78-5821
CARR, Carol Elizabeth, 1944- PUBLIC IMAGES OF MARTIN LUTHER KING.
The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1977 Mass Communications
University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106
© 1977
CAROL ELIZABETH CARR
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PUBLIC IMAGES OF MARTIN LUTHER KING
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University
By
Carol Elizabeth Carr, B.Sc., M.A. *****
The Ohio State University
1977
Reading Committee: Approved by
Robert R. Monaghan Jack E. Douglas William R. Brown Advisor Department of Communication PLEASE NOTE
Page's with computer print-out has broken and indistinct print. Filmed in the best way possible.
UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS TO MY PARENTS
CARROLL H. AND HARRIET D. CARR ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor,
Dr. Robert R. Monaghan, for his help in this study. His inspiration, guidance and encouragement were unending. He is a cherished friend.
I wish to thank my other committee members, Dr. Jack
E. Douglas, and Dr. William R. Brown, for their critical, and insightful comments and their continued help and support.
Special thanks go to two dear friends, Dr. Janet L.
Miller who patiently edited this work and Dr. Shau-wing
C. Hsueh who gave endless assistance in using the computer.
Their support helped me to keep up the confidence and drive necessary to finish this project.
Other special thanks go to my husband, Dr. Frederick
M. Coggin. Fred helped me to keep this study in perspec tive, gave much common sense advice and always encouraged me to keep my sense of humor.
i n VITA
August 8/ 1944 Born - Dayton, Ohio
1966 ...... Bachelor of Science, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1966 - 1970 . Kindergarden Teacher, Murlin Heights Elementary, Vandalia, Ohio
1972 ...... Master of Arts, Ohio State Uni versity, Columbus, Ohio
1972 - 1973 . Teaching Assistant, Black Educa tion Center, Ohio State Univer sity, Columbus, Ohio
1973 - 1974 . Research Associate, Department of Communication, Ohio State Univer sity, Columbus, Ohio
1974 - 1977 . Academic Advisor, University Col lege, Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1977 ...... Counselor, Colleges of the Arts and Sciences, Ohio State Univer sity, Columbus, Ohio
PUBLICATIONS
"'Mister Rogers' Neighborhood' and the Handicapped Child Interface: Exploring and Assessing Integration of Educa tional Media and Professional Services to the Handicapped Child." U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education, Bureau of Education for the Handi capped, 1974. Robert R. Monaghan, Shau-wing Hsueh, Carol E. Layne and James A. Seguin.
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DEDICATION ...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... iii
VITA ...... iv
LIST OF T A B L E S ...... vii
LIST OF F I G U R E S ...... viii
Chapter
I. THE P R O B L E M ...... 1
Introduction and Background ...... 1 Question ...... 8 Definitions of T e r m s ...... 9 Assumptions ...... 9 Conceptualization of the P r o b l e m ...... 10
II. THEORETICAL EXPLANATION ...... 15
Introduction ...... 15 Related Literature ...... 17 M e a n i n g ...... 21 Image and Socialization...... 22 Nature and Function of I m a g e ...... 24 Content of I m a g e ...... 24 Dimensions of Image ...... 28 Social Structure of Image ...... 31 Social Movement Theory ...... 34
III. METHODS AND PROCEDURES ...... 49
Introduction ...... 49 Focused Interviews ...... 50 Conceptualization of Themes and Development of the Q - S o r t ...... 54
v TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)
Page Chapter
The S a m p l e ...... 58 Administration of the Q - S o r t ...... 62 Analysis of the D a t a ...... 63
IV. FINDINGS AND INTERPRETATIONS...... 67
Introduction ...... 67 Positive Image of Martin Luther King ...... 72 Image of the Social Action T y p e ...... 74 Image of the Advocate T y p e ...... 82 Image of the Amiable T y p e ...... 89 Image of the No Fit T y p e ...... 95 Negative Image of Martin Luther King ...... 99 Image of the Double-Bind T y p e ...... 100 Image of the Power-is-Gratifying T y p e ...... 106
V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS...... Ill
S u m m a r y...... Ill Conclusions...... 113 Implications ...... 115 Areas for Future Re s e a r c h ...... 117
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 120
APPENDIX
A ...... 127
B ...... 132
C ...... 135
D ...... 140
E ...... 142
F ...... 147
G ...... 153
H ...... 160
I ...... 162
vi LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Schema for the Construction of Q-Statements ...... 56
2. Control Groups for Sex, Age, Race, Education and Social Class S t a t u s ...... 60
3. Respondent Location within Control Groups ...... 61
4. Q-Sort Frequency Distributions ...... 62
5. Varimax Rotation ...... 161
vii LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Model Showing Image Formation P r o c e s s ...... 12
2. Model Showing the Relationship between Respondents and a Public Image of Martin Luther K i n g ...... 12
viii CHAPTER I
The Problem
Introduction and Background
This study is an analysis of the shared image of Martin
Luther King. Image may be defined as the personal "sub jective aspect of the world that has meaning ... and exists as a dynamic (mental) organization of past experience (which is) utilizeable for meeting new and old situations in terms of previous activities.1,1 According to Douglas in lectures and discussions at The Ohio State University "public image" is that image of a person, group, institution, object or event which is held by a set of people who, for a variety of constraints, such as political, familial or religious so cialization, group membership, demographic similarity or type of personality, perceive this person, group, institu- 2 tion or object in a particular, similar way. The image is created from past experiences of the individual and is pro cessed according to his unique set of values, background, and experience, when various people hold similar images of a referent or stimulus, the image is a shared one.
1 In order to analyze a public or shared image of Martin
Luther King respondents were selected because of their known interest in him. (Each person had expressed to the author or to another person, an interest in or an attitude about
King.) The question, then, which is asked, is: "What is the public image of Martin Luther King as expressed by people who have a known interest in or an attitude about him?" In asking this question others arise: is there a public image (or many) of King? If an image exists, what is it (or what are they)? Why does this exist?
An image begins as a simple structure and often becomes 3 . increasingly complex. As Bennett and others point out, 4 images develop into other images. To study the image of
King is to become involved in the study of other images such as those of social change, the Civil Rights Movement, or any issue which is meaningful and related to King in the mind of the respondent who is investigated.
Movements and their leaders are symbolically inter changeable.5 To study the Nonviolent Direct Action Period of the Civil Rights Movement is to study Martin Luther King, the undisputed leader of it from 1955-1968. King's image in current literature regarding such topics as civil disobedi ence, nonviolent direct action, styles of political leader ship, religion and its relation to current social problems and the Civil Rights Movement is that of a religious, philosophical and political leader, an excellent organizer and a charismatic person.^
The findings and implications of this work are particu larly relevant to those involved in the areas of communica tion, history and political science. Those interested in social change may be able to use or apply these findings.
To study the public image of a social change agent may have ramifications for political scientists. This study may give help to those in mass communication in understanding a sig nificant role of the mass media in our society. Theorists may benefit from having more data regarding image, es pecially a public one. Those who study collective behavior can benefit from more information regarding the image of a leader of a social movement and his impact on the public.
The Civil Rights Movement in the United States has a long and involved history. To some degree and in some man ner it has constantly been in existence. Because of the complexity and longevity of the movement, it is difficult to fully discuss. For example, when one says "The Civil Rights
Movement" what is often meant is the violent activities of the late 1960's; however, in 1919 there were "race riots" in
Georgia, Connecticut, Arizona,-Pennsylvania, Texas, Vir ginia, etc. One may think of poverty, unequal treatment of black people, and Jim Crowism^ in terms of issues of protest in the 1960's; yet these were the issues in 1919 also. In
1909 the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of O Colored People) was created. Its purpose was to see that equal job opportunities existed for black workers, particu larly in Northern cities. It used mainly legislative tac tics to achieve its ends. In 1943 CORE (Congress of Racial g Equality) was created. From 1940-1955 there were many un publicized sit-ins which were often backed by CORE. Black and white people, using the method of the sit-in, a tech nique of nonviolent direct action, quietly protested unequal treatment of black customers in a variety of business es tablishments. These, however, did not arouse great public interest.
On December 1, 1955, a unique event which took place in Montgomery, Alabama jarred the nation's apathetic atti tude. Rosa Parks, a black woman who was tired after a day of work, sat in the front of a city bus and refused to give up her seat to a white man. By custom she was supposed to sit in the back of the bus, or, if no seat were available there, to stand. When she did not move, she was arrested, taken to jail and fined 10 dollars. This event led to a boycott of Montgomery's busses by the black residents of the city. It also captured the imagination of the black com munity as well as the nation as a whole. The success of the bus boycott is considered to be responsible for the increased use of nonviolent direct action in the late 1950's and early
1960's.10
During the year of the Montgomery Bus Boycott several important events took place. Wheir’Rosa Parks was arrested, many Southern black ministers came to assist her as well as
other black residents of the city. King, who was the min
ister of a Montgomery church, helped to organize and became
the coordinator of the MIA (Montgomery Improvement Associa
tion) , a local group which was the primary force behind the
boycott.^ The far reaching effect of the boycott was that
it gave King new ideas for organizing black people into a
larger common cause. Also, because of his leadership of the
MIA, King achieved national prominence for his use of, and
faith in, the pacifistic principle of nonviolent direct ac
tion. The action taken at this time — a bus boycott —
marks the beginning of what is called the Nonviolent Direct
Action Period of the Civil Rights Movement. This period
lasted from 1955 until King's death in 1968.
Because of King's childhood and education, he seems to
have had a predisposition to the use of nonviolence and a
zeal for social change. It is recorded by Hoyt that King,
, who was the son of a minister and a member of a close, re
ligious family, was greatly angered by the injustice of
segregation. When King entered Morehouse College, he in
tended to become an attorney then changed his mind and de- 12 cided to become a minister. King became an ordained min
ister in 1947 before his graduation from Morehouse. In 1948
he entered Crozer Theological Seminary, receiving a Bachelor
of Divinity degree in 1951. Following his degree he was a
student of systematic theology at Boston University. In 1954 he "accepted a call to become pastor of the Dexter 13 Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama." He com pleted his Ph.D. after assuming his pastorate.
During King's studies he was-greatly influenced by the teachings of Thoreau and Gandhi. From Thoreau he learned that the "power of resistence on the part of a minority was enourmous, given a fixed will to win at that particular 14 point and a willingness to pay the price." Yet, as King relates he had "despaired of the power of love in solving social problems.He goes on to explain:
Then I came upon the life and teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. As I read his works I be came deeply fascinated by his campaigns of non-violent resistence. The whole Gandhian concept of satyagraha (satya is truth which equals love and graha is force; satyagraha thus means truth-force or love force) was profoundly significant to me. As I delved deeper into the phi losophy of Gandhi my skepticism concern ing the power of love gradually diminished and I came to see for the first time that the Christian method of nonviolence was one of the most potent weapons available to oppressed people in their strugle for freedom.
To more fully understand Gandhi's techniques, life and philosophy, King visited India. At this time he "discussed
Gandhi with the Indians who had seen Gandhi's ideas in ac- 17 tion and who had translated Gandhi's ideas into action."
King also visited Gandhigian ("Gandhi Village") a "pilot community for (Gandhi's) ideas on economics and educa- From King's formal and informal education he cgme to understand, use and explain to others the concept of nonvio lent direct action. There are two phases involved in non violent direct action. The first phase involves an examina tion of the laws of the land. The second phase is a deci sion making process to determine which are the unjust laws and which are the just ones. There is a prescribed way to determine whether a law is just. Simply ask the question: does this law apply equally to all citizens? If the answer is negative, then the citizen is obliged to effectively challenge the law and the establishment which supports it.
This is one's moral responsibility. King explains it thusly:
How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others? The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all."
"In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices 20 exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action."
The collection of facts establishes that there are unjust laws. If they exist, then one tries to negotiate with those responsible for this inequality. Should this negotiation for change be ill received, those who desire change must ed ucate those who are effected. Education in this situation includes making people aware of the existing situation, en tertaining the possibilities for acquiring change, and de veloping the commitment of people to change and to support the specific cause, regardless of the cost. Those who will engage in methods of nonviolent direct action must be will ing to break unjust laws and to be punished for their ac tions. This education is part of self-purification. The group member himself must know that he is dedicated enough to answer the following questions in the affirmative: Can you withstand jail? Can you be struck and not strike back?
Are you willing to sacrifice yourself to this cause if necessary? Direct action, the last step refers to specific methods. These include mass marches, boycotts, pickets, 21 sit-downs, sit-ins and civil disobedience.
King was instrumental in organizing, philosophizing and speaking for the people in the Civil Rights Movement. He was "many things to many people." The dynamic concept of
King which may exist in the mind of an individual today, is image. When an individual holds an image of King which is similar to that of other individuals then that image is a shared or public one.
Question
What is the public image of Martin Luther King as ex pressed by people who have a known interest in or an atti tude about him? 9
Definition of Terms
To clarify this question, brief definitions of the
terms follow:
Image is the personal "subjective aspect of the world that has meaning ... and exists as a dynamic (mental) organization of past experiences (which is) utilizeable for meet ing new and old situaij^ons in terms of previous activities."
Public image refers to that image of a per son, group, institution object or event which is held by a set of people who for a variety of constraints, such as political, familial, or religious socialization, group membership, demographic similarity or type of personality, perceive this person, gr^p, institution, or object in a similar way.
Assumptions
The following assumptions are made concerning the study of image.
These are:
1. that image jg mediated by a person's prior experience;
2. that these experiences occur and informa tion is received in a variety of ways, such as in interpersonal communication, in groups or through contact with the mass media;
3. that an image can "call up intej^al ex periences, using only symbols;"
4. that image is dynamic, i.e., always present and changeable. 10
Conceptualization of the Problem
The following explanation and model help to concep
tualize the topic which is being investigated. In the image
formation process a message comes to an individual. This
message is processed according to a person's unique set of
values, background and experience. Many variables comprise
"who" one is. Five which are shown in the model are: sex,
race, age, education and social class. (These particular
variables are shown because the respondents of this study were chosen purposefully regarding their distribution in
these areas to insure a diverse sample of people with a known interest in or an attitude about Martin Luther King.)
To study the image of Martin Luther King several pro cedures and methods were used. First, focused interviews were conducted. Statements from these interviews were cate gorized and then systematically used in assembling a Q-sort.
(These techniques will be explained fully in Chapter Three.)
From the focused interview three themes emerged regarding the elements of King's image.
The image of Martin Luther King, according to the re sponses of the interviewees in the focused interviews re flected a combination of three themes. King was seen as a
"person," in a role as a "leader," and as someone who used a particular "means," to achieve his goal(s). Briefly, as a person, King was seen as "good" or intelligent, trust worthy and respectable; "bad" or stupid, manipulating and 11 crafty; and "ultramoral" or inspirational, "more-than-
Christian" and prophetic. As a leader King was seen as either "for himself," i.e., he was an opportunist or as "for
Civil Rights," i.e., he was a responsible, just leader. The means used by King were described as intentionally and spe cifically designed as "nonviolent" or as "violent."
The image of King as expressed by the respondents in 27 this study reflects a process and a product — image. In the following model a message regarding King comes to a respondent. This is processed according to the respondent's unique background. The image of King is formed and ex pressed through the themes which were generated in the fo cused interviews. King is described (through the use of a
Q-sort) as a person, as a leader and by the means he chose to implement his goal(s). What is expressed by each re spondent is his own image of Martin Luther King. 12
sex race age education social class
\ ^ MESSAGE ------^ RESPONDENT------^ IMAGE OF KING -r I person I leader I means
Figure 1. Model Showing Image Formation Process
When a number of similar images exist for a particular person, such as King, then a "public” or shared image exists.
Respondent
Respondent
Public Image of Martin Respondent Luther King
etc.
Figure 2. Model Showing the Relationship between
Respondents and a Public Image of Martin
Luther King 13
FOOTNOTES
^Guy Lawrence Brown, Social Psychology (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. Inc., 1934), pp. 256-257. 2 Jack Douglas, Lectures at The~Qhio~State University, Communication 3 2 &G-,- Spring Quarter, 1976. 3 Kenneth E. Boulding, The Image (Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor Paperbacks, The University of Michigan Press, 1975), p. 95. 4 W. Lance Bennett and others, "Deep and Surface Images in the Construction of Political Issues: The Case of Amnesty," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 62, No. 2, (April, 1976), p. 115. 5 Orrin Klapp, Symbolic Leaders (Chicago: Aldine Pub lishing Co., 1964), p. 259.
6Sources to illustrate this point include: James F. Childress, Civil Disobedience and Political Obligation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); Richard E. Flathman, Political Obligation (New York: Atheneum, 1972); Charles V. Hamilton, The Black Preacher in America (New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1972); C. Eric Lincoln (ed.), Martin Luther King, Jr.: A Profile, (New York: Hill and Wang, 1970); August Meier, "On the Role of Martin Luther King," The Making of Black America, eds. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick (New York: Atheneum, 1971) , pp. 353-361; William Robert Miller, Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Weybright and Talley, 1968); Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action (Boston: Porter Sargent Publisher, 1973); Daniel B. Stevick, Civil Disobedience and the Christian (New York: The Seabury Press, 1969); Hanes Walton, Jr. The Po litical Philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr. (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1971). 7 Flathman, ibid., p. 149. 8 August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, Black Protest in the Sixties (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1970), p. 1. 9 Ibid., p. 4.
"^Walton, ibid., p. 30.
^Hleier and Rudwick, ibid., p. 5. 14 12 Robert G. Hoyt, Martin Luther King, Jr. (Waukesha, Wisconsin: Country Beautiful Foundation, Inc., 1970), pp. 9-11.
13Ibid., p. 9.
^Lerone Bennett, Jr., What Manner of Man (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, Inc., 1968), p. 38.
15Martin Luther King, Jr., "Pilgrimage to Nonviolence," The Christian Century (April 13, 1960) in Hoyt, ibid., p. 50.
16Ibid. 17 Miller, ibid., p. 76.
18T.Ibid. . , 19 Martin Luther King, Jr., "Letter from the Birmingham Jail," in On Civil Disobedience, ed. Robert Goldwin (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1969), p. 66.
2^Ibid., p. 62. 21 Meier and Rudwick, ibid., p. 4. 22 Brown, ibid., pp. 256-257. 23 Douglas, ibid.
24Elliot R. Siegel, Gerald R. Miller and C. Edward Wotring, "Source Credibility and Credibility Proneness: A New Relationship," Speech Monographs, Vol. 36, No. 2, (June, 1969), p. 118. 25 John C. Condon, Jr., Semantics and Communication (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1966), p. 12. 2 6 Brown, ibid., p. 257. 27 Douglas, ibid. CHAPTER II
Theoretical Explanation
Introduction
In the theoretical explanation, literature and theo retical elements of image which are relevant to this study are discussed. What the author labels the historical back ground of image is found in the literature; this relates to studies of ethos and source credibility. An explanation of
"meaning" as well as an explanation of the socialization process of an individual which influences the formation of image are given; further, several components and character istics of image, that is, its nature, function, content and dimensions, are examined. Also, because the referent in the study is Martin Luther King, a leader of a social movement, relevant aspects of social movement theory are examined in order to explain the progression and development of the image of such a person. The following introductory para graphs present a brief statement of this study's theoretical foundation. Detailed definitions of terms and explanations of these are given in the body of the chapter as they arise.
15 16
Image is a process and a product.^- It exists within a person and is the result of experience. An image is useful to a person for with it one can make sense of one's life.
An image is available to a person when aroused by some stimulus such as a situation, message, or referent. It can be changed by experiences and new messages. Images and mes- 2 sages interact to create meanings. The image a person holds of a referent is often based on a previous experience which may have been shared with others. Because of these shared experiences, people sometimes have a same or similar image of a referent.
The content and dimensions of an image are useful in examining it. When studying an image of a referent, sub- topics of content and dimension emerge as being, by degree, more or less relevant to it.' These subtopics aid the under standing and explaining of an image. In the study of an image of Martin Luther King, a person who was acknowledged by many members of American society as a leader of the Civil
Rights Movement (which is a social movement) areas of social movement theory also help examine and explain that image.
An image, in this study of King, is an internal process and a product of social experience. Because King is a referent who was a prominent or newsworthy figure, many people received the same messages about him. Because of this experience of receiving similar messages (e.g., through the media) and other experiences, such as seeing King in 17 person, being with him, having to implement or explain his ideas to others, people sometimes hold an image of King which others also hold. This image is a shared image of
King.
Related Literature
The existing research on image has a link to research on ethos and source credibility in terms of topic and re search techniques. Because ethos and source credibility examine the effectiveness of a message and of a speaker, familiarity with these topics is especially helpful in understanding and studying the referent when this is a per son. In the study of an image, when the referent is a per son such as Martin Luther King, image is stimulated in an individual when the referent is called to the individual's attention. This process may be stimulated by a symbolic message such as a speech, news release, or rally. When the image is of a person, two kinds of messages come to the in dividual. One message is that of symbolic content, the other is in regard to the referent himself. Often the referent and the message are processed as one message, both yielding information which is processed as one. Because of this dual stimulus of message and referent, studies of ethos and source credibility have relevance to studies of image.
Ethos has long been an area of study for those inter ested in the effectiveness of message and of speakers. In 18 the Rhetoric/ one of the topics which Aristotle examined was ethos. To him, ethos was the dominating form of. proof in persuasion; the effectiveness of a message was created by it. For Aristotle, the elements of ethos were character, 3 intelligence and good will. First, character refers to the trustworthiness of a source of information. One's speech 4 should be thought of as credible. Second, intelligence • refers to the knowledge of a speaker. One should know one's 5 subject and converse with skill and logic. Third, good will refers to identification or the ability to "put the audience in a certain frame of mind"8 so that one's message is conveyed. 7 In the many studies of ethos topics deal mainly with leadership styles, public speaking and the measurement of ethos. Presently, the factors which supposedly comprise ethos are numerous. For example, in a study by Haiman, prestige, physical attractiveness, sincerity, likableness and general competence were deemed the five factors of ethos.8
Closely related to studies of ethos have been studies 9 of source credibility. Usually the source credibility of a speaker was measured in some way, e.g., use of rating scales, attitude scales or use of the semantic differential before and after a presentation. From these methods the factors which presumably comprise source credibility were identified. "Traditionally source credibility has been 19
conceptually treated as a variable consisting of objective
characteristics, e.g., social role, personality traits,
etc., attributed to the source of a message."^ However,
the trend is now away from this static approach and toward
a dynamic one which gives attention to the "receivers' per
ception of a particular source (as) mediated by all of his
prior experience with sources and by the customary ways he
has learned to respond to them."^ This new dynamic ap
proach in the research done on source credibility is similar
to the approach taken in this study of the image of Martin
Luther King.
A third area of related literature deals with various
images. This area is small. Political topics form part of 12 the related literature of image. The emphasis of these
studies is the relation of an event, person or symbol to the
image given it within a person. Some themes which these
studies express are: that "image," "history," "reality" are 13 carried around in one's head; that one's view of life is 14 15 reality; and that "images of one sort lead to others."
(For example, one's image of President Ford could include
the images of Watergate, Vietnam and/or amnesty.)
Various methods of data collecting and data treatment
have been used to study image. These methods include the
semantic differential which was used by Douglas in "The
Verbal Image of Student Perceptions of Political Fig
ures; factor analysis which was also employed by Douglas 20 in his study of the verbal image; analysis of the linguistic components of subjects' responses to descriptors as done by
Douglas and Ambler in "Phenomenological Covariates of Stu- 17 dent Strike Roles,” interviews as done by Lerone Bennett in What Manner of Man, other historical analyses as done by
Wander in "Salvation through Separation; The Image of the
Negro in the American Colonization Society," and rhetorical criticism as done by Andrew A. King in "The
Rhetoric of Power Maintenance at the Precipice."
Other literature which is relevant to this study deals with the study of Martin Luther King. King has been exam ined by a variety of people from a variety of perspectives.
The topics of Civil Disobedience, nonviolence, violence, the
Civil Rights Movement, black leaders, black history and biographies include references to King or are wholly devoted 18 to him. Also, King wrote books, articles and speeches which are available for examination.
Pertinent information in the literature relates to this study's topic, methods and procedures. A study using a similar methodological technique is "Mister Rogers' Neigh- 19 borhood and the Handicapped Child Interface" by Monaghan and others. This procedural approach is considered a kind of audience analysis which Becker in "Methodological Analy- 20 sis in Communication Research" suggests be used to study image. As will be discussed in Chapter Three, this study examines the shared image(s) held by people who have an 21 interest in or attitude about Martin Luther King.
Meaning
In the literature regarding meaning and invage, meaning is viewed both as influencing the process of image formation and as being the result of image formation. In the process of image formation a message comes to a person. This mes sage stimulates a particular set of information or image which exists in a person's mind. The message is processed in terms of this image. It is given meaning. This meaning is also a product. It becomes a part of the "old" image which is now altered and is thus "new."
