SANGEET NATAK journal of the Sangeet Natak Akademi, is published quarterly by the Sangeet Natak Akaderni (National Academy of Music, Dance and Drama for India). Printed at The Albion Press, Kashmere Gate, Deihi-6.
Subscription rates: Price: Inland Rs. 10 per annum Single copy Rs. 3. Overseas S 5 per annum
Al1 enquiries to be addressed to the Editor, Sangeet Natak Akaderni, Rabindra Bhavan, Ferozeshah Road, New Delhi-I. sangeet natak JOURNAL OF THE SANGEET NATAK AKADEMI-32
A QlJARTERLY PUBLCATION ON MUSIC, DANCE AND DRAMA SANGEET NATAK AKADEMI, RABINDRA BHAVAN, NEW DELHI APRIL - JUNE - 19711 L0ra" UMm' NATAK AkADEU. The views expressed in Sangeet Natak are the writers' own and do not necessarily conform to the opinion of the publishers. Permission to reproduce, in whole or in part, any material published' in this Journal must be obtained from the Secretary, Sangeet Natak Akademi, Rabindra Bhavan. New Delhi-I.
U rna Anand : Editor Contents
5 KANDYAN DANCE Dr. Anuradha Seneviratna
26 FOLK PLAYS OF ORISSA D. N. Patnaik
34 LAYA AND TALA IN THE FOLK MUSIC OF UTTAR PRADESH Dr. K. D. Upadhyaya
40 INDIAN THEATRE AT MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Dr. Farley Richmond
48 BOOK REVIEWS
Cover: Sculpture ofKandyan dancer, Courtesy Archaeological Dept., GOI't. ofSri Lanka.
.,__ n _1t.1 """111 KANDYAN DANCE
A traditional dance form in Sri Lanka
Dr. Anuradha Seneviratna
"There seems no end to the invention ofthese Kandyan dancers. Their musical and above all, their rhythmical sense isfantastically developed. I am just beginning to feel I might try to write something about Kandyan dance, just because of my conviction of its great difficulty. It certainly takes years ofstudy before one could hope to grasp its extraordinary richness." Beryl de Zoete·
Introduction
This paper deals with one of the two distinct forms of classical dance in Sri Lanka, the unique and internationally known "Kandyan dance" ~Sinh. Udarata Natum}. The dance is called "Kandyan" primarily because It originated in, and draws its characteristic features from, the central highlands of the country, commonly called the Kandyan area.'
The Kandyan Period in the history of Sri Lanka began in 1591 with the accession of King Wimaladharmasuriya I to the throne, and ended in 1815 with the signing of the Kandyan Treaty, by which the
'Dance & Magic Drama in Ceylon. p. 148, London, 1967. SANOEET NATAK country was handed over to the British for their rule. Kandy remained the capital of Sri Lanka during this period of nearly 225 years. It should be emphasized that while the rest of country came under foreign rule in the 15th century, Kandy remained relatively untouched by western influence until the nineteenth century.
The traditional Low Country dance form (Sinh. Patarata Na/urn), sometimes referred. to as Devil Dance by English writers and Ruhunu Natum by local Sinhala writers, is mainly confined to the southern and south-western coastal area of the island.
Origin of the Classical Kandyan Dance: Yes Natum The origin of what is now known as Kandyan dance is to be traced to the ritualistic dance performed in Kandyan villages by Yakdessas (folk priests, members of the dancer caste) in the ceremonies devoted to Kohimba divinities of the folkcult of the Kandyan villager. 2 The legend of these divinities with the rituals performed are recorded in KollOmba Yakkama belived to be a work of the Kandyan period."
Kohombii Kankiiriya
The legend according to Kohombii Yakkamat is based on the story of Vijaya, the first king of Sri Lanka, and his successor King Panduvi sudeva as recorded in the Mahiivamsa.i We find its corroborative refer ences in the Kuveni Asna: of the 15th century, Riijdvaliya' and SihabJ Asna8 of the 17th and 18th centuries, which are all historical and literary texts of the Sinhalese.
