” against 400 Ne school segregation in the city. deed, of the whole world. Between gro school children who were pro On Sept. 2 Gov. Wallace of 200,000 and 250,000 people — testing the earlier arrest of eleven Alabama used state troopers to Refutes ‘Freedom Fight’ Lie about 90 per cent of them Negro demonstrators. In Americus, Ga., prevent carrying out of token — made a sacrifice of time and where three Negroes face death integration ordered by the courts. -
THE TAKING of AMERICA, 1-2-3 by Richard E
THE TAKING OF AMERICA, 1-2-3 by Richard E. Sprague Richard E. Sprague 1976 Limited First Edition 1976 Revised Second Edition 1979 Updated Third Edition 1985 About the Author 2 Publisher's Word 3 Introduction 4 1. The Overview and the 1976 Election 5 2. The Power Control Group 8 3. You Can Fool the People 10 4. How It All BeganÐThe U-2 and the Bay of Pigs 18 5. The Assassination of John Kennedy 22 6. The Assassinations of Robert Kennedy and Dr. Martin Luther King and Lyndon B. Johnson's Withdrawal in 1968 34 7. The Control of the KennedysÐThreats & Chappaquiddick 37 8. 1972ÐMuskie, Wallace and McGovern 41 9. Control of the MediaÐ1967 to 1976 44 10. Techniques and Weapons and 100 Dead Conspirators and Witnesses 72 11. The Pardon and the Tapes 77 12. The Second Line of Defense and Cover-Ups in 1975-1976 84 13. The 1976 Election and Conspiracy Fever 88 14. Congress and the People 90 15. The Select Committee on Assassinations, The Intelligence Community and The News Media 93 16. 1984 Here We ComeÐ 110 17. The Final Cover-Up: How The CIA Controlled The House Select Committee on Assassinations 122 Appendix 133 -2- About the Author Richard E. Sprague is a pioneer in the ®eld of electronic computers and a leading American authority on Electronic Funds Transfer Systems (EFTS). Receiving his BSEE degreee from Purdue University in 1942, his computing career began when he was employed as an engineer for the computer group at Northrup Aircraft. He co-founded the Computer Research Corporation of Hawthorne, California in 1950, and by 1953, serving as Vice President of Sales, the company had sold more computers than any competitor.