Boulding states, "the meaning of a message is the 21 i change which it produces in the image." When a "new" image exists it can have one of four effects on a person.
It may not elicit a response nor produce any change; it may gain one's attention or add information but not change one's behavior; it may elicit an emphatic response or produce revolutionary change in the behavior, or it may clarify or 22 cast doubt upon an existing image. In this study, by examining a respondent's image of King, one may be able to know what effect a message about King produced in the re spondent's behavior and what effect it had regarding his image of King. 22
Image and Socialization
Image is "a dynamic (mental) organization of past ex periences utilizeable for meeting new and old situations in 23 terms of previous activities.” Image exists in the self. 24 Self is here defined as "a unit of personality" or an "in ternal organization of qualities (such as) traits, attitudes 25 and habits." Self, however, does not exist alone. Others 26 define it. Thus, many of these "experiences" are social.
The images a person has are based on his experiences. The result of social, shared experiences is often an "in common" or shared image.
According to Hall and Lindzey, socialization is the process through which an individual learns the standards of his society. This learning occurs through contact with other' people. The child or individual models the behavior of people who are close to him and assimilates the values and ideals of these people. In this learning process the social tradition of a culture is handed down from one gen- 27 eration to another.
The group(s) held in highest esteem by the individual will be instrumental in forming his images. If these groups are compatible, the image formation will occur coherently and with little or no stress to the individual. If the groups are incompatible there will be strain and conflict 28 in the formation process. Evidence of this strain, such as, "annoyance, the seeking of reassurance, and 23 29 disbelief" can often be observed in the individual1s be havior .
There are several categories of groups. Societal groups are the "broad categories of individuals who are tied together by some particular characteristic and common 30 identity." Examples of these are class, race and occupa tion. This shared characteristic may be physical, a shared belief or value system or a similar socioeconomic class po- 31 sition. "Primary groups are generally small ... They en tail close, personalized relationships among members ...
The family, close friendship cliques and close work asso- 32 ciates are the best examples of primary groups." "Sec- 33 ondary groups tend to include large numbers of people."
These groups are less personal and less intense than pri mary groups and are usually concerned with selected aspects of a person’s life. An example of such a group is a labor union, a farmers organization or the students in a college classroom.
"Political socialization involves an interaction be- 34 tween the individual and agents of socialization." The three major groups involved in this process are the family, the schools and societal groups. The family is seen as an 35 important source of socialization. Other important groups which develop attitudes and values are viewed by Berelson,
Lazarsfeld and McPhee in three cleavages: (1) occupation, income and status; (2) religion, race and ethnic groups; 24 36 and (3) regional and urban-rural cleavages.
A common referent of a shared image is a political 37 leader, event or institution. This referent may be
labeled a "political symbol." As a political symbol this
object "takes on some political meaning exceeding its in- 38 trinsic qualities."
Nature and Function of Image
The nature and function of a shared image is to create order so that life is more predictable, pleasing, rewarding and safer. Through this function social order is created, sustained or perhaps remade.
"It is the images used in daily communication that con trol us, and whoever controls the creation and communication 39 of these controls society." Naming is a powerful tool.
According to Duncan the naming of people, "things," issues is important to all because the ordering of society comes about through this activity. Culture, or society defines terms for people. People act out their lives in and for names. People control names and through these control lives. Naming creates transformations of perception, changes images and creates change.^
Content of Image 41 Image has content, dimensions and a social structure.
Each of these areas has subtopics. Several subtopics may be relevant to any one image. For content the subtopics may 25
include: religion, politics, economics, the family, art,
science, ethnic background, status, health, education, man- 42 ners or sex roles.
Content functions within a context. Context refers to
the time and place or background from which an image emerges
as well as the actual time and conditions surrounding the
formation of it in the immediate present. The Civil Rights
Movement, as it took place from 1955-1968, is the time when
Martin Luther King's image began to form in the mind of the public. When and where members of the public assemble in- 43 formation on King is the context of his image.
Several areas of content are relevant to the theoreti cal understanding of image. The religious content of an
image pertains to order and socialization which relate to a
supreme being. This area of content is "beyond reason;" it 44 comes to people through a supernatural process. When examining King's image people may recall that King was a minister, a man of God or a prophet. These aspects of him may be viewed as positive or negative. On a continuum his
image may be from one of a divine, socially active minister to one of a blasphemous charlatan, or may be described at
some point in between. Where one's image of King exists on this hypothetical continuum depends upon one's attitude to ward religion, its ritual and salience in one's life.
The political content of an image relates to power. 45 Power is the currency of political affairs. The political 26 learning of most people comes through the family and in volves specific information. One learns an explicit and
"relevant" political orientation and with whom ideolog- 46 ically, it is acceptable to socialize. One learns that it is important to know who decision makers are and what 47 they have decided. Depending on one's political sociali zation, one's image of King could range from that of a political leader to a pretentious untouchable.
The second revised law of economic behavior is that the good reasons which are necessary if we do not do today what we did yesterday are derived mainly from dissatisfaction with what we did yesterday or with what happened to us yesterday.
Economics influences image. As the financial state of one's world changes so does one's image of many subjects.
If what pleased one yesterday becomes a problem or burden, one changes it (if possible). For example, if one's image of King was positive, but it was perceived that one's economic state was threatened in some way by King, his as sociates or theories, then one would probably change this image to a negative one. Conversely, if one saw King and his associates as a constructive force then one would have a positive image of him.
Ethnic concerns relate to the content of image. This area refers to aspects of a subculture that gives identity to its members. When communicating, people commonly vali date their identity. They may ask of one another, of their 27
leader or of society, questions such as: "Who are we?"
"Where do we come from?" "Are we a special people?" To
answer these questions information from one's background or
heritage is commonly used. For example, by examining one's
blackness, Jewishness or Italianess one may label one's
identity and consequently how to act in accordance with that
information. To illustrate this idea, it is noted by
Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee that since the 1950's ethnic
background has been a major variable in determining po- 49 litical choices. The bond of identification to ethnic origins is strong. This information suggests that members of an ethnic group will have a similar image of King.
Another area of image content is status. This involves a hierarchy. It is concerned with superiority, equals and peers. The leader of a group influences it regardless of the group’s size. He passes on messages that he deems im portant.50 As long as he is the leader, these messages have an impact on the image formation of the group. He has 51 status. Also, group membership, per se, confers status.
By being recognized as "in" one is presumed to be in a higher position than one who is "out" or not a group member.
Education is a relevant content area of image. Educa tion refers to the training and indoctrination of new mem bers into a society or group. "Schooling provides (a) child with the fundamentals of his or her society's technology
(and) helps him or her acquire the cultural norms associated 28 52 with membership in society. It is the "creation and 53 transmission of culture." The self becomes engrossed in the learning process, the ways of thinking about life and the rules presented for living. Education, then, is instru mental in the formation of images. Knowledge is presented as are subtleties of presentation, hidden messages and ritual.
Dimensions of Image
Image has dimensions. These influence one's perception of image and one's degree of involvement with it. Some dimensions are singular, i.e., relational, affectational, valuative, consciousness and aesthetic. Other dimensions are dual. These particular ones have polarities, i.e., clarity-ambiguity, private-public, reality-unreality, 54 rigidity-mobility and simple-complex.
People create structure for their lives from their images. The relational dimension tells one where one be longs. Information regarding where one belongs in relation to an image comes from direct experience and the "authority of the transcript"^ as Boulding phrases it. This phrase refers to social tradition or the knowledge of one's elders which is passed on from one generation to the next. In this dimension people try to find balance, harmony and comfort.
The dimension evolves through time.^ 29
The affectional and valuative dimensions have similari ties. The affectional area involves emotions and feelings.
The valuative area refers to polarization or priorities re garding issues. The more ego involved a person is with an
image the more emotionally he defends it, clings to it, 58 holds it in high regard. For example, the issues of the
Civil Rights Movement were emotionally charged ones with inherent polarities. Some of the valuative areas were good vs. evil, just vs. unjust laws, black vs. white people and old traditions vs. changes and new ways of life. The Nonvio lent Direct Action Period was a time when many people held firmly to their views. These views and the behavior which was elicited sometimes led to violent confrontations. The violence which erupted in the 1963 march on Birmingham illustrates this idea.
One of the bi-polar dimensions of image is clarity- ambiguity. A synonomous way of expressing this is certainty- uncertainty. To change an image, one needs to have new in- 59 formation. If this is supplied and accepted, it is likely to create competing structures of information in an in dividual. When a competitive situation exists, a struggle occurs in a person. His perception of an involvement with an image changes.When an image is clear to a person he 61 can act decisively upon its meaning for him.
There is a public-private dimension of an image. This dimension refers to the various beginnings and evolvements 30 of an image. As Boulding states, "every public image begins in the mind of some single individual and only becomes pub- 62 lie as it is transmitted and shared." At its beginning the image is private; as it grows or is shared it becomes public. When a decision is made by someone with a public image, the magnitude of the decision is great because a large number of people will be interested, involved and 63 probably affected by it.
"Change in the image comes about through the impact on society of unusually creative, charismatic or prophetic in- 64 dividuals." These people defy the sanctity of the exist ing life. This statement and description apply to King. He was a man who caught the imagination of the times. Per sonally he decided to openly question existing societal norms. Because this decision involved many others, it be came a publicly oriented one. It also hurled King into na tional prominence. Part of the existence of the public image is timing and record. For example, King's decision came at precisely the right time in the Civil Rights Move ment. Without the background of Jim Crowism and without a precipitating event such as Rosa Parks' arrest, a shared or public image of King might not exist today. King apparently understood this principle. He said, in Montgomery, as he left jail after his March, 1956 conviction for the illegal bus boycott, that the judge involved "had started a fire 65 he couldn't stop." 31
The reality-unreality dimension of image refers to what the group examining an image perceives it to be. Often one person's image will be so different from that of another that one would not recognize the identical nature of the 6 6 perceived object. The Montgomery Bus Boycott is a case which helps explain this dimension. Black people protested the segregation of public transportation through pacifistic means. This information is recorded "reality." The city officials, for example, had a different perception. The same situation was "unreality." Based on their experience, black people behaving in this manner constituted an illegal conspiracy. The image of segregation and of the bus boycott held by the black citizens of Montgomery and by the city officials was different for each group.
Social Structure of Image
A shared image is involved with people, with the mes sages they receive and with the ways in which these are in terpreted. This process affects the structuring of image.
Condon speaks of the individual when he says: "what we see
(or hear, smell, feel and so on) depends on what we want and need to see. And this in turn depends on who and where we 67 have been and who we think we will become.” This idea also applies to groups of people. A group too receives symbols and messages and interprets these to arrive at mean ing. It too looks for agreement regarding the symbols presented to it in order to relieve anxiety and concern for
the future. To reach agreement group members look for the
defining criteria of a message, form a consensus regarding
it and name it. People then know how to behave in regard
to it.
The social structure of image is involved with the
social dimensions of a group. These dimensions are re- 68 sources, organization, norms and values. Resources refers
to whatever a group has to distribute. For image this is a
distribution of information. Through information a group
concept and a group policy regarding issues of importance
are formed. The information tells the group member what he needs to know about relevant issues and how to act correctly
in any situation.
In a group organization refers to interdependent be
havior. This network of interdependence is the basic struc ture of the group. Various communication channels are used
to explain and to create the member's roles as well as to
express the existing power structure. These channels, i.e., verbal, written, nonverbal are also used to explain the
group's use of resources and to express status and division of labor. Through this organizational network the group acts.
A Civil Rights march in Cincinnati exemplifies this dimension. Young black people intended to be in a public demonstration. Some teenagers were in charge of teaching 33 their peers how to act in a nonviolent demonstration if they
- g g . . .. were abused. The4teenagers were assigned the role of
teacher by a local NAACP (National Association for the Ad
vancement of Colored People) official. The success of both
teachers and pupils was to be proven in a local march. The teen teachers were recognized as being in the middle of the
leadership hierarchy. They had a responsibility to the
leadership structure above them and to their group of
"students" below them. The job of the young leader was to teach and also to enlist the help of others, i.e., sym pathetic white youths who would simulate the march. At the conclusion of their educational activities they participated
in a Civil Rights demonstration.
What prompts a group to act is related to norms. Norms 70 can be defined as the rules which govern behavior. They are generally unwritten and unspoken. Often, they are learned nonverbally through body movement, voice tone, in flection or word choice. Norms exist in one's mind. They are intangible. People in the Civil Rights Movement acted to change existing negative norms.71
When people act in a.particular way they are acting out or defending what they believe. When people band together for a common cause they are sharing a common image. What a group intends to achieve by its actions is related to values.
These are enduring concepts of good and bad which tend to remain constant. They are the standards of worthwhileness 34 72 which operate in a society and which are felt deeply within the self or group structure.
Social Movement Theory
The study of theories of collective behavior facili tates the explanation of shared images. Ideas from Theory of Collective Behavior by Smelser, Collective Behavior by
Turner and Killian, Symbols in Society by Duncan and The
Rhetoric of Agitation and Control by Bowers and Ochs help to describe and explain norm oriented movements and their relation to a shared image.
The Civil Rights Movement is a norm oriented movement.
Understanding the nature of it is helpful in examining shared images of King.
A norm oriented movement is an attempt to restore, protest, modify or create norms in the name of a generalized belief. Par ticipants may be trying to affect norms directly ... or ind^ge some constituted authority to do so.
Smelser says that such a movement and its results have a particular sequence. The sequence follows: "structural conduciveness, strain, generalized beliefs, precipitating factors, mobilization for action and the response of agen-
^ yt cies of social control. Each of these terms refers to a particular idea.
"Structural conduciveness" concerns the possibility 75 for demanding modification of norms. People interested in changing norms have reasons to challenge the existing 35
normative structure, have channels through which these
challenges may be made, and can articulate the problem with
which they are concerned. A problem may exist here, how
ever, because the channels for affecting normative change,
even though they are open, are viewed, at best, as part of
the establishment and as precarious avenues of change or
success. Trust, confidence and credibility for this means
is low. King and his followers in each campaign of the
Civil Rights Movement first used established channels to
present their challenges and grievances.
"Strain" as related to normative change may be caused
by several factors: (1) "Any disharmony between normative
standards and actual conditions can provide the basis for a movement whose objective it is to modify (the existing) ... 7 6 norms." (2) "... Changing social conditions which render 77 the existing norms (more) offensive." (3) "(from The
True Believer by Hoffler, p. 45) ... from alternatives in 78 expectations concerning social life." When strain and the
appropriate conditions of structural conduciveness combine,
the basis for a norm oriented movement is activated. The combination of Jim Crowism and the Rosa Parks incident ac tivated the Nonviolent Direct Action Period of the Civil
Rights Movement.
In acknowledgement of social strain, people often begin
to mill. "Milling" is the grouping by a collection of people
to find appropriate ways to respond or react to a situation. 36
Turner and Killian define it as "a search for socially sanc- 79 tioned meaning in a relatively unstructured situation."
People are motivated for some reason to act or attempt to
understand a particular situation. Each may be uneasy or
distressed by this situation. By gathering with others, the
people seek ideas from each other regarding what reaction
seems most appropriate to the situation. During this ac
tivity collective images are often formed. King's public
image began to form when the people of Montgomery were mill
ing in response to Rosa Parks arrest.
"For a norm oriented movement, the 'generalized belief'
includes a diagnosis of the forces and agents that are 8 0 making for a failure of normative regulation." These be
liefs prepare people for action by helping people account
for their behavior in a movement. What Smelser labels gen
eralized belief is the same as collective image. Beliefs may be created and/or expressed in literature, in a person's mind, a party platform, manifesto or an ideology. As these crystallize, informal means of expression such as scattered protests, rumors and random statements change to more formal means of expression, such as, publicity, lectures, or demon
strations.
"Precipitating factors" are persons, situations, or
events (purposefully created or spontaneously occurring) which "mark the sudden establishment or symbolization of one 81 of the conditions of strain." These may create or 37 underline a condition of strain.
"Mobilization” refers to the activities involved in the directing of the action of a movement. Smelser defines four segments of mobilization. These are:
(a) the role of leaders in organizing the movement for action; (b) the real and derived phases of mobilization; (c) the effect of the success or failure of the move ment's specific strategies and tactics on the development of the movement; (d) the effect of the movement's ovg^all success or failure on its development.
The role of the leader is a crucial one. There are two kinds of leaders. One may formulate the beliefs of a move ment and one may mobilize participants for action or, like
King, one person may have both roles. Often leaders are described as charismatic. They may fit the concept of messiahism; the people or members of a movement may feel this person is divinely sent to them with a specific pur pose. The leader may be regarded as a prophet who is in a position to define the issue at hand in a most direct and knowledgeable way. Another dual possibility of the leader ship role relates to the pressures of the private and public dimension of image.
... the leader personality is more than just what he brings to the situation; it includes the personal transformations he undergoes after he begins carrying out the leader role. The image that |^e following creates demands his conformity. 38
Three discrepancies which may emerge regarding leaders are: (1) there may be conflict between leaders regarding what is important, such as, the values of the movement or the power and organization of it; (2) a movement may evolve into an extreme position which its moderate leaders discover they must defend and promote; (3) as an ideologist, the leader may become disillusioned over the transformation of 84 extreme ideas into more urbane philosophies. Since people in a movement act because they share a collective image with one another and their leader, discrepancies can create prob lems inside the group. A way to solve these discrepancies is to examine the feedback in which the group is emersed.
Feedback is needed for a system to maintain itself. In this case, the system is a social movement. Feedback and the group leader are important elements in this situation.
The leader reads feedback from outside to his "in” group, reads feedback from within the group and interprets the ap propriate feedback to all people both "in" and "out" of the group. Feedback is also necessary to maintain a steady state in the social movement. It helps the group adjust to whatever is occurring. For example, in Montgomery during the bus boycott, King could interpret from the existing sit uation that the bus boycott would work if black people would not ride busses, that Blacks felt strongly enough about the situation not to ride the busses, and that he would know if a follower did ride a bus. 39
The second segment of mobilization refers to the var ious phases of it. These are: (1) the incipient phase which is illustrated by slow, searching behavior; (2) the phase of enthusiastic mobilization or supercharged activity; and, (3) the period of institutionalization and organization or a decline from much activity to the routine, day-by-day 85 type. t If the phases of the movement flow successfully and if the beliefs associated with it are‘'"sufficiently in clusive to encompass a wide variety of grievances, an ini tial success of (... it) is likely to draw in a large 8 6 heterogeneous membership.”
The third and fourth segments of mobilization deal with the success or failure of a norm oriented movement. This can be examined from several perspectives.
Norm oriented movements generally have access to a variety of channels for agita tions and a variety of strategies and tac tics for each channel. Because of this large number of alternative paths of action, several related movements frequently arise simultaneously, their major difg^rences being in the realm of strategy.
A variety of methods can be used, thus there may be an ebb and flow of activity and enthusiasm as changes occur.There may be splits then, in a movement, as some members use "new" methods and others continue with the "old" ones.
Generally speaking, a successful movement usually begins to focus on other, related reforms, or becomes a guardian of the n o m at ive changes it has won; correspondingly, an unsuccessful movement usually declines. 40
In many respects, however, successful and unsuccessful movements resemble each other in their later stages. Both continue to stay alive for long periods after the phase of active agitation. Furthermore, both tend to accumulate new functions — recreation, maintenance of the organiza tion, civic contributions, etc. — in ad dition to, or eveng^n place of their original purposes.
In mobilization, there are three central characteris tics that may be cited as usually displayed in a movement.
(a) diversity of motivation and grievances among the participants; (b) a period of very rapid growth and a period of equally rapid decline; (c) a fluid association among the strands of the same general movement, strands which continuously flow into one another, break o|| again, then join in some other guise.
The response of social control agencies is important to a norm oriented movement. If political authorities are encouraging, give sympathy, honor grievances and listen, this usually boosts and consolidates the movement. If authorities permit expression of grievances whether in formally or particularly formally, as in a "hearing" or in other institutionalized forms of fairness, this may calm the emotions of the members of the movement as well as promote the changes which are sought. If, however, they do not act in good faith, if they refuse to recognize a group, vacil late in the face of pressure, or close off (or appear to close off) the avenues for norm oriented agitation, they then encourage collective outbursts such as violent demon- 90 strations or riots. For example when Eugene Conner, the 41
Birmingham Safety Director, ordered the police to use dogs and fire hoses against the 1963 Civil Rights marchers, he encouraged a violent demonstration.
Bowers and Ochs cite nine strategies used in a social movement. King and his followers used the first five of these to protest their grievances. The strategies are:
(1) petition of the establishment which included all normal means of persuasion; (2) promulgation or tactics designed to win social support for the agitators' position; (3) solidifi cation of the agitation group, e.g., songs, slogans and symbols for unification; (4) polarization — a strategy de signed to arouse action or inaction — to be "in" or "out"
— it assumes that an individual who has not committed him self in one way or another to the agitation is supportive of the establishment; (5) nonviolent resistance which places agitators in a position in which they are violating laws they consider to be unjust; (6) escalation/confrontation which is based on the idea that when the establishment be comes sufficiently apprehensive, it will over-prepare for agitation and thus appear foolish (escalation refers to telling the establishment that many agitators will partici pate in a protest event; confrontation refers to threatened disruption, violence and nonverbal obscenity); (7) guer rilla and Gandhi relates to a confrontation of the estab lishment with two groups, one of which is committed to non violent resistance and another which is committed to 42
physical destruction of the establishment; (8) guerilla re
fers to "real" attacks on the establishment which may be
symbolic in that they may polarize disaffected members to 91 join the agitators and (9) revolution or war. These
strategies are relatively successive in that usually agita
tion follows these steps of escalation.
From the background of the Civil Rights Movement comes
knowledge which for many individuals is part of their image
of Martin Luther King. Image is a process created by
symbols in social interaction. It is the result of informa
tion and experience. Its function is to create order and meaning in people's lives. An image has content/ dimensions
and social structure. Aspects of theories of collective be
havior specifically of norm oriented social movements, help explain how a shared image of King came into existence.
Images evolve through time.
This work is a contribution to the ongoing study of
image. Using the theoretical construct of image as pre
sented by Boulding, Douglas and Klapp, the study investi gates a shared image of a political figure, Martin Luther
King, as held by a sample of persons with a known interest
in or an attitude about him. 43
FOOTNOTES
1Jack Douglas, lectures at The Ohio State University, Communication 826G, Spring Quarter, 1976.
2Ibid.
2Aristotle, The Rhetoric, trans. W. Rhys Roberts (New York: The Modern Library, 1954), pp. 24-25.. 4 Ibid., p. 25.
5Ibid.
^Ibid., p. 24. 7 Kenneth Anderson and Theodore Clevenger, Jr., "A Sum mary of Research in Ethos," Speech Monographs, Vol. 30, (June, 1963), 59-78; Alvin Goldberg and others, "Subordinate Ethos and Leadership Attitudes," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 53, No. 4, (December^ 1967),354-360; Franklin S. Haxman, "An Experimental Study of the Effects of Ethos in Public Speaking," Speech Monographs, Vol. 16, No. 1, 109-202; George Lakey, "Technique and Ethos in Nonviolent Action: The Woman Suffrage Case," Dissent: Symbolic Be havior and Rhetorical Strategies, ed. Haig A.' Bosmajian (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1972), pp. 308-317; Paul L. Rosenthal, "The Concept of Ethos and the Structure of Persuasion," Speech Monographs, Vol. 33, No. 2, (June, 1966), 110-126; James C. McCroskey, "Scales for the Meas urement of Ethos," Speech Monographs, Vol. 33, No. 1, (March, 1966), 65-72. g Haiman, ibid., p. 194. g Haiman, ibid.; McCroskey, ibid.; Terry H. Ostermier, "Effects of Type and Frequency of Reference upon Perceived Source Credibility and Attitude Change," Speech Monographs, Vol. 34, No. 2, (June, 1967), 137-144; Elliot R. Siegel, Gerald R. Miller and C. Edward Wotring, "Source Credi bility and Credibility Proneness, a New Relationship," Speech Monographs, Vol. 36, No. 2, (June, 1969), 118-125; Philip Zimbardo and Ebbe B. Ebbesen, "The Influences of Source Credibility on Communication Effectiveness," Basic Readings in Communication Theory, ed. C. David Mortensen (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1973), pp. 279-283.
1(*Siegel, Miller and Wotring, ibid., p. 118. 44
12 W. Lance Bennett and others, "Deep and Surface Images in the Construction of Political Issues: The Case of Am nesty," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 62, No. 2, (April 1976), 109-126; Jack Douglas, "The Verbal Image: Student Perceptions of Political Figures," Speech Monographs, Vol. 39, No. 1, (March 1972) , 1-15; Jack E. Douglas and Robert S. Ambler, "Phenomenological Covariates of Student Strike Roles," Speech Monographs, Vol. 40 (March 1973), 27-37; Andrew A. King, "The Rhetoric of Power Main tenance at the Precipice," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 62, No. 2, (April 1976), 127-134; Philip C. Wander, "Salva tion through Separation: The Image of the Negro in the American Colonization Society," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 57, No. 1, (February 1971), 55-67. 13 Wander, ibid., p. 57.
