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1 the African Dimension to the Anti-Federation Struggle, C.1950-53
‘It has united us far more closely than any other question would have accomplished’.1 The African Dimension to the Anti-Federation Struggle, c.1950-53 The documentary record of African opposition to the C[entral] A[frican] F[ederation] has been the subject renewed historiographical interest in recent years.2 This paper seeks to contribute to the existing debate in three principle ways. Firstly, it will be shown that opposition to the scheme was fatally undermined by the pursuit of two very distinct strands of N[yasaland] A[frican] C[ongress] and A[frican] N[ational] C[ongress] political activism. This dissimilar political discourse produced contradictions that resulted in the bypassing African objections. In the third instance, the paper will go a step further, suggesting that the two respective anti-Federation campaigns not only undermined Congress efforts to stop federation, but laid the path for future discord in the national dispensation then materialising. In 1988, John Darwin wrote that ‘with its telescope clapped firmly to its ear, London declared that [African] opposition [to Federation] could be neither seen nor heard’.3 The well-worn historiographical path points to the fact that African opposition was effectively ignored on the basis that ‘partnership’ between white settlers and black Africans in Northern and Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland offered a strong rationale for the CAF. The requisite benefits arising would see the promotion of African economic opportunities, the placation of settler politicians seeking to reduce the influence of the Colonial Office and the preservation of British influence in the region.4 The utility of ‘partnership’ was in its ambiguity. -
Author Accepted Manuscript
University of Dundee Campaigning against apartheid Graham, Matthew Published in: Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History DOI: 10.1080/03086534.2018.1506871 Publication date: 2018 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication in Discovery Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Graham, M. (2018). Campaigning against apartheid: The rise, fall and legacies of the South Africa United Front 1960-1962. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 46(6), 1148-1170. https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2018.1506871 General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in Discovery Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from Discovery Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 27. Sep. 2021 Campaigning against apartheid: The rise, fall and legacies of the South Africa United Front 1960- 1962 Matthew Graham University of Dundee Research Associate at the International Studies Group, University of the Free State, South Africa Correspondence: School of Humanities, University of Dundee, Nethergate, Dundee, DD1 4HN. [email protected] 01382 388628 Acknowledgements I’d like to thank the anonymous peer-reviewers for offering helpful and constructive comments and guidance on this article. -
Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920). -
British Decolonisation in Africa, 1957-1965
MIL UN P H L I) I G I A B L E I' AST THE WIND OF CHANGE': BRITISH DECOLONISATION IN AFRICA, 1957-1965 Carl Peter Watts estimates the importance of the different reasons for British withdrawal. Introduction nlike other empires in history - such as the Roman, Byzan- U tine, Ottoman, or Habsburg - the collapse of the British Empire was remarkably rapid. This was espe- cially true of the British Empire in Af- rica, which was largely dismantled in the years 1957-1965. Historians continue to disagree on the importance of metropoli- tan, colonial and international causes of this withdrawal. This article will argue that colonial nationalism and an increas- ingly hostile international environment contributed to the timing of indepen- dence in British Africa, but these influ- ences must also be understood against a background of changing metropolitan circumstances and the deliberate cal- culations of British pohcy-makers. This causal interlock will be demonstrated in relation to several episodes of decolo- nisation between 1957 and 1965, in- cluding the Gold Goast in West Africa, the East African territories of Tangan- yika, Uganda, and Kenya, and the col- lapse of the Gentral African Federation. Colonial Nationalism Historians like D. A. Low have empha- sised that without pressure from nation- alism Britain would have been more reluctant to quit its African colonies. According to this view, without colo- nial resistance neither the impact of international politics nor the process of domestic reassessment would have been enough to undermine British imperial power. African nationalism was stimu- lated by the Second World War, which Above: This poster from the Second World War emphasised the unity of Britain and required Britain to tighten control over the Commonwealth-Empire. -
Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control? Alvin W
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Anthropology Faculty Publications Anthropology 1970 Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control? Alvin W. Wolfe [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/ant_facpub Part of the Anthropology Commons Scholar Commons Citation Wolfe, Alvin W., "Tanzania-Zambia Railway: Escape Route from Neocolonial Control?" (1970). Anthropology Faculty Publications. 10. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/ant_facpub/10 This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. f.~m NONALIGNED THIRD WORLD ANNUAL 1970 ';;~~: Books International ot DH-T~ %n~ernational St. Louis, Missouri, USA . \ ESCAPE ROUTE ALVINW. WOLFE* THE FIRST REQUISITE for African development is that African countries combine what little wealth and power they have toward the end of getting a greater share of the products of world industry. They may be able to get that greater share by forcing through better terms of trade or better terms in aid, but they will never get any greater share by continuing along present paths, whereby each weak and poor country "negotiates" separately with strong and rich developed countries and supranational emities such as the World Bank and major private companies. If they hope to break thos.e ne,ocolonial bonds, Africans must unite- -
JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE (1922-) Yusuf Kassam1
The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIV, no. 1/2, 1994, p. 247-259. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE (1922-) Yusuf Kassam1 Julius Nyerere, the former and founding President of the United Republic of Tanzania, is known not only as one of the world’s most respected statesmen and an articulate spokesman of African liberation and African dignity but also as an educator and an original and creative educational thinker. Before launching his political career, he was a teacher, and as a result of his writings on educational philosophy and the intimate interaction between his political leadership and educational leadership for the country, he is fondly and respectfully referred to by the title of ‘Mwalimu’ (teacher) by Tanzanians and others. This is Gillette’s view of him: Indeed, part of Nyerere’s charisma lies in the fact that, before launching his political career with the founding of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1954, he was a teacher and that his concept of his role as national leader includes constant reassessment, learning and explanation, i.e. education in the broadest sense. Since Independence, and particularly since the threshold year of 1967, Tanzania has been something of a giant in-service seminar, with Nyerere in the professor’s chair (Gillette, 1977). Many features of his educational philosophy have a universal relevance and have inspired many educators and educational and development organizations around the world. -
The Black Power Movement
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr. and Sharon Harley The Black Power Movement Part 1: Amiri Baraka from Black Arts to Black Radicalism Editorial Adviser Komozi Woodard Project Coordinator Randolph H. Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Black power movement. Part 1, Amiri Baraka from Black arts to Black radicalism [microform] / editorial adviser, Komozi Woodard; project coordinator, Randolph H. Boehm. p. cm.—(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by a printed guide, compiled by Daniel Lewis, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. ISBN 1-55655-834-1 1. Afro-Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century—Sources. 2. Black power—United States—History—Sources. 3. Black nationalism—United States— History—20th century—Sources. 4. Baraka, Imamu Amiri, 1934– —Archives. I. Woodard, Komozi. II. Boehm, Randolph. III. Lewis, Daniel, 1972– . Guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. IV. Title: Amiri Baraka from black arts to Black radicalism. V. Series. E185.615 323.1'196073'09045—dc21 00-068556 CIP Copyright © 2001 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-834-1. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................ -
Julius Nyerere's Philosophy of Education: Implication for Nigeria's
Julius Nyerere’s Philosophy of Education: Implication for Nigeria’s Educational System Reforms by Francis Diana-Abasi Ibanga [email protected] Department of Philosophy, Federal University of Calabar Cross River State, Nigeria. Abstract Julius K. Nyerere’s philosophy of education is one of the most influential and widely studied theories of education. Policy-makers have continued to draw from it for policy re- engineering. In this paper, the Nigerian educational system is examined in the light of the philosophy. This approach is predicated on the informed belief that there are social and historical commonalities between Nigeria and the society of Nyerere’s philosophy. To this end, it is argued that the philosophy holds some important lessons for Nigeria’s education. For this reason, there is need to inject some doses of its principles in the body polity of education in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper identifies three areas where the principles of the philosophy can be practically invaluable for Nigeria, i.e., school financing, curricula development and entrepreneurial education, in and an the final analysis, the paper identifies the linkage between national philosophy of education and national developmental ideology; and argues that a national philosophy of education of any country must be embedded in the national development ideology which the country’s philosophy of education must drive. Key Words: Nyerere, Nigeria, Philosophy of Education, Tanzania, Ujamaa, Self-reliance, Development 109 Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.9, no.3, June 2016 Introduction Education has been defined in two broad ways. On the one hand, education has been defined as the process by which a society, through certain formal and informal institutions, deliberately transmits its cultural heritage from one generation to another. -
NKRUMAH, Kwame
Howard University Digital Howard @ Howard University Manuscript Division Finding Aids Finding Aids 10-1-2015 NKRUMAH, Kwame MSRC Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://dh.howard.edu/finaid_manu Recommended Citation Staff, MSRC, "NKRUMAH, Kwame" (2015). Manuscript Division Finding Aids. 149. https://dh.howard.edu/finaid_manu/149 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Finding Aids at Digital Howard @ Howard University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Manuscript Division Finding Aids by an authorized administrator of Digital Howard @ Howard University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 BIOGRAPHICAL DATA Kwame Nkrumah 1909 September 21 Born to Kobina Nkrumah and Kweku Nyaniba in Nkroful, Gold Coast 1930 Completed four year teachers' course at Achimota College, Accra 1930-1935 Taught at Catholic schools in the Gold Coast 1939 Received B.A. degree in economics and sociology from Lincoln University, Oxford, Pennsylvania. Served as President of the African Students' Association of America and Canada while enrolled 1939-1943 Taught history and African languages at Lincoln University 1942 Received S.T.B. [Bachelor of Theology degree] from Lincoln Theological Seminary 1942 Received M.S. degree in Education from the University of Pennsylvania 1943 Received A.M. degree in Philosophy from the University of Pennsylvania 1945-1947 Lived in London. Attended London School of Economics for one semester. Became active in pan-Africanist politics 1947 Returned to Gold Coast and became General Secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention 1949 Founded the Convention Peoples' Party (C.P.P.) 2 1949 Publication of What I Mean by Positive Action 1950-1951 Imprisoned on charge of sedition and of fomenting an illegal general strike 1951 February Elected Leader of Government Business of the Gold Coast 1951 Awarded Honorary LL.D. -