14King, ibid., p. 127. 15 Bennett and others, ibid., p. 115.
^Douglas, ibid. 17 Douglas and Ambler, ibid. 18 Lerone Bennett, Jr., What Manner of Man (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, Inc., 1968); George F. Estey and Doris A. Hunter, (eds.), Nonviolence (Waltham, Massa chusetts: Xerox College Publishing, 1971); George F. Estey and Doris A. Hunter (eds,), violence (Waltham, Massa chusetts: Xerox College Publishing, 1971); Robert A. Goldwin, On Civil Disobedience (Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1969); C. Eric Lincoln, Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Hill and Wang, 1970); August Meier and Elliott Rudwick (eds.), Black Protest in the Sixties (Chicago: Quadrangle Books^ 1970); Shirley M. Seib, fed.), Revolution in Civil Rights (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Service, 1971); Janet Stevenson, Soldiers in the Civil Rights War (Chicago: Reilly and Lee Books, 1971).
25Ibid., p. 224. 2 6 Michael Argyle, "Self Image and Self Esteem," Basic Readings in Communication Theory ed. C. David Mortensen (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1973), pp. 212-213. 45 27 Calvin S. Hall and Gardner Lindzey, "Psychoanalytic Theory and Its Applications in the Social Sciences/" Hand book of Social Psychology ed. Gardner Lindzey (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1954) pp. 143-175. 28 Kenneth J. Gergen and David Marlowe (eds.), Per sonality and Social Behavior (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1970), p. 24.
29Ibid., pp. 24-25. 30 Richard E. Dawson, Kenneth Prewitt and Karen S. Dawson, Political Socialization (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1977), p. 173.
31Ibid., p. 174.
32Ibid., p. 179. 33 Ibid.
34Ibid., p. 93.
35Ibid., p. 115. 3 6 Bernard R. Berelson, Paul F. Lazarsfeld and William N. McPhee, "Stratification and Voting Cleavages," Political Images and Realities eds. Donald R. Reich and Paul A. Dawson (North Scituate, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press, 1972), p. 154. 37 Boulding, ibid., p. 103. 38 Jarol M^heim, The Politics Within (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1975), p. 33. 3 9 Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Symbols in Society (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 33.
40Ibid., pp. 236-237. 41 Boulding, ibid., Chapters Five-Seven.
42Douglas, lectures, ibid. 43 In the following material examples will relate to Martin Luther King. The theoretical framework is thus re lated to the particular image being studied. King is used for the sake of continuity not as an historical addendum. 44 Duncan, ibid., p. 185.
4^Boulding, ibid., p. 97.
46Dawson, Prewitt and Dawson, ibid., pp. 116-117. 47 Duncan, ibid., p. 199. 48 Boulding, ibid., p. 87. 4 9 Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee, ibid., p. 153.
3^Dawson, Prewitt and Dawson, ibid., Chapter Ten.
■^Muzafer Sherif, An Outline of Social Psychology (New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1948), p. 104. 52 Dawson, Prewitt and Dawson, ibid., p. 137. 53 Duncan, ibid., p. 17. 54 Douglas, lectures, ibid. 56 Boulding, ibid., p. 70.
57Ibid., pp. 69-70. 58 Kenneth K. Sereno and C. David Mortensen, "The Effects of Ego Involved Attitudes on Conflict Negotiation in Dyads," Speech Monographs, Vol. 36, (March, 1969), p. 8 .
^Brown, ibid., p. 258.
60William W. Wilmot, "Ego-Involvement: A Confusing Variable in Speech Communication Research," Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 57, No. 4, (December 19?1), 429-436.
^Manheim, ibid., pp. 16-22. 62 Boulding, ibid., p. 64.
^3Ibid., p. 98.
^4Ibid., p. 75. 47 6 R Lerone Bennett, Jr., What Manner of Man (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company, Inc., 1968), p. 85. 66 Brown, ibid., p. 256. 67 John C. Condon, Jr., Semantics and Communication (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1966), p. 14. 68 Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: The Free Press, 1962), pp. 24-25. 6 9 Statement by Marion Schwab, personal interview, August 9, 1976. 70 John F. Cuber, Sociology (New York: Appleton- Century-Crofts, 1968), p. 203.
7^Smelser, ibid., p. 111. 72 Russell R. Dynes and others, Social Problems (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 6. 73 Smelser, ibid., p. 270.
74Ibid. , p. 277.
75Ibid. , p. 278. ~
76Ibid., p. 288.
77Ibid., p. 289.
78Ibid., p. 290. 79 Ralph H. Turner and Lewis M. Killian, Collective Behavior (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1957), p. 59. o o Smelser, ibid., p. 292.
81Ibid., p. 294.
82Ibid., p. 296. o q Turner and Killian, ibid., p. 478.
84Ibid., p. 475. O C Smelser, ibid., pp. 299-302. 48
86Ibid., P- 289.
87Ibid., P- 302. 88Ibid., pp. 305-306.
89Ibid., P- 301. 90Ibid., pp. 306-310. 91 John Waite Bowers and Donovan J. Ochs, The Rhetoric of Agitation and Control (Reading, Massachusetts: Addi- son-Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1971), Chapter Two. CHAPTER III
Methods and Procedures
Introduction
The following paragraph is an introductory explanation of the material which is located within Chapter Three.
Definitions and explanations of terms/ procedures and methods including rationale, use and application are elabo rated upon in Chapter Three as these terms, procedures and methods are discussed.
Several procedures and methods were used to study the question: "What is the image of Martin Luther King as ex pressed by people who have a known interest in or an atti tude about him?" Focused interviews were conducted with 11 people. These people were selected because of their ex pressed interest in Martin Luther King. Statements from these interviews were categorized and then systematically used in assembling a Q-sort. Q-sorts were chosen to study this question because they provide a base "for measurement of anything subjective to the person"'1' such as feelings, attitudes or images. With a Q-sort each respondent can model or express his personal image regarding King. In
49 50 an attempt to make the image analysis a comprehensive one, a Q-sort was administered to 40 respondents who were chosen for their expressed interest in King and for their diversity in background, experiences and demographics.
Focused Interviews
The first procedure of the study was the conducting of focused interviews in order to collect the various responses people have toward Martin Luther King. 11 Focused inter views were conducted. This number of interviews was chosen for, as Stephenson relates, the comprehensive collection of information on an event or person can be done using "one" person, but,
statements from 10 to 20 suitably chosen persons will provide a collection that can scarcely be bettered by choosing a hundred. About most events (or persons) many state ments are common to different persons, and almost every statement will mean something to many others, whether i,t was collected from one person or many.
In this case, "suitably chosen persons" were those with a known interest in or an attitude about King. The collection of responses was used to identify themes and then to as semble statements for a structured Q-sort. (Use of and an explanation of Q-methodology will be discussed in a future section.)
The characteristics of the focused interview (which are listed below) attend to the specific needs of this study in that they yield a comprehensive collection of information 51 which is necessary for the assemblage of a structured Q-sort.
The distinctive characteristics of a focused interview are that:
1. "Interviewees are known to have be | n in volved in a particular situation.” In this study, "situation" refers either to the interviewees' personal contact with King, i.e., a particular situation or to the interviewees encounter(s) with in formation regarding King. For example, an interviewee was involved in the Civil Rights Movement and acted upon King's teaching and philosophy, another inter viewee was involved with media gate keep ing activities regarding King, another was involved in explaining and interpret ing King's messages to political con stituents. In the three preceeding ex amples the acting, gate keeping and in terpreting are the "situations" under exploration.
2. The "investigator has provisionally analyzed (the) situation and developed hypotheses regarding probable responses to it." Hypotheses were developed by the researcher regarding how the inter viewee responded in his situation in volving King or information regarding him.
3. "This content or situational analysis provides (a) basis for (an) interview guide, setting forth major areas of in quiry and providing criteria of rele vance for interview data." In these interviews the guide dealt with the in terviewees responses to King, his ac tivities, his philosophies etc. as they pertained to the interview "situation."
4. The "interview focuses on subjective experience to ascertain (the) inter viewees' definition of (the) situation in which they were involved." By learn ing about the interviewees specific ex periences and how they interpreted this 52
information, themes or areas of impor tance to these people regarding King emerged.
In addition a focused interview is useful to this study because of its examination and discernment of the psycho
logical and social processes involved in interpreting a
situation. The focused interview "provides clues to the 7 process and mechanics called into play by (a) situation."
In an interview about King and/or his associates, activi ties or philosophies, the interviewees expressed their thoughts regarding this topic. How they answered questions, that is, with what words, tone, or expression of emotion gives clues as to how the person viewed, processed, and in terpreted the situation.
In a focused interview, the interviewer asks non directive questions regarding the person or situation under investigation. The interviewee is encouraged to structure the questions so that the aspects of the situation which g are most significant to him are explored. For example, questions such as, "what was it like to be with Martin
Luther King," "how did it feel to be with King," or "what g impressed you about King," were asked.
Each focused interview typically lasted from one to one and a half hours in length. The interviewees were pol icy makers and gate keepers. Three of these interviewees had had personal contact with King; four had been active in the Civil Rights Movement during the years of 1955-1968; 53 one was a vigorous opponent of the Civil Rights Movement.
The recurring ideas, phrases and words which were expressed by these people became the systematic base for the struc tured Q-sort which was developed.^0
Following is a list of the interviewees and a notation of their "situation,” that is, their contact with King or their active involvement with his teaching of philosophies:
1. a businessman and politician — this per son was called upon by his black politi cal constituents to interpret how King's messages pertained to them;
2. taxidriver, student — this person had personal contact with King in the 1963 March on Washington. He was in charge or organizing a neighborhood group of people for marching. He met several times with King and other leaders of the Civil Rights Movement;
3. FBI agent — this person had personal contact with King during the 1963 March on Washington. He, in the role of a marcher, was to stay as close to King as possible in order to observe him and the other marchers;
4. officer in a Roman Catholic quasi- Sisterhood, student — this person was active in the Civil Rights Movement during the early 1960's. She acted upon King's teachings by participating in Civil Rights marches, the preparation of these and the tutoring of black peo ple in reading;
5. professor — this person has been con tinuously active in the Civil Rights Movement. She acted upon King's teach ings by verbalizing black community needs to city officials and eventually was in strumental in organizing day care cen ters for needy young children; 54
6. university administrator — this person had direct personal contact with King at Morehouse College. King was his profes sor and later his minister;
7. university administrator, author — this person ghost writes for several other authors who write about the Civil Rights Movement and black culture. He has in terpreted King to others via print;
8 . homemaker, politician — this person in her role of politician has advocated the teachings of King to government officials and her constituents;
9. television producer — this person pre sented King's views and philosophies to the local, television viewer with the intent of educating the public and pro moting understanding of the Civil Rights Movement;
10. television program manager — this person chose not to present information regard ing King to the local television viewer. He found the Civil Rights Movement and King to be inflamatory and not of inter est to his local audience;
11. priest, student — this person acted upon King's teachings by traveling to the Southern United States to help register new black voters.
Conceptualization of Themes and Development of the Q-sort
A conceptualization of the themes which form King's image emerged from the interview data. First, to determine these themes the interview transcripts were studied. Sec ond, to define these themes and transform them into easily useable data, each theme element was assigned a symbol.^1
(See Table 1.) 55
Three significant themes emerged from the interview data. King was seen as a "person," in a role as a "leader," and as someone who used a particular means, "nonviolence," to achieve his goal(s). These ideas were elaborated upon and expanded in the interviews. The ideas and their delinea tions follow:
King as a person:
A1 "good." King is seen as an intelligent, trustworthy, gentle and respected per son. He is viewed in professional roles, i.e., a teacher and a minister.
A2 "bad." King is seen as a dumb, manipu lative or crafty person. He is seen as a troublemaker, meddler or even con spirator who associated with others of this same negative inclination.
A3 "ultramoral." King is seen as an in spirational, "more-than-Christian," prophetic man. He is viewed as a moral philosopher and as a man who "crossed religious lines," i.e., he could speak to and identify with people of all religions.
King as a leader:
Bl "for himself." King is seen as an opportunist who was seeking personal fame. He is described as a power grabber who became involved with a faddish social movement.
B2 "for Civil Rights." King is seen as a responsible leader of the Civil Rights Movement who sincerely de sired equal treatment and justice under the law for all people and who sought lasting social and polit ical change in the established gov ernmental system of the United States. 56
Means usdd by King to achieve his goals:
Cl "violence." King is described as one who wanted, used, knew only about, and/or espoused violence.
C2 "nonviolence." King is described as one who used, proposed, and/or espoused nonviolence. (This was discussed with a connotation of uniqueness and posi tiveness by those who expressed it.)
Finally, these elements or facets were placed into a 12 framework for systematic use in constructing Q-statements.
A model of the scheme used for constructing Q-statements follows:
Table 1 13 Schema for the Construction of Q-Statements
A1 A2 A3
Bl B2
Cl C2
Each statement contained three of the above facets.
For example, a statement that contained elements A1B1C1 was number 14:
a trustworthy man who used violence to achieve overnight fame. 57
A statement that combined elements A1B2C2 was number eight:
a good man and a good speaker who used economic boycotts and other tactics of nonviolence to create a lasting peaceful community.
There were 12 possible statement combinations. 60 state- 14 ments were in the Q-sort. Each of the 12 categories of statements, e.g., scheme A1B1C1, A1B2C1, A1B2C2 etc. had 15 five representative statements.
A Q-sort is the deck of cards which is sorted by re spondents who participate in a study using Q-methodology.
"Q-methodology" is a general name used by William Stephenson to characterize a set of philosophical, psychological, statistical and psychometric ideas oriented to research on 1 6 the individual." The yield of the rank ordering of Q- statements is "correlations between persons and persons 17 clusters or factors."
"In a structured Q-sort the variables of a 'theory' ... 18 are built into (the) set of items." The structure gives the researcher a base for developing operational definitions regarding the topic under consideration. In this case, the variables or facets are King as a "good," "bad," or "ultra moral" person; King as a leader as being for Civil Rights or for himself; and King as a user of violence or nonviolence.
The "topic under consideration" is the image of Martin
Luther King. 58
Various checks were periodically done during the de
velopment of the Q-sort. Extra participants sorted the
statements by category to assure their accurate representa
tion of the themes. Also, preliminary Q-sorts were done
for the purpose of editing, re-checking the meaning of
statements, and re-checking categorization of the state ments.
The Sample
Instead of randomly selecting in dividuals from a defined population ... I seek to represent known interests in the selection, and ch^gse subjects to fit balanced designs.
The sample consisted of 4 0 respondents. These people were selected because of their known interest in Martin
Luther King. Each person had expressed to the researcher, or to another person, an interest in or an attitude about
King.
The sample represented a spectrum of people. To insure diversity principles of stratification were used in an at tempt to get a balanced distribution regarding the respond ents sex, race (black or white), age, education and social class status (as defined by sociologist, Joseph Kahl). The population of accessible people with a known interest in
King was divided into control groups which systematically and purposefully represented a diverse range of variables.
It was of interest to the researcher to discover if any of 59 these variables were influencing the image being investi gated. Sex and race are included for it was of interest to see if the experience of being male or female or black or white can influence one's image of King. Age refers to the present age of the respondent. Having lived a particular number of years and thus through a particular set of his toric events, the respondent may have an image of King which is similar to that held by others of his age group. Age intervals of 20 years were arbitrarily assigned. The mini mum age of 20 years was chosen because a person this age was approximately 11 years old in 1968 when King died. (Even though most respondents contact with King or with informa tion about him was through the media or some other means other than personal contact, the researcher wished all re spondents to have had the possibility of a personal remem bered encounter with King as a base for the age strata.)
Education refers to schooling from grades 1-12 and to col lege as having spent any number of years at the university level. Social class status refers to assignment in socio economic levels as defined by occupation and values. It is assumed that age, education and social class status can in fluence one's image of King.
A chart which gives the breakdown of the total number of respondents per category follows: 60
Table 2
Control Groups for Sex, Race, Age,
Education and Social Class Status
female (19) male (21)
black (10) white (30) age 20-39 (20) age 40-59 (11) age 60+ (9)
school (16) college (24) upper upper middle lower middle working lower
(0) (4) (17) (17) (2)
The respondents1 location within the distribution is seen in Table 3.
The occupations of the respondents cover a broad range of life styles. This list is not exhaustive but serves to convey the cross section of respondents which was sought.
Occupations included in the study were: business people, taxi driver, FBI agent, clerical and secretarial personnel,
Catholic priest, Methodist minister, coach, career Air
Force officer, fanner, recreation director, artisan, pro fessional musician, antique dealer, research chemist, cus todian, HEW official and a bus driver. Some of the avoca tions or semi-professional jobs of these and others who 61
Table 3
Respondent Location Within Control Groups
Respondent Code Respondent Code
1 M, B, 40, c, UM 21 M, w, 58, c, UM
2 M, B, 35, s, L 22 M, w, 32, c, W
3 F» W, 30, c, LM 23 F, w, 61, c, LM
4 M, w, 33, c, LM 24 M, w, 67, s, LM
5 M, W, 33, c, LM 25 F, W, 64, s, LM
6 F, B, 23, s, W 26 M, W, 69, s, W
7 F , B, 50, c, LM 27 F, W, 28, s, W
8 M, W, 36, c, LM 28 F, W, 42, s, W
9 M, B, 34, c, W 29 F, W, 53, s, W
10 F, B, 21, c, W 30 M, W, 63, c, LM
11 F, W, 29, c, LM 31 F, w, 62, s, W
12 M, B, 33, c, LM 32 F, W, 54, c, LM
13 M, W, 34, c, W 33 F, W, 60, s, W
14 M, W, 32, c, LM 34 M, W, 64, s, W
15 F , w, 62, s, W 35 M, W, 32, c, W
16 M, w, 44, s, W 36 M, B, 40, s, W to 17 F / w, 00 c, LM 37 M, B, 41, c, UM
18 M, w, 44, c, LM 38 F, W, 32, c, LM
19 F, w , 31, c, UM 39 F, B, 24, s, W
20 M, w, 58, c, LM 40 F, w, 25, s, L 62 participated are: politician, author, craftsman, dog
trainer, artist and amateur bowler.
Administration of the Q-Sort
The respondents agreed to participate in an interview and a Q-sort. The Q-sorting procedure typically took a re
spondent one hour to complete. In some instances this pro cedure lasted an additional one or two hours. During this time the respondents were encouraged to share any questions, comments, feelings or ideas which the statements elicited or aroused. These expressions were recorded as well as the
Q-sort loadings. Statements were sorted into the following frequency distributions. This represents a modified normal distribution.
Table 4
Q-Sort Frequency Distributions
(N = 60)
No. of Items 2 4 6 6 8 8 8 6 6 4 2
Stack No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
The interview schedule was followed by completion of focused probes regarding the items which were chosen as best and 20 least descriptive of King. 63 •
Analysis of Data
The collected data were submitted to QUANAL for mathmatical correlation, and factor analysis. There are several steps involved in the transference of data from the interview schedule to the finished computer print out.
First the raw data were tabulated and transposed onto ma- 21 trices to expedite the key punching procedure. By item and row, these matrices provide intercorrelations of vari ables which represent persons and items which represent the observations of these persons. Each punched computer card contained every person's response to a particular Q-state- ment. Also a card(s) containing each Q-statement was punched to obtain a correlation of the statements.
The following assessment procedures were used to iden tify those types of persons who share a similar image of
Martin Luther King and to provide insight into the nature of these persons, A correlation matrix was obtained. On it each person's expression was correlated with that of every other person. This matrix was submitted to factor analysis. A principle axis solution was obtained. This solution was submitted to varimax rotation which sets up 22 criteria for orthogonal factors. After this rotation the solution which best accounted for the variance was chosen for analysis. In this solution six factors accounted for the total factor variance. A factor represents a data- based, hypothetical type of person. It is created by a 64
set of persons who have identified themselves by expressing
similar opinions or patterns of thought regarding Martin
Luther King. By examining the factor loadings for each respondent, one can identify who belongs to a particular factor.
Next an analysis of items was done. After the orthogonal factors were found, the items as chosen by each person were weighted by item score and by the factor load ings of each person. A typal Z-score array was obtained.
Then, correlations between types were computed. The higher the item score and the higher the factor loading, the more an item is seen to represent a particular factor. The weighted scores of each item are added up separately so that each item is systematically assigned a score which cor responds to its relationship to all other items. This item array represented the most and least descriptive items for the hypothetical person represented in each factor. These scores were converted to Z-scores where they appear as a 23 hierarchy of items.
Finally, Q-statements or item descriptions represented by Z-scores are listed in a descending array of differences between the types or factors obtained. By examining these the most striking similarities or differences among the types can be examined. Also given are five statements which 24 were viewed similarly by all factors. Chapter Three discusses the methods and procedures used to study the image of Martin Luther King. Chapter
Four examines the findings of this work. 66
FOOTNOTES
William Stephenson, The Play Theory of Mass Com- munication (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 11.
2Ibid., p. 15. 3 Robert K. Merton, Marjorie Fiske and Patricia L. Kendall, The Focused Interview (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press^ 1956), p. ix.
4Ibid.
5Ibid.
8Ibid. 7 Ibid., pp. ix-x. 8 , . , Ibid., p. x. 9 see Appendix A.
^°see Appendix B.
1:LRobert R. Monaghan, "Systematic Way of Being Crea tive," The Journal of Communication, Vol. 18, No. 1, (March, 1968), p. 50.
12Ibid., p. 51. 13 see Appendix B. 14 see Appendix C. 15 see Appendices D and E.
^ F r e d N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Re- search (New York: Holt, Rinehart and-Winston Inc., 1973), p. 582.
17Ibid., p. 583.
18Ibid., p. 588.
19 Stephenson, ibid., p. 20. 67
20 see Appendix F. 21 see Appendix G. 22 see Appendix H. 23 see Appendix I.
O A Robert R. Monaghan and others, Mister Rogers' Neigh borhood and the Handicapped Child Interface, U.S. Depart ment of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education, Bureau for the Handicapped (Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Research Foundation, 1974), pp. 21-22. CHAPTER IV
Findings and Interpretations
Introduction
In review, image is dynamic, exists within the self
(which is defined as a "unit of personality"1 or "internal organization of qualities (such as) traits, attitudes and 2 habits" ) and can change with new information. Because of the nature of image, that is, that it is stimulated by a message and arises from one's background and experience,
"there are many aspects of ourselves in our images,"1 and 4 "there are many selves." The findings of this study reveal a systematically labeled image of Martin Luther King and the hypothetical type of person who held this image. These images and types of persons are neither mutually exclusive nor at cross purposes.
Following is a brief review of the methods and pro cedures used in this study. Focused interviews were con ducted to ascertain what kinds of information people had re garding Martin Luther King. From these transcripts the ma jor themes were extracted. These themes as given by the interviewees, included King as a person and King as a
68 69
leader, his purpose — to be famous or to be a champion of
Civil Rights, and his methods — techniques of nonviolence or violence. Descriptors used by the interviewees were used in forming a structured Q-sort. The Q-sort was ad ministered to 40 respondents. The resulting data were analyzed using Q-analysis.
Stephenson states that "the structured Q-sort (and its results) form a theoretical effect concerning what you 5 study." Thus, the elicited themes or facets of the struc tured Q-sort begin to form a "theory" of the image of
Martin Luther King. The elements of this "theory" are used to analyse the results of the data and to describe the image of King as it is expressed in each factor. Factors are com posed of individuals who express similar ideas regarding
Martin Luther King. Through the expressions of individuals various shared images are found. In this study respondents of a type share the same image of King as well as "a set of philosophical or psychological ideas."6
In this study six factors emerged. Four of the factors describe a positive image of King while two of them describe a negative image. Each factor, the image described by the respondents in it, the psychological characteristics or hypothetical personality type represented and the relation of image dimensions to the demographic data are discussed.
Comparisons and contrasts are noted and elaborated upon by the author. 70
The author believes that each of the six factors is
important. Two of the positive types have strong factor
loadings. Two other types — one positive and one negative
have less strong factor loadings. The two remaining types
have weak factor loadings. These two last types are in
cluded because the author believes that they represent a
small but important portion of the general public.
The second weakest type, a negative one, deserves at tention because it represents a stereotypic version of military thought. The only career officer of the study
is in this factor.
The weakest factor is positive. The respondents sort ing of the Q-statements is very unlike that done by the other respondents. Not surprisingly these respondents are unconventional people who do not particularly "fit" their surroundings. As an illustration of the diversity of people represented in this factor, it included a woman who labels herself a radical and another woman who is most warm and loving to all people, yet is in a traditional conservative occupation. A third man is a creative, renowned, profes sional musician.
Regarding King as a man, the facets of "good," "bad," and "ultramoral" are each represented; however, the positive ones dominate. The statements chosen as most descriptive reflect whatever the respondent views as "human," and vulnerable. King is seen as a man who was not always 71
in control of his destiny.
King is examined carefully by the respondents. Some
people readily express that they thought he was a great man
and that they have always admired him. Others are more
reticent. It is as if they are not willing to say he was
good until they are pushed to do so. Sometimes positive
ideas were said begrudgingly because the respondent did not
like King or what he stood for yet also thought that he did
good deeds. Others state their thoughts slowly because they
have always said they disliked or disapproved of King but
based on their own image of him, realize that they think
positively about him. Generally, people who view King posi
tively say he was a good man and a great and inspirational
leader. Those who view him negatively generally say that he was immoral, created trouble for others and does not de
serve any acclaim.
Another strong theme is that King, in his leadership
role was for Civil Rights. The idea that he sought power
for himself is fascinating to people but is not considered
to be true. King may have enjoyed his fame but most re
spondents see him as shunning this as a goal in itself.
The respondents believe that he was famous for a variety of reasons, such as, fate, pressure from his wife, hard work, political manuvering and/or his personality. But, for whatever the reason, King is viewed by most as being the most prominent and responsible person of the Civil Rights 72
Movement. When King is seen as being for himself, he is also seen (again) as immoral. The small number of re
spondents who express this image believe that he became in volved in the Civil Rights Movement for the spoils of the job, self agrandizement and the enjoyment of knowing that some white people were angry or uncomfortable.
Predominantly King is seen as a man who espoused non violence. He is viewed as adhering to the philosophy of nonviolence and of using>nonviolent tactics as. a means of achieving Civil Rights goals. It is generally believed that
King thought that the Civil Rights Movement would be violent but that he did not wish for it to be so. Conversely the few respondents who see King as a man of violence say that he used nonviolence as a ruse. They believe that King not only knew the Civil Rights Movement would be violent but also that he wished it to be so.
Positive Image of Martin Luther King
Six images of King emerged from the data. Also identi fied were six different hypothetical types of person. The labels for these images and types of persons represents an abstraction or synthesis of the data for each factor type.
The labels for each type were chosen by the researcher after she had considered several sources of data. These sources were the respondents behaviors as observed by the re searcher, statements from the interviews with the 73 respondents (focused and/or Q) and the Q-statements which the respondents chose as best and least descriptive of King.
Four of the emergent images are positive. The re searcher labeled the images and types of hypothetical per sons created by the respondents in the positive factors as the Social Action Type, Advocate Type, Amiable Type and the
No Fit Type. The Social Action Type was thusly named be cause of these respondents' interest in social concerns and their exhibited drive and energy. The Advocate was the name chosen for the next type because of these respondents' de sire to influence others to act. Words were observed as important to them. The Amiable Type was thusly labeled be cause of these respondents' expressed and easily observed desire to please others. The No Fit Type was named this be cause they literally do not fit into their social surround ings. For example, it was observed that each had a discon certing manner and way of conveying that they were with the researcher and also mentally or emotionally "somewhere'' else.
Predominantly King's image is that of a good man who was for Civil Rights and who used techniques of nonviolence to achieve his goals. In some instances King's image in cludes the facet of ultramorality. In the Social Action, ♦ Advocate and Amiable factors, emphasis is placed on King's power. However, the image of power and leadership varies with each type. These differences will be noted in each 74 discussion of an image of King. The Social Action and Ad vocate factors are strong; the Amiable factor is not as strong as these two; the No Fit factor is weak.
Image of the Social Action Type
The Social Action Type's image of Martin Luther King is positive. It represents the strongest factor of the study.
King is seen as a Civil Rights leader and a man of nonvio lence. All of the Q-statements which had Z-scores with standard deviations of +1.12 or higher indicated these as pects of King's image. Of the 11 statements, five expressed that King was a "good" man, five that he was "ultramoral" and one that he was "bad." King is seen as a good person.
Ten Q-statements literally indicate this. In the eleventh statement, which includes the "bad" facet, the word "manipu lative" is the reference. In later discussion it will be demonstrated that this idea is not negative to the Social
Action Type of person.
The Social Action Type of a person's image of King in cluded action, respect and earned prestige. These valued elements are visible in the following items:
a respected teacher and minister, used non violence, established lasting political changes
a moral philosopher who used nonviolence to change laws so that justice would be for all people 75
a good man and a good speaker who used economic boycotts and other tactics of nonviolence to create a lasting peaceful community
Through hard work King earned the respect of others. The first and third statements listed above illustrate this point. To be a teacher or a minister implies that the per son named has worked hard at least in an academic sense. To be a respected member of these professions implies various other kinds of hard work. These are social service profes sions which are often rewarded intrinsically. To gain prestige or have extrinsic rewards in these areas is diffi cult. It is noted in the third, statement that King is a good man and a good speaker. Again, this type of person be lieves that when one has real expertese in an area one should be acknowledged for it.
King is seen as a man of intellect and wisdom. As previously stated, to be a professional implies intellectual ability. Also, to be recognized as a moral philosopher takes a great amount of knowledge, This type of person is drawn to another bright person; in this case, it is King.
Adjectives such as "clever," "smart," and "analytical" not only describe King but also the Social Action Type of per son. The following statement illustrates this point:
to create and sustain eternal brotherhood he wisely used tactics of nonviolent direct action. 76
There is a popular, political content in this image of
King. The four preceding Q-statements imply that King's
image includes a directness of purpose and of action. The
Social Action Type thinks that if one believes in something
one should act on it. This type of respondent sees King as
a man of action.
The Social Action Type of person identifies with the public and political aspect of King's image. These respond
ents enjoy the idea of prestige, power and the open chal
lenging or championing of public issues. They are often in volved in positions of power and in attempts to insure their desired ends. Confident of their abilities they will at tempt to promote their cause in as many ways as possible at whatever level of society in which they function. From politician to clerk they will attempt to create change.
King's image includes the concept of being a just and loving person. If the idiom "cold hands, warm heart" can be adjusted to "cool head, warm heart," it describes an outlook that the Social Action Type admires. These are analytical yet warm people who look out for and care deeply about others. They value this quality in King. The following statements illustrate this idea:
a kind man who loved his family and asso ciates, used nonviolence to create a be loved community 77
is described as "more than Christian," used nonviolence to create a beloved community.
The Social Action Type of respondent agrees with King that all people should be treated with equal respect. That one is a family member or a stranger with a background dif ferent than one's own should not make a difference in the kind of treatment one receives. That a person lives is enough to make them important. The Social Action Type has distinct personal preferences concerning those with whom they prefer to associate, such as, other active people, sophisticates, or "experts," but, like their model in this case, they will champion as many people as possible.
The Q-statement chosen as clearly descriptive of King which included a "bad" facet refered to manipulation. Manip ulation is not considered bad but pragmatic. When a person of this type believes change should be made he will use any means which he considers appropriate. These means should be honest but if "bending of the rules" seems appropriate or necessary it should be done. The following statement ex presses this idea:
a manipulative man who found nonviolence helpful in establishing lasting social change.
In this statement King is perceived as using the most effi cient means available to him. To be a good, efficient leader one needs to be cagey. The Social Action type be lieves that established people, channels or institutions 78 need monitoring to function efficiently. If any part of the establishment needs to be removed or changed this should be done through use of the most efficient means available. The guidelines here are that the efficient means should not hurt others and that those involved in establishing change should be acknowledged for their effort.
The Social Action Type sees King as a humanist. King's concern was for the welfare of the person. His use of non violence is consistent with this type of person's desire to be kind, to avoid hurting others and to respect human dig nity. King's use of nonviolent'techniques is consistent with this area of his image because it can create change yet its implementation, if followed precisely, does not bring harm to anyone.
King's image includes being an idealist. He is de scribed as:
a gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tactics of nonviolence to bring about lasting social change.
The Social Action Type of person would like the world to be a good place. If he believes he can make it better he will try to do so. He believes that King had a dream for this country. The Social Action Type would like the United
States to be a place where justice prevails for all people regardless of their race, sex or religious background.
The Social Action Type rejects the idea of King being a bad or violent person. Statements which this type 79
strongly reject are:
a stupid man who was out for himself and who used violence to get power
a leacherous man who used violent means to become an overnight success
a slow thinker who unwittingly used vio lence to create long range political change.
King is not seen as stupid. Many of the respondents stated ideas which reflected this belief, such as, King had to be intelligent to earn the Ph.D. degree in the area of phi losophy, to coordinate the efforts of the Civil Rights Move ment and to get along with so many different kinds of people.
The issue of violence is viewed "objectively." Re spondents of the Social Action Type acknowledge that vio lence occurred in the Civil Rights Movement. They say that to think it would not erupt would have been foolish. They believe King knew violence was a possibility so he taught his followers ways in which to respond to it.
King's image is that of a man of social action who was not interested in personal gain. However, he is not viewed as establishing any "lasting" social change. The Social Ac tion Type of person rejects the statement:
leacherous, used violence, established last ing social change.
Frequently these respondents mentioned their dislike for the word "lasting." Some of them queried: "What is lasting?"
"What does lasting mean?" One person stated: "No, the 80 gains of the Civil Rights Movement are not lasting."
The most significant characteristic that the Social
Action Type of respondents share and the aspect which most influences their processing of image is their "personality type," point of view or outlook on life. These respondents cross all demographic categories. They range occupationally and politically, from an Eastern, conservative, bank execu tive to a liberal custodian. 56% of the respondents were male, 44% were female; 69% were white, 31% were black. Half of the respondents represented the middle age category while
38% were in the young and 13% were in the over 60 years of age categories. 63% of the respondents had attended col lege, 38% had not. The social classes were represented as follows; 19% were upper middle class, 31% were lower middle class, 44% were working class, 1% were lower class. It is of note that 75% of the upper middle class respondents are in this factor as are half of the black members of the sample. Also 63% of the college educated respondents are in this factor.
These figures when compared to statistics regarding the demographics of the other types show these respondents to be generally well educated and members of the upper middle and working classes. The findings suggest that education pre disposes a person to become involved with one's life. Re garding class, these findings correspond highly to Kahl's description of the upper middle class, these people are 81
"outgoing,” "fluent talkers," "give attention to public be- 7 havior and response" and are "mobile.” However, they do not correspond to Kahl's description of the working class.
These class members are considered to be "inactive in com munity life" and are described as viewing life as "rou tine."**
The Social Action Type respondents do fit Dawson,
Prewitt and Dawson's description of an "Opinion Leader."
These people are described as being up-to-date, interested
in current events and the media, and are influential in 9 their own groups. It is the author's observation that the
Social Action Type of respondents can be described with the above statements and more. These people seem to enjoy life and are motivated toward notable success in some area. They are social activists who are in some way publicly known.
This notoriety may exist through occupation, religion, club work or avocation. They are energetic. They generate ex citement in others. When one is with them, one senses their dynamism and personal security.
These respondents carefully observe others. An expres
sion of this idea is exemplified in political situations.
The woman who said she votes "for the best person" and the one who votes "for the one who is most humane" are in this category. These respondents monitor others who have power.
They would not hesitate to topple a bad or incompetent
leader. They use their own power wisely and expect others 82 to do the same.
The Social Action Type has a positive image of King.
He is seen as a good man who was for Civil Rights and who used techniques of nonviolence to achieve his goals. He was prestigeous, powerful and intelligent. He had self respect and respected others. To the Social Action Type of person,
King engaged in worthwhile activities and acted on that which he believed.
Image of the Advocate Type
The Advocate Type has a positive image of Martin Luther
King. This factor, like the Social Action factor, is strong. Also like the Social Action Type of person, the
Advocate Type clearly sees King as a leader of the Civil
Rights Movement who used techniques of nonviolence. All 10 statements with standard deviations of +1.09 or higher ex press the facets of being for Civil Rights of advocating nonviolence. Of these 10 Q-statements, five expressed that
King was a "good" man, four that he was "ultramoral" and one that he was "bad." The Q-statement with the "bad" facet states King was "meddling in others affairs." The Advocate
Type, like the Social Action Types does not interpret this idea negatively. King is seen as a positive man.
To the Advocate Type, King exemplified superlatives.
His image reflects extreme positiveness. The following statements express this theme: 83
an incredibly inspirational man who used tactics of nonviolence to create lasting political change
seemed sent from God, created lasting so cial change, used techniques of nonviolence
is described as "more than Christian," used nonviolence, made equal rights for all people a permanent part of life.
King is seen as an authority figure who had immense
attraction and who inspired many others to follow him. He
is viewed literally as a man of God. They see King as a man who did many good, Christian deeds and is therefore an
heroic, religious figure.
King is seen as a man who enjoyed his family, friends
and parishoners. The following statements illustrate:
a kind man who loved his family and asso ciates, used nonviolence to create a be loved community
a respected teacher and minister, used non violence, established lasting political changes.
Through these respondents' choice of Q-statements and inter view data their respect for the family and its authority is expressed. They identify with King in his enjoyment of the
family. They believe respect is due anyone who is the head of a primary group but the family is held in particularly high esteem. These respondents indicate the belief that being a father, mother, or leader is proof enough that one
should be respected. 84
King's image is that of a religious man. Religion is important to the Advocate Type of person. The adherence to some creed is expressed as sensible behavior by the Advocate
Type. The Bible, the Bill of Rights, or the charter of one's group is valuable as a guide to proper behavior and thoughts.
King is also seen as advocating unity. This idea is considered to be an important idea. The following state ments illustrate this:
to create and sustain eternal brotherhood he wisely used tactics of nonviolent di rect action
' a good man and a good speaker who used economic boycotts and other tactics of nonviolence to create a lasting peaceful community.
King is seen as genuinely caring for others. He as well as these respondents would like people to get along well with one another. This theme is a kind of extension of the valuing of family and religion.
The Advocate Type and the Social Action Type both see
King as an idealist and a dreamer. The same statement had a high Z-score for both factors:
gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tactics of nonviolence to bring about lasting social change.
However, a difference exists between the two types in how this information is viewed. The Social Action Type sees
King as acting to bring his dream to fruition. The Advocate 85
Type sees King as a strategist. King imagined what a be
loved community would be like, extolled its virtues and
preached the blessings of brotherhood. The important aspect
of the image is that King prompted others to act.
King is a man of words and ideas. He is seen as plant
ing ideas. The following Q-statement and discussion illus trate this point. In this statement the Advocate Type de
scribes King thusly:
a man of nonviolence, had a history of meddling in other's affairs, established lasting changes in education, commerce and voting rights.
As a particular respondent noted, "What's meddling? He
(King) had to get involved in other's affairs to help people
see the problem of inequality that existed."
Reiterating, the image of King in this type is expressed in extremes. To the Advocate Type of person King was vir tuous. He espoused justice, truth, and brotherhood. His appeal was to everyone. He was righteous and inspirational.
The Advocate Type of person believes that King followed established means of communication to protest unequal treat ment of black people and unjust laws. This use of protest is seen as positive because the Advocate Type of person dis likes people who try to change situations through other than established channels. The establishment is seen as well meaning and trustworthy but sometimes out of touch with reality. This opinion is not seen as contrary to these 86 respondents approval of meddling. Meddling is seen as the same as pestering, playing devil's advocate or conscious ness-raising. Means other than these are viewed with dis approval as illegal. The following statements exemplify these respondents disapproval; they were strongly rejected by the respondents:
a sneaky man who shrewdly used nonviolence to be a self styled hero
had a knack for conspiracy and used vio lence to acquire instant power
a crafty man who used nonviolence to become a self styled hero.
The respondents who form the Advocate Type consider themselves to be respectable citizens. The idea of going against society, being openly rebellious or personally con fronting authority is not comfortable or desirable. Group approval is important to them because it serves as a guide to proper behavior. These respondents like to know where they stand in relation to other people and in relation to any issue.
The respondents of the Advocate Type cross all demo graphic categories. 58% of the respondents were male, 42% were female; 83% of the respondents were white, 17% were black. Predominantly these respondents were "young;" 67% were in the young age category while 17% were middle aged and another 17% were in the over 60 age category. A large percentage, i.e., 67% had attended college, 33% had not. 87
The classes were represented thusly: 67% of the respond ents were in the lower middle class, 17% were working class,
1% were upper middle class and 1% were lower class.
For the Advocate Type a relationship appears to exist between some of the respondents' demographic data and their image of King. Of the 12 respondents in this factor two were black. These two people had had positive, personal contact with King. One man had been King's student at More house College; the other man had been in several Civil
Rights marches led by King. One of these men, when speaking about King, became so animated that his deep emotional re sponse to King was easily observed. It is the author's con clusion that these two respondents and five of the white re spondents not only believe that King was an inspirational person but also believe a world community in which people live in harmony can occur, perhaps in the near future. The other respondents view King as inspirational but at a dif ferent level of abstraction. To them King was a black min ister who did good deeds for his people. He is a great man.
The talk of a beloved community, however, does not represent reality to them. This community may occur "someday" but for today blacks should stay "with their own people" because everyone is more "comfortable" if they do.
Religion is an important element in this factor. The priest, a minister, and a woman who is a member of a
Catholic quasi-Sisterhood were respondents of this factor. 88
These are people of words (as well as social action); the
church is important to them, and they have devoted their
life to it; religion is useful as a way of life. Indeed,
all the respondents but one expressed strong positive re
gard for their religious identity and background. In his
focused interview the priest said of his parishoners that they were smart people who generally did not like King, but who would never verbalize this. What they feel about King
is that he "messed with their heads," and they dislike that.
These church members are now part of the establishment; they have "made it" and do not want their lives disrupted in any way. They are for Civil Rights but not for black people coming to their church, school or business if they can help
it. The author observes that the priest's description of his church members is applicable to the five white respond ents who do not seriously believe in a world community where black and white people freely intermingle and presumably are compatible.
All of the people in this factor appear to have strong family ties. In fact, all but two specifically mentioned their family. References were made to a new baby, a promi nent New England family name, and to what one's parents say regarding an issue. Religious and familial bonds can ex plain these respondents' reverence for authority and their assumption that it is inherently good. In their experience these ideas are true. 89
The respondents are generally well educated, lower mid dle class and young. Those whose careers are not in reli
gion are employed in occupations such as, a teacher, an ad ministrator, a salesman and a media producer. Regarding
Kahl's description of the lower middle class these respond ents are prototypic. They often have some education beyond high school, are the "most regular churchgoers of our so ciety" and see home as a "symbol of stability and respect ability," and are "solid citizens.
Respondents of the Advocate Type have a positive image of Martin Luther King. The respondents themselves are gen erally positive people, i.e., they are just and responsible citizens. They seek and value the opinions of others; they especially care about what others think of them if this other is a member of their family or church; generally they care about other people. These respondents generally be lieve that established and thus, proven ways of behaving are valuable. They are generally idealistic. They believe that the world can be a good and harmonious place to live. They will attempt to motivate others into making this world reality.
Image of the Amiable Type
The Amiable Type has a positive image of Martin Luther
King. 12 of the Q-statements had Z scores with a standard deviation of +1.00 or higher. Of these 12 statements 11 90 contained facets of nonviolence, only one contained a facet of violence. Thus, King's image is partially that of a man of nonviolence. Of the 12 statements the six with the highest standard deviation of from +2.50 to +1.46 contained facets describing King as being for Civil Rights. The other six statements which had standard deviations of from +1.34 to 1.00 contained facets describing King as being for him self and personal gain. The leadership area of King's image is unclear. Of the 12 statements seven expressed that King was a "good" man, five that he was "ultramoral." Clearly he is seen as a good man.
To the Amiable Type of person the image of King is one of a warm person. King is seen as a kind man who loved his family and his peers. These ideas are expressed in the following items. The Z-scores for these Q-statements had standard deviations of +2.50, +2.00 and +1.96 respectively:
a respected teacher and minister, used non violence, established lasting political changes
a kind man who loved his family and asso ciates, used nonviolence to create a beloved community
a good man and a good speaker who used economic boycotts and other tactics of non violence to create a lasting peaceful com munity.
These Q-statements were also highly ranked by those of the
Social Action Type and the Advocate Type. 91
There is a similarity among the Social Action Type,
Advocate Type and Amiable Type image of King — he is seen as a good and inspirational man. Also he is seen as a per suasive and competent professional person. Q-statements which exemplify these ideas also illustrate that King is seen as a religious man:
a respected teacher and minister, used non violence, established lasting political changes
a moral philosopher who used nonviolence to change laws so that justice would be for all people.
King is viewed positively as a religious man. This type of respondent values religion and religious people for a variety of reasons. Church laws and people are considered good; one can trust them; with God's help, rules and people one can lead a good life; with them one knows where one stands.
King's image is one of a man who understood and abided the law. Authority figures, established channels of com munication and government are valued by the Amiable Type of person. Established ways are considered good because they give permanence to one's life. To challenge the establish ment or any part of it is undesirable, unless regular, ap proved methods are used. Members of the establishment are considered powerful and revered. To attempt alternative methods of making changes is viewed as unnecessary. 92
King is seen as a person who did follow established channels to create change. These respondents believe that he did create problems for the bureaucarcy but was a victim of fate. The respondents believe that King was somehow forced to believe in a particular idea or to act in a par ticular way. The following Q-statements exemplify this idea of victimage:
morally above it all, forced by others to get power fast, advocated violence
a religious man who was forced to use tac tics of nonviolence to grab power.
Several of the respondents in the Amiable Type ex plained who or what "forced King to act." One person be lieved that King was forced by his wife Coretta to be a leader in the Civil Rights Movement. Two others expressed the opinion that King was forced by the circumstances of the time. One added that he thought King would have preferred
"to stay in Atlanta and preach." None of the respondents gave explanations for their reasoning.
Like King, the Amiable Type of person feels victimized and forced to do "things" against his will. Also, he some times feels that he does not know where he stands in regard to many other people, situatons, or institutions. He feels that he does not receive enough feedback to function prop erly. To counter these ambivilences this type of person establishes close ties with a few other people. Often these are family members or close associates. The issue of security is important to the Amiable Type
of person. One respondent feels insecure in her job. Her
responsibilities, fellow employees and superiors change con
stantly. Another woman is orthopedically handicapped. She mentions.that she is used to people looking at her in
strange ways and that "it doesn't matter what they think."
Yet, if this is so, the intervieweer questions what stimulus prompted her to volunteer this information? A black man who
lived most of his life in the South expressed anger and sad ness when he read some of the Q-statements. He considered many of them to be negative and that they elicited old feel
ings of insecurity in him. As a child he said he felt much disdain and dislike directed toward him from white people.
He said it was frustrating and frightening to be a child and not know who to trust, who liked him, who did not, who would be rude, who would not, when would an uncomfortable situa tion arise next, how embarassed would he be, why didn't people like him, what had he done wrong? It is understand able that these respondents would like certainty in life.
To the Amiable Type of person, King's image is seen as moral and idealistic. The following statements illustrate this view of King:
a moral philosopher who used nonviolence to change laws so that justice would be for all people
a gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tactics of nonviolence to 94
bring about lasting social change.
Also, King is seen as gentle, a dreamer who deserved and was given love and respect. The idea that King was loyal to his followers and engaged in positive, constructive activi ties is pleasing to this type of person.
The Amiable Type of person has been treated in contra dictory ways by other people and responds by treating other people in equally contradictory ways. King is first seen as for Civil Rights. This viewpoint is then shifted to the opposite stance indicating that King is "for himself." Per haps this type of person is unsure of his opinion of King; perhaps he is trying to outguess King or perhaps in an at tempt to feel secure, believing that if he covers both sides of an issue, he cannot be held responsible for being
"wrong." This last line of thinking is based on the assump tion that a "right" answer exists and can be held.. It is the author's observation that this type of person does re vere King but by choosing these statements illustrates his best developed technique for survival, i.e., hedging.
Demographically, the respondents of the Amiable Type represent a variety of categories. Two-thirds of the re spondents were female; one-third were male. Two-thirds of the respondents were white; one-third were black. Two- thirds of the respondents were in the young age group; one- third were in the 60 years of age or older group. Two- thirds of the respondents were in the working class; 95 one-third were in the lower middle class.
The author views the personality type of these re spondents as more relevant to their image formation than the specific demographics. Their insecure feeling about life is a commonality. This insecurity appears to prompt their concern about and reverence for family, peers, re ligion and society.
Image of the No Fit Type
The No Fit Type of person is tangential not only to the findings of this study but also to his position in so ciety. The factor accounts for the least amount of vari ance. The author chooses to discuss this factor because the respondents are all influential in their own rights. These people seem to know themselves well, however, their asso ciates may not.