1291St GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Friday, 4 December 1964
United Nations 1291st GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Friday, 4 December 1964,. at 3 p.m. NINETEENTH SESSION Official Records NEW YORK CONTENTS we weep for you. We do not forget you in the day of Page our triumph. We say for you in the words of the 126th psalm: 'Turn again our captivity, 0 Lord ..• Address by Mr. Kenneth]{aunda, Presidentolthe they that sow in tears shall reap in joy I• " Republic 01 Zambia. ................. 1 7. My people and I believe that we have a special President: Mr. Alex QU AlSO N-SACKE Y association with this great· Assembly. In our joy we (Ghana). are close, for you will know that we chose for the day of our independence 24 October 1964, United Nations Day. Each year, on our Independence Day, Address by Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, President of the we shall be rejoicing with all people in the birth of Republic of Zambia the United Nations. 1. The PRESIDENT: The General Assembly will now 8. In sadness too we are close; for you all know that hear an address by Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, President it was in OUT country that Dag HammarskjOld, then of the Republic of Zambia. Secretary-General. died on his way to a mission of peace and reconciliation. We honour his memory The Pfesidentol the Republic ofZambia was escorted and mourn his loss, but his spirit endures in this into the General Assembly Hall. place, and I and my people salute it. 2. The PRESIDENT: I now invite Mr. Kenneth Kaunda, 9. Our young diplomats received some oftheir train President of the Republic of Zambia, to address the ing this year under the auspices of the Dag Ham General Assembly. -
The Anchor of Servant-Leadership: Julius Nyerere and the Virtue Of
THE ANCHOR OF SERVANT-LEADERSHIP Julius Nyerere and the Virtue of Humility PETER MULINGE he emergence of the concept of servant-leadership initiated a new era of moral emphasis in the field of T leadership, which was and still is dominated by self-serving models of leadership. When Robert Greenleaf (1970) conceived servant-leadership as a philosophy and practical model of leadership, he highlighted the need for a better approach to leadership, one that embraces the notion of serving others as the number one priority. He visualized leaders who would take a more a holistic approach to work, promote a sense of community, and to share power in decision making (SanFacon & Spears 2011, p. 115). Fundamentally, servant- leadership is long-term, transformational approach to life and work-in essence, is a way of being that has potential for creating a positive change throughout our society (Spears, 2003, p. 16). In this process, a servant-leader acts with humility to engage himself or herself with others and create a connection that raises the level of motivation and morality in both leader and follower (Northouse, 2016, p. 162). Leaders enable others to act not by holding on to the power they have 195 but by giving it away (Fairholm, 1998; Kouzes & Posner, 1987; Melrose, 1995). Thus, the fervent power of servant- leadership is communicated by sharing power and involving followers in planning and decision-making (Bass, 1990). According Maxwell (1998), only secure leaders give power to others (p. 121). The essence of servant-leadership is to bring out the best in others by meeting their needs. -
Reading Nkrumah and Nyerere's Pan-African Epistemology
Benjamin: Decolonizing Nationalism: Reading Nkrumah and Nyerere’s Pan-Afric INDIA, CHINA AND AMERICA INSTITUTE 1549 CLAIRMONT ROAD, SUITE 202 ● DECATUR, GA 30033 USA WWW.ICAINSTITUTE.ORG Decolonizing Nationalism: Reading Nkrumah and Nyerere’s Pan-African Epistemology Jesse Benjamin Journal of Emerging Knowledge on Emerging Markets Volume 3 November 2011 Published by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University, 2011 1 Journal of Emerging Knowledge on Emerging Markets, Vol. 3 [2011], Art. 14 Decolonizing Nationalism: Reading Nkrumah and Nyerere’s Pan-African Epistemology Jesse Benjamin Kennesaw State University Journal of Emerging Knowledge on Emerging Markets Volume 3 November 2011 his essay explores intellectual history and epistemological transformation, focusing on the middle part of the Twentieth Century – the 1920s to the 1970s -- and Tparticularly on two of the period’s principal African thinkers, Kwame Nkrumah and Julius K. Nyerere. It examines important themes in some of the major writings of these two famous leaders of African resistance to colonialism. After prolonged anti-colonial struggle and maneuver, both became leaders of independent countries, Nkrumah of Ghana in 1957, and Nyerere of Tanganyika in 1961.1 Both were also important scholars, with numerous influential publications. In my research of their thoughts and ideas, several seemingly contradictory themes emerged. While they remain two of the most important African nationalist leaders in history, I argue that both also sought critical and practical perspectives beyond nationalism, and beyond subordination within the capitalist world system. Both were quick to realize the limitations of ‘independence’ for their former colonies cum states, even before this was fully [formally] achieved. They were therefore critical of the specter of neo-colonialism, and espoused versions of Pan-Africanism.