The No Fit Type has a positive image of Martin Luther
King. 12 of the Q-statements had Z-scores with a standard deviation of +1.00 or higher. Of these 11 statements all but one contained the facet of nonviolence. Also, all but one of the 12 contained a facet of being for Civil Rights.
Thus, King is seen as a Civil Rights leader who used tech niques of nonviolence. Seven of the Q-statements contained the facet of being "ultramoral," four the facet of "good" and one a facet of "bad." Overwhelmingly King is viewed as a positive person. 96
King's image is one of an inspirational man who was
involved in long range Civil Rights successes. Emphasis is
placed on his ability to involve people through ideas and
ideals. The idea of lasting change is appealing to these
respondents. The following Q-statements exemplify these
ideas:
an incredibly inspirational man who used tactics of nonviolence to create lasting political change
is described as "more than Christian," used nonviolence, made equal rights for all people a permanent part of life
seemed sent from God, created lasting so cial change, used techniques of nonviolence.
The No Fit Type of person's image is one of an ide alist. This type of person enjoys the thought that King is
like himself in this respect. These statements illustrate this idea:
a gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tactics of nonviolence to bring about lasting social change
a moral philosopher who used nonviolence to change laws so that justice would be for all people.
The No Fit Type of respondent is a free thinker whose own dreams are frequently constructive thoughts. This kind of behavior and use of time is acceptable to him.
The No Fit Type of person lives comfortably in the world of his peers. He believes that people are basically good. He thinks all people are unique and equal and that 97 all people deserve to live good just lives. It is easy for the No Pit Type of person to like almost everyone because he has internalized the preceding statements. It is easy for him to hold these views among his peers whether these peers are conservative, radical, middle class because he does not share his inner thoughts, thus, if he thinks something con trary to his peers, they do not know this. For him "actions speak louder than words" and he lives out his life in gentleness and consideration. He is seemingly oblivious to the norms of his group. He shares some of these norms and values but ignores others. This selective functioning causes ho observable stress or problem for him.
King is seen as an open person. He used positive means to achieve his goals. He did not use guile or duplicity.
The strong rejection of the following statements expresses the respondents' dislike for these means. King's image is not of a man who:
had a knack for conspiracy and used violence to acquire instant power
an intelligent man who espoused violence as a means to instant fame.
The No Fit Type of person believes that King did not desire control other people. He is seen as independent and as desiring independence for all other people. He had power but did not seek it. This power was used wisely.
Statements which describe King thusly follow: 98
a respected teacher and minister, used nonviolence, established lasting po litical changes
to create and sustain eternal brotherhood he wisely used tactics of nonviolent di rect action.
Demographically the respondents crossed a variety of categories. Two-thirds of the respondents were white, one- third were black. Two-thirds of the respondents were women, one-third were men. Half of the people in this factor were in the young age category and half were in the over 60 years of age group. Likewise the respondents were equally divided between the lower middle class and the working class.
The author observed that in the No Fit factor as in the Amiable factor, the demographics per se are not as im portant as the personality type that is shared. Personal independence which is of utmost important to these re spondents is not necessarily associated with any of the demographic categories. The valuing of independence is not one of the projected values of Kahl's description of lower middle and working class people.
The respondents of this factor have a variety of unique ness about them. One woman student labeled herself a radi cal, another woman is a conservative hospital administrator.
A third person is a successful professional musician. The respondents who hold powerful positions did not seek them.
Because these people are competent, they were sought by others to fill these positions. 99
The No Fit Type is tangential to this study. This type of person has a positive, constructive image of King. He believes that King felt all people were equal and deserving of equal treatment in life. Power was not of interest to him. He was a dreamer who happened to also be a leader and a successful person.
Negative Image of Martin Luther King
Two of the six factor types in this study are distinctly negative. These factors are labeled the Double-Bind Type and the Power-is-Gratifying Type. These types refer to hypothetical types of persons and to the images of Martin
Luther King which exist for each type. The Double-Bind Type was thusly named because of these respondents observed de sire to and attempts to manipulate social situations and their expressed duality on various conversation topics as well as in the Q-sort data. The Double-Bind Type does not like King nor does he like many people, events, issues in life. To this type of person King is a man who did little that was "right." The Power-is-Gratifying Type does not like King, the "person," yet respects his power and ability to control others. Indeed, the Power-is-Gratifying Type is named this because these respondents clearly value power and value it for its own sake. King's image is one of a mis guided, selfish, powerful person. In this study, the Power- is-Gratifying factor is weak, yet it is included because it 100 may represent an important, small, influential segment of society: the career military person and his expressions.
Image of the Double-Bind Type
The Double-Bind Type has a generally negative image of
Martin Luther King. 10 Q-statements had Z-scores with a standard deviation of +1.00 or higher. In these statements there were nine expressions that King was a man of violence while one expressed that he used nonviolence. Part of
King's image then is of a violent person. Regarding King's leadership, seven Q-statements had facets of being for Civil
Rights while three had facets of being for himself. King's image as a leader is predominantly one of being for Civil
Rights. The facets which reflect the area of King's per sonal image vary in what the author believes is an inter esting manner. Three of the Q-statements contain facets of being a "bad" person. Two ot these three statements were ranked first and second in the Z-score typal array. The standard deviations of these statements were +2.24 and +1.75 respectively. (The statements were:
a manipulative man who found nonviolence helpful in establishing lasting social change
troublemaker, faddish hero, user of nonviolence.)
Six Q-statements contained facets of "goodness'' and one a facet of "ultramoral." Examining percentages shows King's personal image to be mainly positive; however, upon 101 examination of the "good" facets in the Q-statements, two of these facets relate to intelligence. It is the author's observation that these statements were interpreted nega tively by the respondents in this type. The following statements reflect this negative interpretation:
had a Ph.D., used means of nonviolence to become immediately powerful
intelligent, violent, created lasting po litical change.
(Respondents in the positive image types often found the preceding statement amusing saying it described perhaps
Malcolm X or Stokely Carmichael but not King.) Assuming a negative interpretation of these statements is accurate for this type then five statements reflect "bad" facets, four
"good," and one "ultramoral." Thus, King's personal image according to the Double-Bind Type is ambivalent.
The positive data which emerges regarding King's image in this factor is not indicative of the actual image which is held. The image of King in the Double-Bind factor is definitely negative. The author believes there are two rea sons for this negative image. First, these respondents through their own admission did not "know much about King"
(nor did they desire to learn more). This "cathartic ig norance" as Lane and Sears describe, is needed by the people who possess it "in order to give vent to a charge of angry feelings about a topic.In this case, King himself, black people, Civil Disobedience or whatever King's image 102 arouses is the target of the Double-Bind Type's anger.
Second, Manheim points out that in instances such as this, where there is a small amount of information on which to 12 base an image, it will often be unpredictable.
The author found the Double-Bind Type of person angry, confused and explosive. One senses much pent-up emotion when talking with these respondents. Their stand on an is sue is firm yet is discussed in a mercurial fashion. When standing firm on an issue, they will still manage to play devil's advocate at one moment, answer clarifying questions with other questions or say that they "wish they knew what to think about a topic." When one does not understand what this type of person is saying or what point he is trying to make, the Double-Bind Type becomes hurt, dogmatic even hos tile. The clear impression is that the listener is either trying to make the Double-Bind Type of person angry or that the listener is hopelessly stupid.
King's image is one of an evil man who happened to be for a worthy cause, Civil Rights, and who used worthwhile means, nonviolence to achieve his goals. That he achieved good ends through a moral means does not offset his personal repugnance. For example, King is:
a manipulative man who found nonviolence helpful in establishing lasting social change 103
had a knack for conspiracy and used nonvio lence to create long range political change.
The Douhle-Bind Type of person sees King as a psycho logical game player. For him it was acceptable, even en
joyable to manipulate a situation. For example, King is described as:
an intelligent, trustworthy, nonviolent power grabber.
This statement, the author believes, is descriptive of the respondents of this type.
The Double-Bind Type of person values manipulation and trust. These qualities are combined and viewed in an un usual manner. This type of person believes that he is in telligent, even more intelligent than the general public.
Thus, he sees it as his duty to protect the general public, presumably he will "save them from themselves" or their ignorance. For this type of person the problem is: how shall I protect the public? The Double-Bind Type of person believes that he will not be trusted, even though he sees himself as trustworthy, consequently, he must make the pub lic "think." He would like to confront others openly but for reasons known best to him, he does not. Unfortunately, it appears that this frustration only adds to his general state of anger.
The most negative aspect of King's image is related to personal immorality. The F.B.I. agent cited tapes of bed squeaks as proof of King's marital infidelity. The 104
housewife who is a respondent in this factor, when dis
cussing King as a moral person, sniffed and asked the re
searcher accusingly: "Was he moral?"
These respondents have many negative images regarding
life in general. The housewife illustrates this idea. She
"knew" that the researcher was trying to trick her and that there were right answers to the demographic inquiries, Q-
sort and Q-probes. For example, she wrote Caucasian next to the inquiry of "ethnically you identify yourself as:" but said in a snide tone that she was not white but pink.
The implication was that the researcher wanted "black" or
"white" as an answer.
Regarding the ambivalence in King's image, even though he is usually described as a negative figure, there are in stances where he is seen as positive. The following state ments chosen as descriptive of King illustrate this idea:
a good man and a good speaker who used economic boycotts and other tactics of nonviolence to create a lasting peaceful community
a respected teacher and minister, used nonviolence, established lasting political changes
an incredibly inspirational man who used tactics of nonviolence to create lasting political change.
The Double-Bind Type sees King as intelligent. State ments which express that King was stupid are ranked as least descriptive of him: 105
a slow thinker who unwittingly used non violence to create long range political change
a stupid man who was out for himself and who used violence to get power.
The respondents of this factor have one important
demographic similarity; they are all white. They are di
vided equally by sex and education. The young age group and
the over 60 age group are represented equally as is the work
ing class and the lower middle class.
The author views the racial composition of this factor
as important. Part of the Double-Bind Type's negative image
of King may be because he is black. These respondents are not as subtle as those in the Advocate Type who liked King, were for Civil Rights but did not want black people living
in their neighborhood. These respondents used verbal phrases such as "some of my best friends are black." Black
individuals whom these respondents know personally are con
sidered good people but black people as a group are not con
sidered to be good people or more precisely — they are not considered at all.
The Double-Bind Type of person has a negative image of
Martin Luther King. The Q-sort data show that his image is ambivalent; data from personal observation relate the image
is negative. As a person King is seen sometimes negatively,
sometimes positively. As a leader he is viewed as being for
Civil Rights and as using techniques of nonviolence to 106
achieve his goals. Overall, however, the image expressed by
respondents in this factor reflects a negative image of King
and a negative outlook on life itself.
Image of the Power-is-Gratifying Type
The image of Martin Luther King as presented by the
Power-is-Gratifying Type is negative. 12 of the Q-state
ments had Z-scores with a standard deviation of +1.00 or
higher. Of these 12 statements four contained facets of
nonviolence while eight contained facets of violence.
King's image includes the element of violence. Two state
ments indicated that King as a leader was for Civil Rights;
10 statements indicated he was "for himself." As a leader,
King is viewed as for himself and personal power. Five of
the statements contained "bad" facets, five contained "good"
ones and two contained "ultramoral" ones. As in the Double-
Bind Type, the Q-sort data indicate that King's image is
ambivalent. There is an impression that he may have been a
prophet or a good person but this is not relevant to his
image as a leader. Examination of the Q-statements which were chosen as most descriptive of King and the observa
tional data leads to the conclusion that King's image, in
this type, is negative.
This factor is weak but represents a conservative, or
ganized, small segment of society — the military. This
factor, because of its weakness may be considered 107 stereotypic but the author chooses to include it in the findings.
As previously indicated, King’s image as a person is not as important to the Power-is-Gratifying Type as his image as a leader. King, in his leadership role was con sidered effective and worthy of investigation. His motives, self agrandizement, and his means — violence — are not acceptable. King was described thusly:
had a knack for conspiracy and used vio lence to acquire instant power
a man of initiative who grabbed power for himself and used violence to shake people up.
King's ability to proselytize, organize and inspire was admired by the Power-is-Gratifying Type. It is considered unfortunate that King was involved in Civil Rights. To this type of respondent there was and is no Civil Rights problem to solve in the United States. This movement was a farce, thus, this type reasons, King was for his own personal gain.
King is seen as a bright person who wanted to "shake people up" (see previous Q-statement) and as a person who used violence as a persuader. The following statements exemplify this idea:
a moral philosopher who knew to use vio lence as a way of obtaining the glory of immediate power
intelligent, violent, created lasting po litical change. 108
The Power-is-Gratifying Type of person finds positive
human qualities and brotherhood distasteful. He is in di
rect contrast to the Social Action Type who values these qualities highly. Q-statements which are flatly rejected as descriptive of King and that included such qualities are:
a kind man who loved his family and asso ciates, used nonviolence to create a be loved community
a gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tactics of nonviolence to bring about lasting social change.
Ideas of brotherhood are rejected in the statement above as well as in those which follow:
to create and sustain eternal brotherhood he wisely used tactics of nonviolent direct action
like an Old Testament prophet he used nonviolence to create a lasting be loved community.
The Power-is-Gratifying Type is at least to a limited degree, representative of the existing male, white, military establishment. The other demographics include the young age group and the lower middle class.
This type of person has a limited view of people. Be cause his own world of policy and decision making is con
sidered, by him, to be important and of national dimension, he is content to leave people who are not like him totally alone. People who are different from himself are not easily or clearly conceptualized. Further, this type of respondent thinks that this learning about other people is not worth 109 spending time doing for these people are not of importance to him.
The Power-is-Gratifying Type expresses a negative image of King yet admires his ability to control people. This type is intelligent and power loving. This type rejects positive human qualities and the idea of brotherhood.
Findings and interpretations of the data used to answer the question: "what is the image of Martin Luther King as expressed by people who have a known interest in or an at titude about him/" are found in Chapter Four. Respondents in this study through means of a Q-sort expressed their images of Martin Luther King. Six typologies emerged. Each type represents a cluster or factor of respondents who hold a similar image of King and who share a type of personality.
The "type of person" represents a hypothetical person and his image of King.
Six factors or types emerged from the data. Four of these/ the Social Action Type, Advocate Type, Amiable Type and the No Fit Type each expressed a different positive image of King. Two of the types, the Double-Bind Type and the Power-is-Gratifying Type each expressed a different negative image of King. A discussion of the conclusions is found in Chapter Five. 110
FOOTNOTES
Theodore R. Sarbin, "Role Theory," Handbook of Social Psychology ed. Gardner Lindzey (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Inc., 1954), p. 223.
2Ibid., p. 224. 3 George Herbert Mead, Mind, Self and Society (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1965), p. xvi. 4 Guy Lawrence Brown, Social Psychology (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1934), p. 221.
^William Stephenson, Play Theory of Mass Communication (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967) , p. 19.
6Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc., 1973), p. 582.~ 7 John F. Cuber, Sociology (New York: Appleton-Cen- tury-Crofts, 1968), pp. 402-403.
8Ibid. 9 Richard E. Dawson, Kenneth Prewitt, and Karen S. Dawson, Political Socialization (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1977), p. 196. 1 0 , . . . Cuber, ibid.
11Robert E. Lane and David 0. Sears, Public Opinion (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1964), p. 66. 12 Jarol B. Manheim, The Politics Within (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1975), pp. 21-22. CHAPTER V
Summary and Conclusions
Summary
In this study the question, "what is the public image
of Martin Luther King as expressed by people who have a known interest in or an attitude about him," was investi gated. Several methods and procedures were used to study this question. Focused interviews were conducted in order to ascertain general responses of people to Martin Luther
King. The nature of these responses was used to identify themes from which a structured Q-sort was created. A con ceptualization of these themes included: King as a "good,"
"bad," or "ultramoral" person, King as a leader who was "for
Civil Rights," or "for himself," and, King as a user of the techniques of "violence" or "nonviolence" to achieve his goals. Q-methodology was used to study and analyze the Q- sort data. Q-methodology characterizes a set of "philo sophical, psychological, statistical and psychometric ideas oriented to research on the individual."^ Q-methodology was used in this work to study the image of Martin Luther King.
Ill 112
The data give insight into shared images of Martin
Luther King. Six factors emerged from the data. Four of the factors describe various positive images of King while two of them describe different negative ones.
The Social Action, Advocate, Amiable and No Fit Types of persons viewed King positively. To the Social Action
Type, King is seen as a respected, intelligent man of action who earned and deserved great acclaim and prestige. The
Advocate Type and the Amiable Type responded to King as a religious leader. He is great because of his ministry and association with religion. To the No Fit Type, King was a man of high ideals who was constructive and created change in a nontraditional way.
The Double-Bind Type and the Power-is-Gratifying Type of person have negative images of King. The Double-Bind
Type disliked him even though he is recognized as doing many good deeds. King is viewed as a personally immoral man (as opposed to a publicly immoral leader) who was for Civil
Rights and used techniques of nonviolence to create change.
The Power-is-Gratifying Type has a negative image of
King yet admires his ability to persuade, organize, direct and keep the alligence of his followers. King as a man is an ambivilent figure. King as a leader is seen as being for himself and uses violence. He is observed to be a good leader who misguided his followers. For the Power-is-
Gratifying Type the Civil Rights Movement was fighting 113 an imaginary problem or situation.
Conclusions
"What image of Martin Luther King as expressed by people who have a known interest in or an attitude about him," has a multiple answer. In this study, there is not a single shared image of King but six. Based on the data collected from the respondents in this study, there were six image varieties of King. These various images exist in the minds of members of the general public. These findings modify the theoretical proposition of public or shared image as described by Boulding in that not one but several related images of a public or political figure exist. The findings support the positions of Douglas and Klapp.
The structure of image varies with each image and each person who creates it. The content areas of image which are found to be most important in this study and which appear in differing valuative arrangements per personality type are: religious, political, family, ethnic, status, education and, to a lesser degree, economics.
It is seen in this study that six varieties of image and six varieties of corresponding personality types exist.
In the literature it is assumed that a predisposition to a particular way of thinking or processing information could be based on aspects of an individual's experience and back ground. Explanations for these predispositions have been 114
expressed by numerous authors. Dawson, Prewitt and Dawson
say these inclinations are related to age, sex, and geo- 2 graphic location, education and family; Lane and Sears
say group membership, political parties and friends are 3 responsible. These kinds of demographics were attended to
in the selection of respondents in order to assure diversity.
It is of note that of the demographic elements used in this
study none clearly indicates an impact on the formation of
image.
Personality type does influence ones image. This study
shows the formation of image to be uniquely process cen tered. A particular image exists because of one's predispo
sition to a particular type of personality. Some content areas of an image are most important to respondents. It appears that they identify with these areas and form an image based upon this identification. It can be assumed that this identification occurs because of important factors in the respondents background and experience that make the identified content areas salient.
The structure of image is flexible. A content area of image may be important in the formation of several different images and also may be important for several different rea sons. The same content area may be viewed positively or negatively, as important or unimportant. How these areas are arranged for each image, and in this study, for each personality type, varies according to the person. 115
Implications
This study contributes to the body of knowledge which exists regarding public image. Not only are six shared images of Martin Luther King, a unique figure in American history and politics, described, but also the hypothetical personality types of persons who hold these images are dis cussed. Also identified are salient content areas of these images. The process involved in image formation is dynamic.
The content of an image can be arranged and re-arranged to form a person's particular image of a public person, sit uation or event.
Several groups of people and several disciplines can benefit from this study. Those who study social change or political science could use these findings. By knowing which personality type and the respective content areas of image which are significant to a type, media producers would have specific knowledge regarding how to create effective messages. These messages could be those which the people in each factor will identify with and respond to favorably.
Communication theory is enhanced. This study supports the idea that a shared image does exist. In fact, there is not a shared image but in this case a variety of shared images for one publicly known person, situation or event.
These images vary with regard to the personality type of the person who forms an image and to the content areas of images which are important to this person. Image is 116
dynamic and present, a composite of information which
emerges through time. Commonalities exist among people.
The data indicate that the content areas of religion,
politics, family, ethnic, status and education are strongly
identified with by the people who formed images of King in
this study.
Information regarding a social change agent who used
an unusual means such as nonviolent direct action, in his
campaign can be useful to society in general. By examining
the image of Martin Luther King, the man most associated with nonviolent means of protest and/or social change, the
general public can more clearly understand these means and
perhaps consider them as a viable alternative behavior to
either non-expression or to violence.
The author believes that many members of society have
incorporated their knowledge of King and his tactics into
their behavior. Presently people are conducting activities
of nonviolent direct action to express themselves regarding
such topics as consumer affairs and environmental protec tion. Historically Americans have been involved in the
Boston Tea Party, the Whiskey Rebellion and numerous pre-
1955 Civil Rights protests, to name only a few incidents, but never before have these activities been so numerous, accepted and socially approved. 117
Areas for Future Research
The author suggests several areas for future research:
1 . a study of the media's role in the forma tion of image. Using a contemporary figure such as King, it would be useful to know which forms of media, what style, and what content influenced ^embers of the public and to what degree;
2 . a study of the specific relationship which exists between demographic material such as, sex, age, race, etc., and the forma tion of image;
3. comparison of the private or personal image and the public image of a public figure, how these differences occur, what content areas change, how are the content areas interpreted;
4. using the same respondents, study the public image of a prominent or controversial woman to see how the image content areas and re spondents rearrange;
5. study the public image of a world figure giving attention to which communication events furnished the respondents with their information.
The author also suggests a different area that should be given further examination. This area is racism. People were generally reluctant to discuss King. Both black and white people exhibited suspicion regarding the researcher's topic and intent. Hesitation exists regarding the serious discussion of race or minorities in this country. More studies need to be done regarding racism, its cause and its impact on society. The author suggests that students of communication and economics as well as those of psy chology examine this. The future researcher could also study how differ ences in people and their divergent ways of acting can be presented to the general public as positive. Differences can be seen as unique and positive not stereotypic and negative. A study of individual or group characteristics should yield valuable results, especially to the communica tion researcher. 119
FOOTNOTES
^Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc., 1973), p. 582. 2 Richard E. Dawson, Kenneth Prewitt and Karen S. Dawson, Political Socialization (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1977), p. 172 and Chapter Six. 3 Robert E. Lane and David 0. Sears, Public Opinion (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1964), p. vi. 4 Even though the respondents in this study do not state that media influenced their image it is the author's belief that the media coverage given King was not only re sponsible for his success but also the wide acceptance of and pervasive use of Civil Disobedience today. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Focused Interview Questions for People
Who Had Contact With King and
Who Did Not
127 128
Questions for People Who Had Contact
With King
When you think about Martin Luther King, what, specifically, comes to mind? What do you remember most about him?
In your opinion what kind of a person was King?
What kinds of things did he influence?
How did he make you feel?
How did you react when you heard him or you heard about him?
How did you hear about him?
How did this influence your perception of King?
What words would you use to describe him?
What ideas do you think he encouraged people to examine?
Do you think he changed peoples lives? How did this occur?
What ideas or issues did King represent to you? What ideas or issues do you think he represented to others?
Do you think your age ... (sex, religion, life style, ra cial background) influenced your perceptions of King? If not these factors, what might have influenced your percep tions of King?
What is descriptive of King's philosophy?
What was it about King that was most significant to you?
What was it about King that impressed you most?
How did you feel about King's leadership in the Civil Rights Movement?
What do you think of King's use of Civil Disobedience as a political means of change?
Do you think about King differently now than you did when he was alive? If there is a change, what is it and how do you think this occurred? 129
Did' your knowledge of King change you in any way?
Do you view King as a religious leader? as a political leader?
In your knowledge of King, are there themes that you have noticed or identified that seem to recur in your ideas about him?
What themes are expressed by others about King?
What themes are expressed by the media about King? To your knowledge did these change if the media were in the North or the South, if they represented the black or white com munity of an area?
What would you say your image of Martin Luther King is? 130 Questions for People Who Did Not Have
Contact With King
When were you in contact with King?
What kinds of things took place when he was with you?
What was it like to be in his presence?
How did he make you feel?
Do you think about him differently now than you did when you were with him?
If you had to use single words to describe him, what words would be most appropriate?
What kind of a man was Martin Luther King?
What ideas did he encourage you to think about?
Did your contact with him change you in any way/s?
Do you think you behave differently because you had contact with him?
What ideas and/or issues did King represent?
Do you think your age ... (sex, religion, life style, ra cial background) influenced your perceptions of King? If not these factors, what might have influenced your percep tions of King?
What was Martin Luther King like to you?
What do you think is descriptive of King's philosophy?
How do you think King affected others?
What about King was significant to you?
What impressed you most about King?
What do you think about King's use of Civil Disobedience as a means of political change?
Do you view King as a religious leader? as a political leader? 131 In your knowledge of King, are there themes that you have noticed or identified that seem to recur in your ideas about him?
What themes are expressed by others about King?
What themes are expressed by the media about King? To your knowledge did these change if the media were in the North or the South, if they represented the black or white com munity of an area?
What would you say your image of Martin Luther King is? APPENDIX B
Expanded Version of Q-statement Facets
132 King as a person was seen as "good,” "bad," or "ultra moral."
A1 — GOOD
-intelligent -good -moral -minister -man of initiative trustworthy Ph.D. nice wife dreamer gentle good speaker religious
A2 — BAD
dumb black average chose other bad leaders slow thinker minister usery crafty clever troublemaker meddler leacherous
A3 — ULTRA MORAL
inspirational more than Christian crossed religious lines above it all moral philosopher philosopher prophet phenominal charismatic could speak to all King as a leader was seen as either out "for himself" or was concerned with Civil Rights "for all people."
51 — FOR SELF out for self for gratification a power grabber self styled hero part of a fad opportunist
52 — FOR CIVIL RIGHTS for political change for social change a social change agent for justice for all for equal rights and equal treatment of all people sought change deliberately for brotherhood wanted all people to get along
King was seen as using either means of violence or nonvio lence to achieve his goals.
Cl — VIOLENT
King really wanted violence nonviolence was a ploy King knew it would be violent King used violence to shake people up violence was his way of life King knew change would come with the use of violence
C2 — NONVIOLENT the use of nonviolence was good the use of nonviolence was a change nonviolence is positive King's use of nonviolence was well thought out use of nonviolence was good nonviolence promotes stable kinds of change APPENDIX C
Q-Statements
135 136 1 intelligent, violent, created lasting political change
2 Even though he used nonviolence at the appropriate time and seemed to be sent by God, he was only out for him self.
3 a faithful man who used violence to promote lasting social change
4 a messiah who knew the Civil Rights Movement would be violent and have long lasting positive effects
5 had a knack for conspiracy and used violence to acquire instant power
6 a good man and a good speaker who secretly planned the use of violence to secure lasting justice for all
7 seemed sent from God, created lasting social change, used techniques of nonviolence
8 a good man and a good speaker who used economic boy cotts and other tactics of nonviolence to create a lasting peaceful community
9 a kind man who loved his family and associates, used nonviolence to create a beloved community
10 is described as "more than Christian," used nonvio lence, made equal rights for all people a permanent part of life
11 a religious man who was forced to use tactics of non violence to grab power
12 had a knack for conspiracy and used nonviolence to create long range political change
13 As a messiah, he used nonviolence to create timely opportunities for himself.
14 a trustworthy man who used violence to achieve overnight fame
15 lecherous, used violence, established lasting social change
16 an intelligent man who espoused violence as a means to instant fame 137
17 a prophet who used violence to shake people up and create lasting social change
18 a man of nonviolence, had a history of meddling in other's affairs, established lasting changes in edu cation, commerce and voting rights
19 an intelligent family man who used violence to create eternal justice for all
20 a stupid man who was out for himself and who used violence to get power
21 had a Ph.D., used means of nonviolence to become immediately powerful
22 a slow thinker who unwittingly used nonviolence to create long range political change
23 a Civil Rights troublemaker, used violence, estab lished a beloved community
24 a good man who found it gratifying to use nonviolence to obtain power quickly
25 Like an Old Testament prophet he used nonviolence to create a lasting beloved community.
26 like all ministers who are out for themselves he used anything — even a clever means such as nonviolence to get immediate control of others
27 a conspirator who used violence to establish lasting brotherhood
28 a moral philosopher who knew to use violence as a way of obtaining the glory of immediate power
29 a trustworthy man who used violence to shake people up and establish political change
30 a planner and man of initiative, used nonviolence to gratify his desire for power
31 Like all ministers who are for themselves, he would do anything for the immediate control of others — even use violence.
32 stupid, faddish hero, user of nonviolence 138 33 a sneaky man who shrewdly used nonviolence to be a self styled hero
34 a loving family man who quickly gained power through the use of violence
35 a messiah, who, even though a victim of fate, really liked being associated with overnight fame and sensa tional violence
36 a moral philosopher who knew to use nonviolence as a way of obtaining the glory of immediate power
37 an intelligent, trustworthy, nonviolent power grabber
38 a man who theologically "crossed religious lines,” who used violence, who obtained lasting, positive changes in Civil Rights
3 9 a man of initiative who grabbed power for himself and used violence to shake people up
40 a man considered "more than Christian” who used vio lence to create and sustain a Beloved Community
41 a respected teacher and minister, used nonviolence, established lasting political changes
42 a moral philosopher who used violence to insure eternal justice for all people
43 a slow thinker who unwittingly used violence to create long range political change
44 He and his associates (Abernathy, Jackson, Young) were violent average types who were powerful for only a short time.
45 an incredibly inspirational man who used tactics of nonviolence to create lasting political change
4 6 a lecherous man who used violent means to become an overnight success
47 a good man who used violence to achieve personal, immediate satisfaction
48 he was considered "even more than Christian," a user of nonviolence, a self styled, faddish hero 139 49 a prophet who insisted violence be used to obtain and secure personal, immediate power
50 a gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tac tics of nonviolence to bring about lasting social change
51 a crafty man who used nonviolence to become a self styled hero
52 Like an Old Testament prophet he taught the philosophy of nonviolence then grabbed power for himself.
53 a man of violence (who had a history of meddling in other's affairs) established lasting positive changes in education, commerce and voting rights
54 moral in a pan-religious sense, used violence to grab power
55 a manipulative man who found nonviolence helpful in establishing lasting social change
56 a Civil Rights troublemaker, used nonviolence to estab lish a beloved community
57 a moral philosopher who used nonviolence to change laws so that justice would be for all people
58 to create and sustain eternal brotherhood he wisely used tactics of nonviolent direct action
59 morally above it all, forced by others to get power fast, advocated violence
60 troublemaker, faddish hero, user of nonviolence APPENDIX D
Code Sheet
140 141
1 . is A1B2C1 #2 26. is A2B1C2 #9 51. is A2B1C2 #9
2 . II A3B1C2 #11 27. II A2B2C1 #4 52. " A3B1C2 #11
3. II A1B2C1 #2 28. II A3B1C1 #5 53. " A2B2C1 #4
4. It A3B2C1 #6 29. If A1B2C1 #2 54. ” A3B1C1 #5
5. It A2B1C1 #3 30. II A1B1C2 #7 55. " A2B2C2 #10
6 . II A1B2C1 #2 31. II A2B1C1 #3 56. " A2B2C2 #10
7. II A3B2C2 #12 32. It A2B1C2 #9 57. " A3B2C2 #12
8 . II A1B2C2 #8 33. II A2B1C2 #9 58. " A1B2C2 #8
9. II A1B2C2 #8 34. II AlBlCl #1 59. " A3B1C1 #5
10. II A3B2C2 #12 35. II A3B1C1 #5 60. " A2B1C2 #9
11. II A1B1C2 #7 36. If A3B1C2 #11
12 . II A2B2C2 #10 37. II A1B1C2 #7
13. It A3B1C2 #11 38. II A3B2C1 #6
14. II A1B1C1 #1 39. II AlBlCl #1
15. II A2B2C1 #4 40. If A3B2C1 #6
16. II A1B1C1 #1 41. IV A1B2C2 #8
17. II A3B2C1 #6 42. II A3B2C1 #6
18. II A2B2C2 #10 43. IV A2B2C1 #4
19. II A1B2C1 #2 44. n A2B1C1 #3
20. II A2B1C1 #3 45. tv A3B2C2 #12
21. If A1B1C2 #7 46. it A2B1C1 #3
22 . If A2B2C2 #10 47. ii AlBlCl #1
23. II A2B2C1 #4 48. ii A3B1C2 #11
24. It A1B1C2 #7 49. it A3B1C1 #5
25. IV A3B2C2 #12 50. n A1B2C2 #8 APPENDIX E
Q-statements Divided by Category
142 143 Statements AlBlCl
#14. a trustworthy man who used violence to achieve overnight fame #16. an intelligent man who espoused violence as a means to instant fame #34. a loving family man who quickly gained power through the use of violence #39. a man of initiative who grabbed power for himself and used violence to shake people up #47. a good man who used violence to achieve personal, immediate satisfaction
Statements A1B2C1
# 1 . intelligent, violent, created lasting political change #3. a faithful man who used violence to promote lasting social change # 6. a good man and a good speaker who secretly planned the use of violence to secure lasting justice for all #19. an intelligent family man who used violence to create eternal justice for all #2 9. a trustworthy man who used violence to shake people up and establish political change
Statements A2B1C1
# 5. had a knack for conspiracy and used violence to ac quire instant power #20. a stupid man who was out for himself and who used violence to get power #31. Like all ministers who are out for themselves, he would do anything for the immediate control of others — even use violence. #44. He and his associates (Abernathy, Jackson, Young) were violent average types who were powerful for only a short time. #46. a lecherous man who used violent means to become an overnight success
Statements A2B2C1
#15. lecherous, used violence, established lasting social change #23. a Civil Rights troublemaker, used violence, estab lished a beloved community 144 #27. a conspirator who used violence to establish lasting brotherhood #43. a slow thinker who unwittingly used violence to create long range political change #53. a man of violence (who had a history of meddling in other’s affairs), established lasting positive changes in education, commerce and voting rights
Statements A3B1C1
#28. a moral philosopher who knew to use violence as a way of obtaining the glory of immediate power #35. a messiah, who, even though a victim of fate, really liked being associated with overnight fame and sensa tional violence #4 9. a prophet who insisted violence be used to obtain and l' secure personal, immediate power #54? moral in a pan-religious sense, used violence to power #5 9. morally above it all, forced by others to get power fast, advocated violence
Statements A3B2C1
#4. a messiah who knew the Civil Rights Movement would be violent and have long lasting positive effects #17. a prophet who used violence to shake people up and create lasting social change #38. a man who theologically "crossed religious lines,” who used violence, who obtained lasting, positive changes in Civil Rights #40. a man considered "more than Christian,” who used vio lence to create and sustain a Beloved Community #42. a moral philosopher who used violence to insure eter nal justice for all people
Statements A1B1C2
#11 . a religious man who was forced to use tactics of non violence to grab power #21. had a Ph.D., used means of nonviolence to become immediately powerful #24. a good man who found it gratifying to use nonviolence to obtain power quickly #30. a planner and man of initiative, used nonviolence to gratify his desire for power #37. an intelligent, trustworthy, nonviolent power grabber 145 Statements A1B2C2
# 8 . a good man and a good speaker who used economic boy cotts and other tactics of nonviolence to create a lasting peaceful community #9. a kind man who loved his family and associates, used nonviolence to create a beloved community #41. a respected teacher and minister, used nonviolence, established lasting political changes #50. a gentle person, a dreamer, taught his followers tac tics of nonviolence to bring about lasting social change #58. to create and sustain eternal brotherhood he wisely used tactics of nonviolent direct action
Statements A2B1C2
#26. Like all ministers who are out for themselves he used anything — even a clever means such as nonviolence to get immediate control of others #32. stupid, faddish hero, user of nonviolence #33. a sneaky man who shrewdly used nonviolence to be a self styled hero #51. a crafty man who used nonviolence to become a self, styled hero #60. troublemaker, faddish hero, user of nonviolence
Statements A2B2C2
#12. had a knack for conspiracy and used nonviolence to create long range political change #18. a man of nonviolence, had a history of meddling in other's affairs, established lasting changes in edu cation, commerce and voting rights #22‘. a slow thinker who unwittingly used nonviolence to create long range political change #55. a manipulative man who found nonviolence helpful in establishing lasting social change #56. a Civil Rights troublemaker, used nonviolence to es tablish a beloved community
Statements A3B1C2
# 2. Even though he used nonviolence at the appropriate time and seemed to be sent by God, he was only out for himself. 146
#13. As a messiah, he used nonviolence to create timely opportunities for himself. #36. a moral philosopher who knew to use nonviolence as a way of obtaining the glory of immediate power #48. he was considered "even more than Christian," a user of nonviolence, a self styled, faddish hero #52. Like an Old Testament prophet he taught the philosophy of nonviolence then grabbed power for himself.
Statements A3B2C2
# 7. seemed sent from God, created lasting social change, used techniques of nonviolence #10. is described as "more than Christian," used nonvio lence, made equal rights for all people a permanent part of life #25. Like an Old Testament prophet he used nonviolence to create a lasting beloved community. #45. an incredibly inspirational man who used tactics of nonviolence to create lasting political change #57. a moral philosopher who used nonviolence to change laws so that justice would be for all people I
APPENDIX F
Interview Schedule
147 148 Date
Name:______^ ______(Last) (First) (Middle)
Sex:______Age:______
Educational Background:______
Home A d d r e s s : ______
Telephone: (AC)______
Occupation:______
Address:______-
Telephone: (AC)______
Religion:______
Political Views:______
Ethnically, you identify yourself as being:______
How much contact have you had with people whose ethnic back ground is different than your own?______
In general this contact is described as:______
The geographic area of the United States in which you have spent most of your life is:______
Additional Information (i.e., civic group membership, avocation, previous occupation, etc.) that you wish to add: 149 The Public's Image of Martin Luther King
I am doing a study of image. Particularly I am inter ested in knowing the public's image of Martin Luther King.
You have observed this image. For example, it is expressed by the people with whom you work or with whom you socialize.
It is seen in the media— television, newspapers, radio, photographs, magazines, etc. It is "out there." What I am asking you to do is to help me examine this image. The question then is: What do you think is the public's image of Martin Luther King?
To help me answer this question, first sort the cards into three stacks. Put statements which you think describe
King's public image in a stack to your right. Put state ments which you think do not describe King's public image in a stack on your left. Place in a center stack those cards which are not clear, do not make sense or you think do not particularly describe King's image one way or another.
Next, pick 2^ cards from the right stack of cards which you think best describe the public's image of Martin Luther
King. All cards are numbered. Record the numbers of the chosen cards in column # 11. Column # 11 is located on the matrix which is the last page. Next pick 2_ cards from the left stack that least describe the public's image of Martin
Luther King. Record the number of the chosen cards in column # 1. The sorting of the cards will continue in 150
a see-saw manner. Now you will choose £ cards from the
right stack which are the next best descriptive of King's
image. Record 4^ cards which next least describe King's
image and record these in column # 2, etc. Continue this
right, left, right procedure until you run out of cards in
one of the stacks. When this happens, use the middle stack
and continue choosing items which next best and next least
describe the public's image of King. Work your way from
alternating ends of the matrix into the middle; record the
numbers of all cards as you sort.
After sorting all of the cards, return to this page and
fill in the Probe Section below. In this section, write the
numbers of the cards which you chose to place in column # 11 and in column # 1. Then, please state why you chose these
items as most and least descriptive of the public's image of Martin Luther King.
Best Describes # ______
Probe:
Best Describes #
Probe: 151 Least Describes #
Probe:
Least Describes #
Probe: Public Image of Martin Luther King Matrix
•
Least Describes Best Describes }s '
I
•
i % i 1 2 3 4 5 .6 7 8 9 10 11 152 APPENDIX G
Matrices
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II of PI jl if ** I If If / or y- y if > y y 0/ o/ i« b 5 1% l 1 L 5 b ■b'-lL-kt 5 1 1 5 5 £ f 1 5 i.Loi !> b X 'Is £ x] b t x y 1 5, t 5 i is II If If Of £ 0/ g o/' b K// b bof 0/ t It! b 0/ II Qf\ U/JS 9 y e ^ £ i f y y t 5 t z 1 1 yfr b i { I l>III 2, bt y jr y ^ 9 t i l t I Mr i t 55 5 b & i °) ji i[ 9 °)X 1 + IHt X-h* 1 Z I t I b t LI l't 5 9ZXX % II 0( II b b k y b II ii ii n yo/.o/ 0/ b b II °! */t /.f u n J~f +5 (t fc IB z't iz y-i L* % fl'-ht IVXC. \f ' ; 6SI APPENDIX H Varimax Rotation (Print Out) 160 161 TABLE 5 Varimax Rotation Initial Criterion — 114.4 00635 Solution Optimized After 65 Iterations. Final Criterion = 304.996582 Factor 4 Is Reflected. SIMPLE STRUCTURE MATRIX 2 *3 6 7 0 .5 8 6 0 .3 7 9 . „ 0 .2 2 5 r0 .0 6 8 _ - 0 . 3 5 6 0 .0 2 7 0 .1 3 7 0 .6 1 0 0 .1 1 2 0 .1 0 2 0 .3 7 2 0 . 306 0 . 365 0 .6 7 1 0.1 31 -0 .0 8 1 0 .3 6 8 0 .2 0 9 0c .2 5 6 0 .2 6 8 0 .6 1 8 0 .0 6 7 -0 .0 9 0 . 0 .1 6 7 . 0 .6 6 2 _ . 0 .6 8 2 . 0.199 0.119- ...0j,.132_ 0 .0 7 8 0 .5 1 8 0 .3 2 6 -0 .0 9 3 -0.020 0.696 0 .7 5 6 20 .2 1 8 0 .3 5 6 0 .0 6 7 0 .0 3 7 . . 0 .2 2 3 >0.006 0.196 0 .7 8 3 -0.037 0.066 0.025 0 .3 0 8 i 8 * 532 . _ 0 . 379_ . 0 .1 6 0 ___ 0 . 2 7 7 -_ 0 .2 6 6 - 0 .2 6 6 • 0« .1 5 3 0 .5 3 3 0 .1 3 1 0 .0 8 3 0 .6 6 6 0 .2 3 0 0 .5 6 7 0 .6 6 2 0 .1 3 1 .- 0 .0 6 7 .._ 0 .6 9 4 . 12 —0. 018 0 .3 6 0 0 .6 7 6 0.082 0.021 0.617 10 .2 0 8 0 .7 1 8 . . 0.167._-0,000. ___ 0 .1 8 7_ _0L.64&- > 0 .2 0 6 > 0 .2 5 6 >0.678 0.197 0 .2 9 1 -0 .5 5 8 15 0 .6 0 6 0 .2 6 7 - 0 .0 7 6 - 0 .1 9 6 -0 .0 3 7 0 .0 3 3 ^O.OSS 0 .6 2 1 0 .6 7 6 0 .0 3 6 -0 .0 6 0 0 .1 6 1 _ * 0 .2 1 2 . ..0 .6 6 8 __ £ .3 6 0 . _ 0 .0 1 7___ 0 .1 6 2 —_ 0.3 8 6 . 18 0 .7 6 3 0 .6 9 5 0 .6 5 2 0.196 -0.119 0 .2 1 6 1 o..eo7 0 .6 1 1 0 .6 5 9 0 .1 2 3 -0 .2 1 3 0 .6 8 5 2 8 .2 2 2 0.265 0. 609 0 .1 6 0 0 .0 6 8 0 .3 0 2 _ 2 0 . J72 .0 .5 9 5 _ 0.363. -0.111 ..jtO .028___ 0 .5 1 7 . 22 0 . 002 0 .6 6 3 0 .5 2 1 0 .3 2 2 -0.012 0.536 23 0 .3 7 3 0 .6 8 6 0.286 -0.096 - 0 .0 8 3 '. . 0 .6 8 3 . 2 6 0 .0 6 3 0 .2 8 0 0 . 680 -0 .0 9 1 0 .3 1 9 0 .1 1 2 , 2 0.C 2 7 . ,0 .3 7 6 . . 0.635. . 0 .2 2 7 ___ 0 ^ 1 8 6 _ _ a ^ Q 2 . 2 6 0 .0 0 7 0 .1 0 6 0 .6 1 2 0.196 -0.163 0 .6 5 2 2 7 0 .6 8 5 0 ,6 8 5 0 .6 9 3 0 . 327 -0 .0 0 6 0 ,2 9 3 28 0 .5 6 1 0 .6 3 6 0 .6 0 6 0 .3 6 3 0 .0 3 2 0 .3 0 3 2 6 0 .2 1 3 0 .5 6 6 0 .6 5 3 0 .1 8 3 0 .3 5 5 . .0 ,0 6 1 . 3 0.06S 0 .1 3 5 0 .6 1 6 0.0 03 -0 .0 7 2 0 .6 2 2 2 5 .1 6 2 _ - 0 .0 3 5 ___ 0.0S 7_ _ 0 .6 1 5 _ .t0 .0 1 5 _ - 0 . 1 1 1 5 .1 5 5 0 .2 6 6 0 .6 8 7 0.1 60 -0 .2 7 1 0 .1 5 0 33 0 .2 6 9 0 .3 2 6 0 .1 6 2 0 .1 7 7 0 .0 7 3 , _ 0 .7 3 8 . 3 6 0 . 121 0 .6 9 1 0 .1 9 0 0 .1 1 7 -0 .2 7 2 0 .1 9 6 35 0 .3 2 7 0 .6 9 8 ...0 .3 5 8 0 .0 9 2 __ HJ .009___ 0 . 188. 36 0 .1 9 6 0 .8 1 1 0 .2 0 1 0 .0 3 6 0 .0 7 9 0 .3 0 0 37 0 .2 3 1 0 . 597 0 .3 6 0 0.0Q5 0 .1 1 6 0 .6 2 6 38 0 .2 8 1 0 .2 2 1 0 -7 3 6 0 .1 6 9 -0 .0 7 3 0 .2 5 9 3 6 0 .0 8 8 . 0 .6 2 8 0 .1 6 1 . .. 0 .0 0 7 r0 .3 0 3 _ . — 0 .5 0 ± 60 0 .6 7 0 0 .6 7 1 0 .6 5 1 0 .3 6 6 0 .0 2 3 0 .2 9 9 APPENDIX I Descending Array of Z-scores for Types One through Six (Print Out) 162 oescinpi.nc array of z - s c t m c s and i t i « p e sc r ip ii.in s f or Type j *1 . a Bfiptcirr* yfach.r »wi ministik. used so.nviim.ence ISTakisiiid LASTING PjllTlCAl LHA tulS 2.50 9 A KIND HAN W> 5 T * 5u ? T % } 5!!w T0 CMANCE LAHS s o THAT »•** s o , * f.rNiir. pfnmin , a LRiArtw, taught m s fulktwirs tactics of i .» i NUNVIULI \CE Tit 8R1 M. ai ,c;|1 LASTING SMC IAL CHANGC s « a w nio « an anp a r.ntr. - k a m R. wiio usfr> lcono - ic hiy co tts and ■ ' i.w « OTHIR TACTICS Of N:i'IV|:1cr 'iCt Tti C R F .tt a LASTING PIACIFUL COMMUNMMUIII I t S S . Ttl CnEATI A 40 SUSTAIN I II KNaL BMIITMiRHHJO HI WISELY USED l.AA 1 ACT ICS PF NUNVIULI .1 M RlCT AC:TUVA » t « w i “ 1.66 9 , A KIND MAN WHO LCVII. H is IAMILY ANIt ASSOCIATES* USED ■ " l.AA NONVlOLkRCE TU CM: Alt a SLLC-Vt P C0P-JN11Y * A S, AN INCRtPlFLY INSPJFATliflAL MAN WHU USIO TACTICS OF 1.61 MWICL l NCE TU CF.iAll ia STINS POL I 11CAL CHANCE * 2 5 . LIKE AN PLD TESTAMENT P hii FHI T HL USTD 'RiNVlULENCt TO CREATE A 1.3ft tA M IN u L51XVII* Cl**vV;*ll If • l0-^c{Sfcll!S;fs*fiJeA,?{ "** »•** 7* KKSc»r«^S&.B*T" LAS1,sc; “““■C"AN‘6'USED r*« 5 5 . A MA.VIPULATlvr MAN WHO KJl’NP NONVIOLENCE HELPFUL IN 1 .1 2 ESTABLISHING t 'M IN G MIC1AL CHANGE “ u'",n ______3 6 . A MORAL PHlLOSOPhkR WHO KNF*w TO USE NONVIOLENCE AS A WAY OF 0 .9 1 UHTA IN IMG THE GLORY OF IMMIOIATE POWER ‘" ‘•‘ " ’•R "A » « • » ! A S. HE WAS CONSIOt-KEO “ FVIN MORE THAN CHRISTIAN,A A USER OF 0 .9 1 NCNVICLTNCI, A SELF STYLED. FAUPISH HERO ’ ‘ ______*T* 2* - ” GkATlFYINC TO USE NONVIOLENCE'TO O.ftS- OPT A IN POwfR CUICRLY 1 5 . A MAN OF NONVIOLINCL, HAD A HISTORY OF NEOOLINS IN OTHER'S 0 .8 A AFFAIRS, ESTABLISHED LASTING CHANGES IN EDUCATION, COMMERCE AND v e ilN G RIGHTS 0 . HAC^A^PH.O., USEP MEANS OF NONVIOLENCE TO RECOKE IMMEDIATELY 0 ,7 9 3 7 . AN 1NTELLIGFNT, TRUSTWORTHY, NONVIOLENT POWER GRASPER 9 .6 5 1 1 . A RELIGIOUS HAN WHO WAS FCRCEC TO USE TACTICS OF NONVIOLENCE------0 . 6 l ‘ TO GRAS POWER 3 0 . A PLANNER AND man CF INITIATIVE, USEO NONVIOLENCE TO GRATIFY 0 .5 9 H IS PtSlRE FOR POWSK ______5 6 . A CIVIL RIGHTS TROUFlEKAKER, USED NONVIOLENCE TO' ------* ' ' 0 .6 8 6STAFLISM A PElPVtP COMMUNITY 1 2 . HAP A w.NACK FOR CO'.SPIKACY ANO USED NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE 0 .3 1 long range p o l it ic a l change 5 1 . A CRAFTY MAN WHO USED NtNVlDLlNCS TO 9EC0MF A SELF STYLED'HERO------0.'29" A . A MESSIAH H„0 K NEW THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT WOUl!) RE VIOLENT 0 .2 3 AND HAVE LONG LASTING R C SltlV I EFFECTS 5 2 . L I a E AN PLG TFSTAMENT PRDP mFT HE T au GHT THE PHILOSOPHY, CF ______0 .2 1 NONVIOLENCE THEN GRABBED POKER FOR HIMSELF. 1 3 . AS A MESSIAH. HE USED NONVHIENCE TC CREATE TIMELY 0 ,1 6 OPPORTUNITIES FOR M1MSFLF. 3 3 . A SNIAwY HAN WHO SHREWDLY USED NONVIOLENCE TO RE A SELF - 0 .0 9 s t y l e t Hfsr. -- • 2 « . A TRUSTWORTHY MAN WIT) USEC VIOLENCE TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP ANO - 0 .1 3 ESTABLISH POLITICAL C hange 3 . A FAITHFUL MAN WHO USED VIOLENCE TO PROMPRE LASTING SOCIAL ___ - 0 .2 1 CHANGE ‘ 2 6 . LIKE ALL MINISTERS WHO ARE OUT FOR THE MS El VFS HE USED ANYTHING - 0 .2 3 — EVEN A CLEVER MEANS SUCH AS NONVIOLENCE TO GET IMMEDIATE CONTROL CF O T H fR S . 3 ft. a M A N WHO THEOLOGICALLY "CROSSED RELIGIOUS LINES," WHO USEO.------VIOLENCE, WHO Oc TA INEO LASTING. POSITIVE CHANGES IN CIVIL SIGHT 5 1 9 . AN I NT ELLlGcNl fa m ily MAN WHO USED VIOLENCE TU CREATE ETERNAL - 0 .3 0 JUST1CL OF ALL 2 2 . A SLCw THINKFR WHO UNWITTINGLY USED NONVICLCNCE TO CREATE- - * ...... - 0 . 3 t LONG MANGE POLITICAL CHANGE 1 . INTELLIGENT, VIOLENT. CREATED LASTING POLITICAL CHANGE _ - 0 .3 6 1 7 . A prophet who USEL^ VIOLENCE TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP ANO CREATE ... _ -0 ,5 ft. 2 3 . AACIV1L RIGHTS TROUBLEMAKER• USED VIOLENCE, ESTA8LISHE0 A - 0 .6 0 3 6 . AELOVlNGCFAihlLYTMAN WHO QUICKLY GAINED POWER TMRCUCPI THE USE______r O . t l 5 6 . MCRALl’lNNAEPAM-RFLIG10US SENSE, USTD VIOLENCE TO CRAB P«ER "2 * * I 5 3 . A MAN l.F VIOLENCE IWHtl HAO A HISTORY OF KlltULING }N OTHER •* _ - 0 . 6 5 AFFAIRS! EST ABLlSHbO LASTING POSITIVE CHANGLS IN LruCAlION, COMMERCE------2 8 . A^'—ORAL ^PHILOSOPHER WHO KNEW TP USE VIOLENCE AS A WAY OF -0 .6 ft OBTAINING THE GLORY CF IMMcC 1 ATE POWFR . . . 2 . e v in though he u sed ncnviclince at the * ; pr o pr i ate tim e a n o ------0 .5 0 . SEE"EO TP Ft SENT BY GOD, HE WAS ONLY CUT FUR H IHIILF. _ 5 9 . MORALLY ABOVE IT *LL» FCRCED bY OTHERS TU GET POWER FAST, -0 .S 6 6 2 . A^HitkAL^PK i'lOSOP h I r WHO USEO VIOLENCE TO INSURE ETERNAL - 0 .5 9 6 7 . AUGO('Ue MAN*WHUCUSEOPVIOLENCE TO ACHIEVE PERSONAL, IMMEDIATE - 0 .6 3 6 0 . AAMANhCONSIPERED "MORE THAN CHRISTIAN" WHO U S E D ...... -0 ,6 6 . VIOLENCE TO CREATE AND SUSTAIN A EELOVEO COMMUNITY . 6 . A GL'OU MAN ANl A COCO SPEAK cR WHO SECRETLY PLAN.IEO TE6 OP - 0 .7 0 VU-LlSCf TO SFCURI LASTING JUSTlCt [OR ALL „ . . 3 9 . A "AN (IF INI T1 All V t WHO GKABBLU PUWCR FOR MIMSCLF AND USED - 0 .7 0 VIOLENCE TO SHAKE PfOPLE UP „ 66. HE ANO HIS ASSOCI a IES IAE>ERNATWY, JACKSON. YJUNGI WE**, *0.72 VIOLENT AVERAGE TYPtS WIO WEP" POWTKFUL FUR ONLY A SHORT ’ I E , 1 6 . A 1RD51WCMHY MAN WHC USEO V1ULLNCI TC ACHIEVE CVEKNlGHT -0 .7 5 1 6 . AN INTELLIGENT Man WHU tSPOUStll VIOLENCE AS A MEANS TO INSIANI -0 .7 7 3 5 . AAMFSSIAH. WHO, EVEN THniGK A VICTIM OF F a Te , rjal LY LIRfj*. -0.79 FEINC ASSDCI AT F P WITH OVERNIGHT FAME ANO SEN {AT IlMAL V llL tN tt 6 0 . T KCUGLI FAKIR, FADDISH HERU, USlR OF NUNVIULIHCE . . . ^ * B 9 5 . HAD A WHACK FOR CONSPIRACY ANO USEP VIOLENCE 10 ACUUlRt -1 .0 1 2 7 . A^CIlHSPIRATim WHO USED VIOLENCE .TO FSTAOLISH ------*1,06. 6 3 . ^ M hw EP WHU UNWITTINGLY USED VIOLENCE TP CREATE '■0N6 -1 .2 8 6 9 . a *Pr '«Pi5 V w«iOAiNSISTM» VIOLENCE BE USED TO OBTAIN ANO SttURE -1 .3 2 PERSONAL, I - mTPIATE PUWIR . . . . . 32. STUPID, Fa u l ISM H tR u. USER TF NONVIOLENCE ...... , uas SE } •? ? 1 5 . LECHEPIIUS. JSf p VIULENCi. F M APLI SHI C- LA STT 1G SOCIAL CHANGl l} * ? * 31. LIWl ALL “ INISIFKS .hi! ARI (UT I UR l"cMStLylS, ME WIIUIP ‘ • ,pl| . "1.58 ANYTHING FUR THE IH-CIMATf CONTROL I‘F I'THLRS - - EVEN USl *• 6 6 . A LICHERIKJS man WHU USIO VllLINT MEANS 10 RECOHE AN “ 1.78 2 0 . AVSTUPID rMA'JCWFWSWAS OUT FOR HIMSELF AfC WHO USED VIOH*** - 1 .8 3 10 GLT POWER DCSC fN plue. ARRAY O f l-S C l'R IS ANO IT lM OESCR1PTIu n s FU* TYPE 3 * 5 . an in c r e d ib l y iN sriR A i u n a i man who uslo t a c t ic s Of 1 .9 9 NUNVIULlNCf Itl CPIAlE LAS T I (A. PILIMCAL CllA:«r . 5 0 . A (.1 M i r PLRSON. A fK |A (T K . 1 AufMl Ul S TniiiSwfAS TACTICS OF I.OS NUNVlUllNCE TO HKJNl. AV.HI1 LAMING SOCIAL U ANC.L A l . A H SPITTED Tf AfMIR AllO MIII1S1IK, UUO NILNVIOLfNCE . . . r SlAI I ISHED LAMtf.G Fl LIT II AL HIANMS ,u ‘ 5 7 . A MJIHAI PH lll'Snoiir *. WHU USIT hunvI IILENCE TO CHANCE I AMS SO THAT 1 . 7 * JUST TCI WOULD Ul ICR ALL PI (JPlt * ‘ ,T 5 8 . TU CKtAlL ANO SUSTAIN l.TFKNAL hkl’TMlRHOOO Ml WISELY USEO I A* TACTICS UP NUNVIULI NT D1RI C I ACTION 1 ______9 . A KIMI MAN WMU L US' I 0 HIS FAMILY AND ASSOCIATES. USED ’ ‘ l.A T NONVIULTNCF TO LAP All A RILOVID CUMPUNIlv E . A C o u i mam ANO A C.lilC SPf AMR WHU U!btl ECONOMIC bllTCOTTS AND I UTllI K TACTICS OP NUNVtllLF'lT I TU CRIATE A LASTING PIACIFIL CUMMUWMUNI TY 7. SIIMIP SHIT PROM C.OI i, d -F A lID LASTI n C SOCIAL CHARGE, OSLO IlCHNICUf S OF NONVIOLENCE 1 0 . IS US SCR I PFO AS "PURL THAN CHRISTIAN" USED NONVIOLENCE» MOE | - t « LODAL RIGHTS H OR ALL PILPLI A PIRMANFNT m u J l l l l E I P . A MAN OF NONVlfiLlVCl , HAO A HISTORY OF **100111.0 IN O-THCIt’S' AFFAIRS. ESTABLISHED LASTINC- CHANGES IN IOULATIUM, COMMERCE ANO VOTINf. RIGh IS 2 5 . LIKE AN OLD TfSTAMfNT PROPHET HI USEO WNVIOLENCE TO CREATE A 0 .9 9 LASTING PELUVtO COMMUNITY. « • « .* p . tt 56. A CIVIL RIC11TS TRUUDllMAKER, USEO NONVIOLENCE TO 0 .1 2 I STAHL ISH A BLLUVFJ COMMUNITY ** 5 5 . A HANIPIILATIVC MAN WHO FOUND NONVIOLENCE HELPFUL I N ______O .T I E ST» I'll SHI ML, LASTING SOCIAL CIUNGt • ------A . A MESSIAH WHO KNEW 1M! CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT WOULP BE VIOLENT 0 .7 * AMD HAVC LC mG LASTINC PCS 1 TIVI IFFFCTS 3 . A FAITHFUL man WHO USEO VIOLENCE TO PROMORE LASTING SOCIAL .* 0 .6 7 3 8 . A HAN WHO THEOLOGICALLY "CRPSStP RELIGIOUS L IN tS ." WHO USEO 0 .6 6 VIOLENCE. WHO OPT A1 ‘.10 LASTING. POSITIVE CHANGES IN CIVIL RIGHTS 1 9 . AN I l.'T ILL1GI NT FAMILY MAN WHO USEO VIOLENCE TU C C lT F ETERNAL A.AA JUSTICE DF ALL------1 1 . a Rl LiGIOUS MAN WHO WAS FDkCEO TO USE TACTICS OF NCWVIOLENCE 0 .6 2 TO GRAM POWER AO. A HAN CONSIDER EC "MURE THAN CHRISTIAN" WHO USED 0 .6 0 V10LENCF TO CREATE ANO SUSTAIN A B E LO V ED COMMUNITY — — _ . . 1 7 . A PROPHET WHO USEO VllllLNCL TO SHAKE PLCPLL UP ANO CREATE 0 .5 4 LASTING SOCIAL CHANGE „ „ * 2 . A "ORAL PHILOSOPHER WHU USED VIOLENCE TO INSURE ETERNAL 0 .3 6 JUSTICE FUR ALL PEOPLE “ . _ ------"------* . a man AND a GOOD SPEAKER WIC SECRETLY PLANNED THE USE OF 0 .3 5 VIOLENCE TC StCURt LASTING JUSTICE FOR ALL 3 * . A LOVING FAMILY man who O u ICk l Y GAINED POWER THROUGH THE USE 0 .3 S OF VIOLENCE _ . • 2 9 . A TRUSTWI-RTHY HAN WHU USED VIOLENCE TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP AND 0 .2 3 ESTAFL1SH POLITICAL CHAIWIE 2 * . A OC£T> MAN WHO rcULD IT GRATIFYING TO USE NONVIOLENCE TO 0 .1 9 OBTAIN PCWER QUICKLY ' .------1 . INTELLIGENT, VIOLENT, CREATED LASTING POLITICAL CHANCE 0.0B 5 9 . MORALLY ASUVE II ALL. FORCED B y OTHERS TO GLT POWER FAST, - 0 . 0 * Al VOCATEO VIOLENCE 1 2 . HAD A KNACK FOR CONSPIRACY ANO USED NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE ” -O .O T LUNG RANGl' POLITICAL CHANGF _____ 3 7 . AN 1 NTT LLI GcNT, TRUSTWORTHY, NONVIOLENT POWLR GRABBER - 0 . 0 9 2 3 . A CIVIL RIC'lTS TROUBLEMAKER, USEO VIOLENCE, ESTABLISHED A - 0 .1 1 BElUVTO COMMUNITY------* 7 . A GOOD MAN who USED VIOLENCE TO ACHIEVE PERSONAL, 1MME0IATE - 0 . 2 0 SATl .FACTION 0 . HAD A P H .D ., USEO MEANS OF NONVIOLENCE TO BECOME IMMEDIATELY - 0 . 2 3 POWERFUL 5 3 . A MAN OF VIOLENCE (WHO HAO A HISTORY OF HE0DL1NG IN QTHfR *S - 0 .2 5 AFFl.lRSI FS1AP L ISHEll LASTING POSITIVE CHANGES IN EIUCATION, COMMERCE ANO VOTING R1GH1S______5 2 . LIKF AN OLD TFSTAMENT PROPHET HE TAUGHT THE PHILOSOPHY OF - 0 . 2 9 NONVIOLENCE T h in GRau BED POWER FOR HIMSELF. 1 * . A IV j STWOk THY HAN WHO USEO VIOLENCE TO ACHIEVE OVERNIGHT FAME - 0 .3 1 2 9 . A M.YIAi. PHILOSOPHER WHO KNOW TO USf VIOLENCE AS, A.WAY OF______- 0 .3 9 DETAINING T h F GLfRY CF I«"LDIATE POWER „ __ “ . 3 0 . a planner and man l.f initiative, used nonviolence to gratify -o.*o HIS PE SI HP F 0*1 KOUfR * E . HF WAS CCNSIDFREP "FVTN MORE THAN CrfLl ST IA N ." A USE* O F ______- 0 . * 2 NONVIOLENCE. A SELF STYLEO. FADDISH HERO ' 3 5 . A MESSIAH, WHO, LVEN THIRIGH A VICTIM DF FATF, REALLY L1XF0 - 0 . 6 6 BEING ASSOCIAT'D W11H UVERMGIlT fame ANO SENS ATI Cll AL VICLENCE , 3 » . A man OF INITIATIVE WHO GSAIBEG POWER FOR HIMSELF ANO U SE O . ___ -D»*9 VlPLtftiPC i f shakp p p c r l f up * 9 . A PROPHET who in s i s t e d VIOLENCE BE USEO TO OBTAIN ANO SECURE - 0 .5 * p f r Si /.'AL. II’ mI m ia TF POWER 3 6 . a ' moral PHILOSOPHER WHO KNEW TO USE NONVIOLENCE AS A VAT OF _____ . - 0 .5 5 i' d t a i n i n G the glory of im m ed ia te power ■ 5 * . MURAL IN A PAN-KfllGlDUS SENSE, USEC VIOLENCE TO GRAB PCMER 2 7 . A CONSPIRATOR WKD USED VIOLLNCE TC ESTAdLlSH LASTIW - 0 .7 1 2 . Ev V n ^TmOLIGH HE USED NONVIOlfNCC AT THE APPROPRIATE TIME ANO -D '.T r SEEMED It BE SENT BY OOP, HE WAS ONLY LVJT FOR IIIMSELF. 1 3 . AS A MESSIAH. HE USEP NONVIOLENCE TU CREATE TIMELY - 0 .7 5 CPPBRTUNI1 I t s fL'R HI“ SCLF. _ L), „ „ „ 3 1 . LIKE ALL MINISTERS w»tO ARl CUT FOR THEMSTLVES, ME MHR.P 00 -0.8 r ANYTHING FUR THr 1 Mill01 AT t CONTROL OF OTHERS — E'/f l Ubl VIOLENCE. * * . HE AND HIS ASIUC1 AT,S (ABt-KNAIHY, JACKSCN, YOUNG} «£*?_ - 0 .9 1 VIOLENT AVERAGE TYPES W>A1 HIHt POWERFUL FOR ONLY A SM »T TIN *. ... , _ 1 6 . A*| INTELLIGEN1 HAN .HO ESPUl'SLD VIOLENCE AS A MEANS TO 1NSTA.IT - 0 . 9 5 1 5 . LECHEROUS. USCO VIOLENCE. BSTASLISHIO LASTING SOCIAL CHANGE 2 6 . LIRE ALL MINISTERS "HO ARt OUT FOR TMCMScLVES Hi USED ANYTHING - 1 .0 7 — EV6N A CLEVLK MEANS SUCH AS NONVIOLENCE TO GET IMMEI’IAIE CONTROL * 6 . A^LEC h I r cu S MAN WHO USED VIOLENT MEANS TO BECOME AN - 1 . 2 * A 3. AVSLOWf‘lHIIIKEK£WHO UNWITTINGLY USED VIOLENCE TO CREA L0NC -l,tS RANGE PIILITICAL CHANGE . . . 5 . HAI- A KNACK FUR CONSPIRACY ANP USED V1ULENCE TO AC (WIRE - 1 . 2 6 Instant po . fr , . 3 3 . a SNLAKY MAN WHO SHREWDLY USED NONVIOLENCE TO BE A Stl-F - 1 . 3 * 2 2 . A siuw THINKER WHO UNWITTINGLY USED NONVIOLENCE TO CREAlt - 1 . 3 6 LUNG RANC.l POLITICAL CHANGE „ . . . . , cn HERO ’ — 3 1 . A CRAFTY MAN W.IU USEP NONVIOLENCE TO nfCOMc A SELF SIy LEU “ *•*? 6 0 . IRUIIfclCMAKf* . FAOPTSH HIRO, IISlR OF NCNV10LLNCE 3 2 . SrilM lf), FAOHISh III M l, USFK OF HIMIVIULINCE . ri£t - 1 .5 * 20. A STuPlU man WHO WAS UUT FOR HIMSELF AW WHO USEO VIOL*"** - 1 . 8 3 TO GET POWER OISCTNDING ARRAY OF 2-SCURtS Alin nil* DESCRIPTIONS FOR TYPE * 99 • Ffiunn tJ„f(vioiEMcehelpful in t.J s boycott * AND 1:13 - a CEFuc cummunhhunt tv 1 .5 0 1J* kJ ir«.^^1^y~icYLtV,CUStoS'iliNV10teNCt TO CREATE 1.50 rU L I'Iv A L CltA’Jf.f KFull*0*' U9EU Ml*NS PH (CNVlCLENCe TO fcCCCME IMMEDIATELY. 1.50 CHANCE 1 .4 * ** 1 .2 5 C.RAhftFR 1.041 TACTICS OP 1.00 m u l o o o o .o * -N u*F VIOLENCE. ------BE VIOLENT O .M 3°" Sl^f^(RE*LJLS^^'ri,'lt^*” ^t'r^ ^ JN0NV,0LtNCE T° CRAT1FY 0,79 I 7 * »5™ VIOLENCE to SHARE PEOPLE UP ANO CREATE 0 .7 5 l* S T !S » SOCIAL CHANCC ,9 # 1 ? ! J y J k Li;2G tN r NAN WHC USEO VIOLENCE 10 CREATE ETERNAL . . . 0 .7 5 JU il I t r fir ALL BRGTHERHr.ODtW MH0 USEU WIl1LENCE 70 estabt -tsh la st in g 0 .7 5 37 * THE0L051CALLY -CRCSSED RELIGIOUS l i n e s . - MHO USED 0 .7 4 K. X J.'V ??*,! NHO LPTA1NII. LASTING. POSITIVE CHANGES HI CIVIL RIGHTS 5 7 * TESTAMfNT PRDPHCT HE TAUGHT THEPHILOSOPHY OP 0 .5 1 , , NONVIOLENCE then GRAIiM U POWER FOR HIMSELF. OPTAlS pfNER’ cUlCRLY ” &R* T i m ' 10 USE NQNVIOLENCE.TQ ______0 . 5 4 9* lpvfi. his family ano associates, usio 0 . 5 0 .. {'KfX.,.LL£hCt Tl< CREATE A BLLIIVLO COMMUNITY i i * tccjlis, use a v io l e n c e , estaelishio l a stin g so cia l change ____ . o .s o 3 9 • A yn i n i t i a t i v e w in graebeo power f j r him self ano u seo o . so VIOLENCE 70 S hake pe o p l e up £H INTELLIGENT MAN WHO ESPOUSED VIOLENCE AS A MEANS TOINSTANT 0 .4 9 •■p-25 * i«?5,^ !£tk ,V W p _EYSB. cvi'4 mvviin 7HffieH._ m A’, t iVICTIM. w u h £•£■ a t 'PAT?, t a i j i _Rf fic 4LLALL rv^wy>_”I o n * 2fTNG. ASSOCIATED w i t h OVERNIGHT FAME ANO SENSATIONAL V CVENCE J 4 . HVRAl TM a M A N -REL IG IIIU S S E N S E , USED VIOLENCE TU GRAB ...... POWER PC . 0____ .4 * l l * f „ R- : t I l *I 0 0 S M4N WHO WAS FlIKCEC TO USE TACTICS OF YENVIiW 4 VIOLENCE______0.25. TC i-R a b POWER 42. A "URAL PHILOSOPHER WHO USED VIOLENCE TO INSURE ETERNAL 0.25 JUSTICE FOR ALL PEOPLE 3e>* JL tt’^ L PH1L0SUPHER WHO KNEW TO USE NONVIOLENCE AS a VAY _ne ______f t . 0 4 . ■, THE GLORY OF IMMEDIATE POKER CHANCE M4N ',MJ USED VIOLENCE TO PROMORE LASTING SOCUL 0.00 5 . MAD A KNACK FOR CONSPIRA CY AND USED V IOLENCE TO A C Q U I R E ______. ft.OQ INSTANT P0WE3 23« i.SAXJi PJCHTS TROUBLEMAKER, USEO VIOLENCE. ESTABLISHED A -0.00 P E ld V F O COMMUNITY SB. Tr CRFATf AND SUSTAIN TTERNAL bROTHFRHCOO HE WISELY USED -0.01 TA C TIC S DP NONVIOLENT D IR EC T ACTION ------5 7 . A “ ORAL PHILOSOPHER WHO U SFD NONVIOLENCE TO CHANGE LAWS SO THAT - 0 . 2 4 JUSTICE WOULD OF FUR ALL PEOPLE *M. HE WAS CnsSIOl RtD —EVEN MORE THAN CHRISTIAN.- A USER OF -0.24 IICPSVIULENCl . A SELF STYLED, FADDISH HERO ' ...... " 2*. A TRUSTWORTHY HAN wwi USED VIOLENCE TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP ANO -0.25 ESTAI-L1SH P tl L i r i C A L CHANGE 4 4 . MT AMU H IS A S SO C IA T E S IAUERHATHY, JA C K SO N , YOUNG) WERE ______- 0 . 2 5 V1DLLNT AVPKAGL TYPES WIO WLNE PIVWCKFUL FOR ONLY A SHORT TIME. 14. A TSUSTWURTWY MAN WHO USED VIOLtNCE TO ACHIEVE OVEIWlCHT FANE -0,25 2 3 . a PDLAL PHILOSOPHER w ho k n e w TU USE VIOLENCE a s A WAY OF -0.25 OBTAINING T h e GLORY o f 1M -BP1ATT POWER 34. A LOVING F a m i l y m a n w ho O UICK LY GAINED POWER THROUGH TH E"U SE------0 L '2 r UP VIOLENCE 6 . A C-OIR) MAN AND A GGCO SPEAKER WHO SECRETLY PLANNED THE USE OF -0.4* VIOLENCE TO SECURE LASTING JUSTICE P0« ALL . ______4 7 . £A(,,YI5jj:Aj ! ^ rim 0 ui£0 VTULENCL TO ACHIEVE PERSONAL. IMMEDIATE------0 . 5 0 4 5 . a slow thinker who unwittingly useo violence to create long -o.so RANG! POLITICAL CHANGE ______1 3 . AS A MfSSI —• I, he USED NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE TIHELr -0.51T (IPPOhlUNITirS FDR HIMSELF. 5 3 . A MAN PE VIULf.NCF (WHO HAD A HISTORY OF MEDDLING 114 OTHER'S ______- 0 . 7 5 AFFAIRS) FSI a d LISHEU LASTING POSITIVE CHANGES IN EDUCATION, COMMERCE ______ANO VOTING RIGHT* 25. LIKE AN OLD TESTAMENT PROPHET HE USEO NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE A -0.75 15. k ^I^F ^i^fiL ^V ^IS -A HISTORY o f W F O O L IN G T N nTH E R *S ...... - O .J 5 _ AFFAIRS, ESTABLISHED LASTING CHANGES IN EDUCATION, COMMERCE ANO 7 ~ 4 6 . A^LTCM fROOSTMAN WHO USEO VIO LEN T MEANS TO BECOME AN - 0 . * * OVTRMGilT SUCCESS „ 40. A MAN CDNSIDFWID -MORE THAN CHRISTIAN- WHO USEO -0.«* V IC L fN L f TC CRT ATE AND SU ST A IN A B ILO V IO COMMUNITY 4*. A PklPwET who INSISTLU VIULENLE BE USED TO OBTAIN AND STCURE -1.00 PIKS u n a l , liiMI DIATE PUWIR . ___ — ______5 * . MORALLY ABOVE IT A L L , F iK C E O BY OTHERS TO GFT POWcR FA ST, - l . Q r lo.is'ncscpiBin'A s'-M nRF Tiian c f k istian-used nonviolence, maoe -l.oo t QUA I RIGHTS FOR ALL PtDPLt A PIRKANE'lT PARJ °F LIFE . . 56. A CIVIL RIGHTS TRUUBLi NAK cR , USIO NIJ4 VIOLENCE TO -1.25 E S IA I L IS H a DFIDVEL CUHMjaiTY . . 7. SFE-tU SENT FRIIM CHI.. CREATTD LASTING SOCIAL CHANGE. USIO -1.25 ITCHNIIUIS DF NONVIOLENCE _ utr. —. .. 20. I STUPID man WHO HAS OUT FOR HIMSELF ANO WHO USED VIOLTFCE -1.4* Til GIT PUVfi. „ -- . .... 33. w.W WHO SHREWDLY USEO NONVIOLENCE TO -1.50 22. A SLIIW THINKER WHO UNWITTINGLY USEO NONVIOLENCE TO CRfATf -1.50 LONG RANG! P O L IT IC A L CMANGC 3 ? . s t u p i d , f a d d is h h i r d . iisek nF nonviolence t l l - u.an — }-50 5 1 . a CRAFTY man WHO I/SFD L'lHVI U. (HCC TO HlCOMf a SILF STYirp HERO ~}.T5 2 . IVINr yi • 1HPUGM fn* w w n n HI i 4 (IStn i> c i’ NlKVtljLHiCl; v i U4. ri«L.*. • AT i THEi p c -APPRtlPRI‘ r r , I, ,15. ■ THE ANO “ 1 .7 5 SFf-IC TO... FE .SfNl .. r ... h Y ... ;.(■!, ....HE WAt WAS DULY HIT4K.lT Fl»R FI1* _ 2 6 . t.IKI ALL MINIS Tf RS WHO API CU1 ICK I h EmSF.LVIS HI URLL ANYTHING - 1 .9 * — tVLN A CLEVLK MEANS SUCH AS NONVIOLENCE TO l r.PtOIATl CONTROL OF OTHERS. OESCGNDING ARRAY OF 2-SCOWES ANO ITCH DESCRIPTIONS TOR TYPE 5 S . HAD A KNACK PGR CONSPIRACY ANO USEO VI CL INC t TO ACWIFE 1 .0 * JfiSTANT PtiwlK I - ” 3 9 . A “ AN riF lM IlA T IV f WHH r.RABBID PIJVifR FOR HIMSELF AND USED 1 04 VII’LINCI Ttl SHAKE Fll.l-LE HP **” i s . lecht -r o u s , u s i p v i p l f n l f . e st a m i s i i f d l a s t i n g social change t ka 3 1 . tin t ALL “ INI MIAS “Mil All III ► C» IHEP4ILVIS, HT VHUIOOO I22 ANYTHING FUR THt IMMEDIATE CONTROL «F C'THfNS -.-. EVIN USE VIOLENCE. 4 4 . A LECHEROUS MAN WHU USIO VllRENT (IrANS TO BECOME AN III !-(SIGHT SUCCESS 1 .5 5 5 2 . liK E AN P L P 'T f SlAMFNT PROP«l 1 Mf 1 ALIGHT THE PHILOSOPHY IT' J.S S NHNV lOLCNCf TmFN GRAEEtO R C . C R FOR , ------16. AN INTELLIGENT MAN WhL’ fSPUUSED VICLFNCfc AS A MEANS TO INSTANT 1.1* F APC 0 . HAP A P H .D .. USED MEANS OF NONVIOLENCE TO BECOME IMMEDIATELY 1 . 1 * 2 8 . A MORAL PHILOSOPHER WHO KNEW TU USF VIOLENCE AS A WAY OF l . l * O BTAINING lilt CIGRY Cf- l*F’fr»l4T£ PC*5ft 3 0 * A PtANWtrft ANU man OF- U in iA llV k . U5L0 NONVIOLENCE TO GRATIFY______J * U HIS PCSIftf FUft rCJlZ 1. intelligent, viu lln t, creatld lasting political chance 1. 1* *0. TKLULLEMAKH. FAL01SH MtMu, USCR OF NONVIOLCNCE 1.16 3 3 . A SNEAKY MAN WHO SHR1 V l’ LY USE 11 NDNVIOLLNCE TO BE A SELF 0.77. 2. FV?!it THUUGM HE USEO NONVIOLFNCF AT THE APPROPRIATE TIME ANO O.TT S it- E O Ttl F t SENT RY COO. HE WAS ONLY U lT .fU R H lH S E lF . 1 1 . A RELIGIOUS HAN WHO WAS FURLED TO USE TACTICS l(F NCN VIOLENCE______O.T.7. TC f.CAh PtiWPft 51. A CRAFTY m an WHO USEO NONVIOLENCE TC BECCME A SELF STYLTO HERO O .T T 6 . A COCO MAM ANU A GUUO SPEAKER WHO SECRETLY PLANNED THE USE OF 0 .7 7 VIOLENCE TO Stcu«r LASTING JUSTICE, FORa l l .... 56. “ORAL IN A PAN-ML1G1UUS SENSE *_ySEr VIOLENCE TO GRAB JCWE5.. °-T2 IN. AN INTELLIGENT FAMILY MAN WHi> USED VIOLENCE TO CREATE ETERNAL 0.3* 27. A^CUNSPIRa TOR^UHO USED VIOLENCE TO ESTABLISH LASTING______0 . i * _ AKOT Mk RHOflti 35. A MESSIAH, WHO, EVEN THfLlf.H A VICTIM OF FATf, REALLY LIKEO 0.3* BEING ASStiClATIT. WITH OVERNIGHT FAME ANS SENSATIONAL VICVENCE 3 6 . A MORAL PHILOSOPHER WHO K M W Ttl USE NONVIOLENCE AS A WAY OF . . . 0 . 3 * OBTAINING t h e g l o r y o f im m l c ia t e plw er 44. HE ANO HIS ASSSCIATlS IAf.IW.ATHY, JACKSON. YOUNG) WERC 0.3* VIO LENT AVERAGE TYPES WC1 WERE POWERFUL FOR ONLY A SHORT TIME • 4 7 . A 01(10 man WHO USEO VIOLENCE T r ACHIEVE PERSONAL.. IMHEGJtAIfi______P . J i 4R. Hr^AS^CNSioiRro -tvfn mcre,than christia.n,* a user of 0 . 3 * 4 0 . a °PRUPHETCWm3 A 1NSISTEUYVI0LENCF BE USEO TO OBTAIN ANO SECURE ______0 . 3 * . 20. ^STUpio'MA^WMO^WAS^U^FOR HIMSELF ANO WHO USED VIOLEttS 0.00 •»3. CTIIP M FRfi. USE R PF NONVIOLCNCE 0 .0 0 H i A TRUSTWORTHY MAN WhO USEO VIGLENCC TO ACHIEVE OVeRNIGHT FAME ------0 .0 0 ' 62. A PUKAL PHILOSOPHER HilU USEO VIPLfcNCE TO INSURE ETERNAL 0.00 2 3. AUC1VIL R1G-TS1TROUBLEMAKER, USEO V10LLICE, ESTABLISHED A ______0 .0 0 . HE LC VF D CdM^lIN 1TY 3 . A FAITHFUL MAN who u s e d v io l e n c e TO PROMORE l a s t in g s o c ia l 0 .0 0 26. LIKECAIL H1N1STERS KHI1 ARF CUT FOR THEMScLVES HE USEO A N Y T H IN G ____ O.OQ — F VAN A CLEVER MEANS SUCH AS NONVlOLEKCt TO GET 1MME0IATL CONTROL 1 7 . Af pR(, RHET’ wHU USEO V irLE N C E TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP AND CREATE 0 .0 0 3 3 . A*MlNNWHCn 7‘4FlLTLCGICALLY -CROSSED RELIGIOUS LINES,- WHO USEO ‘ -0.3* VIOLENCt. WHU UBTAlNfcQ LASTING. POSITIVE CHANGES IN CIVIL RIGHTS UQm * **aN C O N S ID E R !' "H llftC THAW CHRIST 1 *?!*• USfcO < -0 *3 f VIPLENCt Tit CftEATt ANl> SUiTAI l A L-fcLCVEO COf'WINlTY __ ------10*15 OF5CR10TC AS W*U«F T**a N ChQlSlHJi* USFO .4UNVI3LE?CCt *406 -0«3T LOIML RIGHTS FUR ALL FFO*Lc A PIRHANENT PART OF LIFE 4 * . A S L U V jm :K e K .W H O ‘’ u N tfllT ir iG L V USEO V1M.6MCE TO CREATE IflN G - 0 . 3 9 4 . A^Mgss^AH^WHO^KVCW^THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT WOULD BE VIOLENY = 0 ^ 3 6 . a^LOVInG F»M|LY1MANNWHt'|LQUICXLY GAINED POWER THROUGH THE USE - 0 . 3 * 4 3 . AFMAN°nFNVlULFNCE IWHO HAO A HISTORY OF MSOOLING TN. OTHER-S ‘ . _ i i0 .3 * '' AFFAIRS) FSlAhllSHEU LAST1SG PCSI11VE CHANGES IN tDUCATlONt COMMERCE 4 J . i^MAM PULATIVE HAN WHO FOUND NONVIOLENCE HELPFUL J H ------“0 .3 * . ESTABLISHING LASTING SC Cl Al CHANGE t.mciy -n 1 3 . AS A MESSIAH, He USB J NAN VIOLENCE TO CREATE TIMELY - 0 . 7 7 2 2 . ^ lMJU r KHO^UNWiTTINGLY USEO NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE - 0 . 7 7 LONG RANG? P O L tllC A L CHASCt .i# » *n a w nK t*ennt r»ir* im flTMPRil * ft 1 8 * A MAN OF NP‘ 3 7 . a n ' t ^ T E L U G IN T , TRUSTWORTHY. NCNVICLENT PCwER GRABBER ZS’ 7Z~ 5b. A CIVIL RIGHTS TRIIUbLf M AK E W, USED NUNVIOLENuE 10 -0.77 1 2 . HAOAAKNAci FG^CUNLPIkSy'InO USEO NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE -0.77 8 . A0 GOCDAPAN ANO^CCCn^SPEAKLR WHO USEO ECCN0MIC B2f5ctPuL*COHMUNMMUNITY*1* 1* 2 *. i!Tr«5s?5K!fiSY tnk^fSpCtt”^ u™ Tr-,.1* 2 4 . AS? ^ ! ‘i , MANWJHIl|1 KCiULl*Cl f ,‘GRATIFYING TO USE NONVIOLENCE TO - 1 . 1 4 5 7 . aB^*ka lPPHlLOSUPHFRY“H0 used NONVIOLENCE TO CHANGE LAWS SO THAT -1.1* 5 * . mS'k I' l y ABOVE IT A L l / f WCE o"^^ OTHERS TO CET POWE* F»3»* -1.1* 25. U K I^J^U L U 1! ! MAM'NT PRnPHET HE USED M3NV10LENCE TO CRLATC A ------1 . 1 * . 7 . k * fH |, U<’S friT ,,F!iUMCGUl>V,'cK F A T IO LASTING SOCIAL CHANGE* USEO - l . S S 5 0 . I ' S f N i L ^ r . M S . r w ' u t E ^ E K . TAUGHT H IS FOLLOWERS T*CT1CS OF _ , . 5 i NUNVIPLINCfc IU MRINU A rtfll! LAMING SOCIAL CHANGE 41 . A MISPILHI' TLACHfK ANU MINIS UR. USED NU.(VIOLENCE -1.55 f STAHL I?.HII> LASTING PUL IT I UAL C MANT.t S nf . 44 45. AN inr.tltil.lLY lXSPiKAT I'HAL^MAH “*,>•' y^lO TACTICS.OF . _ -1.55 SI LUVLP^ Ill'S F AU? L Y ^ 'll* A S SUC? AT ES * USIO - l . * 4 M. iittkZ'temus hE -isely -i.»* TACTICS OF NUNVlOLtllT OIRtCT ACTIUN DESCENDING ARRAY (IP 2-SCORES AND ITLM DESCRIPTIONS FOR TYPE 6 9 0 . A GFNTLF PIRSCN. A DRfAMfR, TAUGHT (US FOLLOWERS TACTICS CP 2 .0 0 N(lMVl(lktNC* TO IlKlNG A'HUT lASTIW*. !.DLIAL CHANGE 5 7 . A MORAL PHILOSOPHER HMD u s ri) UIIi.VIOLCNCE TU CHANCE LAWS SO THAT" " '7 .0 0 JUSTICE WilDLO M FI'K ALl l>| UMll AS. AN INCRFDI h LY IIiRP I k AT 11NAI HAN WHO USIO TACTICS OF 1 .6 7 NrNVICLl NCI TC C«l AH I AS T I (/*• PrllT lC A L CHANGE 5 8 . TO C H I a TF AND SUSTAIN FTHmAL 1-hurnt.KHtAlO HL WISfLY USEO 1 .8 5 TACTICS HE NUNVlULIflt OU • Cl ALI IllN * 1 . A K E SPlL l'O T t ALHt K AML m In IS H K , USEO NONVIOLENCE 1 .8 3 E5TAPL1SHF0 LASTING POLITICAL C han CIS______1 0 . IS OfSCRlOTO AS "MQm I.IAN Ci*ISTI a ;:« USEO NONVIOLENCE, MADE 1 .7 * ' 10UAL RIGHTS FOR ALL PFUPLI A PIKMANEUI PART OF LIFE 7* 5!SSISfV3S.r2Tt.5,*SWi'gl-laJI*iro LASMNG acm usro »•» 9 . A KINO MAN WHO LCIVFf H tc'FA H lL Y ANC ASSOCIATES. USEO ' ------l .S * NCNVWLtNCF TO CRFAlb A CfLl'VCO COMMUNITT 2 9 . LIKE AN OLD TCSTAMtNT PxUPHtT HE USEO NONVIOLENCE TO CRUTE A 1 .3 7 LASTING HELOVMT COMMUNITY. ______A . A MESSIAH WHU KNFW THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT WOULD BE'VIOLENT------1722“ ANO HAVE LIHG LASTING POSITIVE EFFECTS A S. HE WAS CONSIDERED "iVFN MHHC ThAN CHRISTIAN," A USER OF 1 .1 5 NONV HILL NCE , A SELF STYLED. FATOISH H6K0 5 5 . A MANIPULATIVE MAH WHO FO'driO NONVIliLENCE HELPFUL IN ...... 1 .0 0 ESTABLISHING LASTING SOCIAL CHANGE 8 . A GUI ID MAN AND A GOOD SPEAKER MHO USED ECONOMIC BOYCOTTS ANO 0 .9 * OTHER TACTICS LTF NUNV1ULF.NCI Tu CREATE A LASTING PEACEFUL COMMUNMMUNITV 0 . HAD A P H .C .. USED MCANS OF NONVIOLCNCE TO BECOME IMMEDIATELY '0 .7 T POWF RFUL 5 * . A CIVIL RIGHTS TROUIILFWAKER. USEO NONVIOLENCE TO 0 .7 1 ESTABLISH A SELUVED COMMUNITY . 2 2 . A SLEW THINKER WHU UNWITTINGLY USEO NONVIOLENCE TU CREATE 0 .6 9 LPNG RANGE POLITICAL CHANGE 6 0 . TKOUFLtMAKEK, FAC'D 15H HERO, USER OF NONVIOLENCE 0 .6 5 3 2 . STUPID, FADDISH HCRO, USER CF NINVIJLENCE______0 .5 3 1 1 . A RELI GllhlS HAN WHO WAS FORCED TO USE TACTICS'OF NONVIOLENCE------0 .4 9 ' TO GRAF POWER 1 2 . HAD A KNACK FOR CONSPIRACY ANO USEO NONVIOLENCE TO CREATE 0 .4 S LONG RANGE POLITICAL CHANGE 1 8 . A HAN OF NONVIOLENCE, lUO A HISTORY OF MEDDLING IN 0TH£R*S ...... 0 .3 2 AFFAIRS, ESTABLISHED LASTING CHANCES IN EDUCAI ION, COMMERCE ANO VOTING RIGHTS 3 8 . A MAN WHO THEOLOGICALLY "CRl SSEP RELIGIOUS L IN E S ." WHO USEO 0 .0 8 VIOLENCE,. WHO OBTAINED LASTING, POSITIVF CHANGES IN CIVIL RIGHTS------* 3 7 . AU INTELLIGENT, TRUSTWORTHY, NUNV1ULENT POWLR GRAGbER 0 .0 3 4 2 . a xr.HAL PHILOSOPHER WHO USED VIOLENCE TO INSURE ETERNAL - 0 .0 0 JUSTICE FOR ALL PEOPLE 4 0 . A MAN CONSIDERED "HURF. THAN CHRISTIAN" WHO U S E O ''------:------0 . 0 * VIOLENCE TO CRtATS AND SUSTAIN A BELOVED COMMUNITY 3 6 . A FOCAL PHILOSOPHER WHO KNEW TO USE NUNVIOLCNCE AS A WAY OF - 0 . 0 * OBTAINING THE GLORY OF I h h EOI ATE POWER 2 * . A GO CD MAN a HO FOULP IT GRATIFYING TO USE NONVIOLENCETTO ------OIOS OBTAIN POWER QUICKLY 2 3 . A CIVIL RIGHTS TROUBLEMAKER, USEO VIOLENCE, ESTABLISHED A - 0 . 0 9 BEl V.'HY COMMUNITY , _ ____ 4 4 . HE AND HIS ASSOCIATES (AUERN a THY, JACKSON, Y0UNG1 WERE "' '— ' ' " - 0 . 1 5 V1UI H I AVFRAG6 TYPES w^n WERE POWERFUL FLA ONLY A SHORT TIME. 3 0 . A PLANNFR and MAN OF INITIA TIVE, UStO NONVIOLENCE TO GRATIFY - 0 .2 2 HIS CESIRE FOR POWIR ______1 3 . AS ('I SSI AH, HE USfO NCN VIOLENCE TO CREATE T7M ELY ------0 .2 3 0PPJRTUN1TIES FOR Hl“ SELP. 5 2 . LINE AN OLD TESTAMENT PROPHET HE TAUGHT THE PHILOSOPHY OF - 0 .2 * •VD.NV IDLENCE THEN GRASbEC PIIWSJl FOR HIMSELF. „ ___ i s . AS ISTILLIGENT fa m il y man HHO USEO VIOLENCE TO CREATE ETERNAL - 0 . 2 7 JUSTICE UF ALL 2 9 . A TRUSTWORTHY MAN WHO USEO VIOLENCE TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP ANO - 0 .3 0 3 . A FAITHFUL MAN WHO USED VIOLENCE TO PROMOTE LASTING SOCIAL “ “ - 0 . 3 1 ’ 1 7 . A ^ T P H E T WHO USEO VIOLENCE* TO SHAKE PEOPLE UP ANO CREATE - 0 . 4 0 4 3 . A*lLliWGTHINKEk WHO^UNWlTTINGLY USEO VIOLENCE TO CREATE "LONG~* ------•ttVT 2 . EVENt THCUGHI HeLUSED'iNONVIOLFNCE.AT THE 4PPR0PRI ATE T IHE ANO - 0 . 5 0 SFI "ED TO BE SENT BY GOD, Ht WAS ONLY OUT FUR H1MSFLF. . . . . ______1. INTELLIGENT. VIOLENT, GREAT 10 LASTING PCL1J1CAL CHANCE ______- 0 . 5 9 3 4 . A LOVING FAMILY MAN WHU UUICKLY GAINED POWER THROUGH THE USE - 0 . 6 0 1 4 . Af T«liSTWORTHY MAN WHO USEO VJIILENCt TO ACHIEVE OVERNIGHT FAME - 0 .6 1 2 7 . A CONSPIRATOR WHO USED VIOLENCE TU ESTABLISH LASTING - 0 . 6 2 5 4 . MDKALt INCADPAN-REltGlnUS SENSE, USFO VIOLENCE TO GRAB POWER - 0 . 6 7 3 5 . A MESSIAH, WMll, EVFN THCWf.H A VICTIM UF e ATE. KLAILY LlKtfl ...... - 0 . 6 7 BEING ASSOCIATED WITH OVERNIGHT FAML 4(0 SENSATIONAL VIOLENCE 6 . A LIICt MAN ANO A CllUD SPcAMR WIID SECRETLY PLANNED 1 HE USE OF - 0 .6 7 VIOLENCE TO SFCUFF LASTING JUSTICE FCR ALL , . ... „ 2 8 . A MURAL PHILOSOPHER who knia to usr vin.LNCE.AS A.WAY OF ______rO .7 3 . GMAlNlNG THE GLORY OF IMMEDIATE POWER ___ 1 5 . IICHLRCUS, JS tO VIOLENCE. ESTABLISHED LASTING SOCIAL CHANGE - 0 .8 0 5 4 . MORALLY ABOVE n ALL, FORCCG l.Y OTHERS TU GET PUWER FAST, - 0 .8 * 26. LIKE ALL°MINISTfKS WHO ARE CUT FOR THEMSELVES Hf-VSEgfill! ! % „ . -0.9V — EV1C A CLFVfR MEANS SUCH AS NONVIOLCNCE TO GET IMMEDIATE CONTROL 1 6 . AN ?N1ELLiGENT MAN WHO ESPOUSED VIOLENCE AS A. MEANS TO INSTANT__ 2 0 . A*STL'PID MAN WHO WAS OUT FOR HIMSELF ANO WHO USED VIOLEKE 4 9 . I UFRr»HETHWHO lHSISTFO VlOLENCr BE USEO TO OBTAIN ANO SECURE - 1 . 0 * PERSIMAL, IMMEDIATE PuwER . u u . 5 1 . A CRAFTY MAN WIKI USFO NINV1DLFNCE TO BFCDHE A SELF STYLED MfcRO - 1 .1 1 5 3 . A MAN OF VIULI NCr (WHU MAD A HISTUKY UF MEUGLING |N G Jm 1 5 '» - 1 . 1 6 AFFAIRS) LSTAHLISMEU LASTING PUS1T1VE CHANGES IN irVCAlION, COMMERCE______3 9 . A,'N4NUm r*?N|TlAlIVl- KMO GRAbBEO POWER FUR HIMSELF AND USED - 1 .2 0 VKlLtNCt* 10 SMAKT P ft'FtE HP _ 3 1 . LIK.r ALL MINISTERS HMI ARE OUT FOR TwFMRFLVES, HE WOULD DO - 1 . 2 0 ANYT111NG KIR THI IMMlUIAir LUNTRCL CF UIMEKS — EVEN USE V1DLENCF. 3 3 . A S'llAl.Y MAN WHU SHHLWIILY USED NONVIOLENCE TO BE A SELF - 1 .3 2 MYLIO HfPlI 5 . MAl> A_ KNACK FOR CONSPIRACY AND USEO VIOLENCE TO ACUUIR* - - ...... 1 ,4 6 4 7 . ANc5 ei!, MANUwHU USEO VIOLENCE TO ACHIEVE PERSONAL, IMMEDlAH - 1 . 4 7 SAllLF ACTJlJU 4 6 . A LFCHIRUUS MAN WHO USED VIOLENT MEANS TO BECOME AN - 1 .7 * UVLHNI CHI SUCCESS