According to the legend which constitutes the basis of the Kohomha Kankariya (ritual) King .. Vijaya is said to have abandoned his queen at which she became very angry and cursed him. As a result of the curse a leopard attacked Vijaya and he died of fear. Panduvasudeva- his successor to the throne of Lanka fell ill after dreaming of a leopard. The news was conveyed to Sakra, King of the Gods, who is also the • protector of Buddhism in Lanka. Sakra in turn conveyed this to Isvara who forthwith despatched Rahu to the Himalayas to summon King Mala (or Malaya) to Lanka. He performed both dance and music (nrt)'a and gita) and made the king happy and healthy. King Mala thereby exerci:ed the evil spell cast by the leopard (dividosa), in this way protec~1Dg Panduvasudeva and the people from their apprehension. The fest1\al • performed on that occasion by King Mala came to be known as Kohombiikankariya.*
*~ detailed discussion of the episode of Kohomb;kankariya which has severalversion; IS a matter for an independent study. 7 KANDYAN DANCE
Kohombii yakkama consists of 350 verses and 2 invocations (ytidini). According to a verse in the Yakkama, the origin of the ritual itself is to be found in Telugu : "Pelapiili yakkama Kaunalu kulunu vikkama Te/ugu e/u ekkama Asan desavan nama yakkama."9
If this reference regarding the origin is indeed correct, then the Sinhala translation of the Telugu Yakkama might well be a work of the late 17th or 18th century.P This is because the Yiidinis found in the Yakkamas display the influence of Kuveni Asna (15th century), which was written in order to shower blessings on King Parakramabahu of Kotte. Sihabii Asna written during the Kandyan period (l8th century) mentions a similar ritual performed for the sake of King Viraparakrama Narendrasingha. It also blesses the king and the people with prosperity and long life. The traditional belief is that a Kankiiriya in addition to a Gammaduva" will ensure health, prosperity and freedom from pestilence throughout the country. These religious ceremonies not only bring the members of the community together but they give an opportunity to all kinds of artists to exhibit their skill.
Whatever the ultimate source it is the ceremonial dances and rituals centring round the Kankdriya that has provided the fundamental basis for the present day so-called Kandyan dance. The refinement and systema tisation of this ritualistic dance, a large part of which, of course, is composed of religious dances, provided the source material of the inspira tion for a new growth of an independent dance form to be know as Uejarata Natum.
Kankariya and the Kandyan Dance
A fair number of Adauvas (basic dance step patterns) and Vattamas (a group of Padas-rhythms) associated with the modern Kandyan dance is borrowed from Kankiiriya. The following are obvious borrowings: I. Xranduma-Salute dance 2. Ko/piidu-Sword dance 3. Dunlll1lti/appura-Bow dance 4. Yaktunpada-Dance in honour of Bandaras and Vadiyakun 5. Yakkannuma-Invitation dance for gods and demons 6. Yahandakima - Betel offering dance 7. Kahadiyapada-Saffron water pot dance 8. Dummalapade-i-Dece performed with the resin pot in hand 9. Sa/uvadima-Shawl offering dance
-This is a type of ceremony to incur blessing from the Village Gods. SANGEET NATAK to. Asnamatra-Primary dance of the Kankiiriya in which the Kuveni Asna is sung II. Malpada-Coconut flower dance in honour of deity Viramunda.
The classical Kandyan dancer is generally referred to as Udarata Ves Nattuva, or Kandyan guise dancer. The Sinhala word Ves is derived from Sanskrit vda ("to assume the guise of") and indicates that the dancer takes the guise of King Malaya by wearing his dress and perform ing the Kankiiriya ritual. The headdress which looks like a crown can be worn by a dancer only after he has mastered the full art which includes at least twenty-three forms of dances
Today Kohombiikankiiriya is fast disappearing from the village, per haps on its way to total extinction.
There are three primary requirements to be mastered in order to be a dancer, namely 1. Dandia, Got/.asaramba-bar and open exercises 2. Kasthiram matra, a{1au-variant syllables and floor contacts 3. Hasta vidi, gayana-hand gestures and recitations.
In addition there are other integral parts of Kohombiikankdriya that are unfortunately not always included in the so-called Kandyan dance proper today. Nevertheless a Ves dancer, who is in other words a Kankiiriya dancer, should necessarily know in addition to the above three primary requirements and the eleven dances listed on the previous page the following forms of dances and recitations: 1. Guruge mala-Dance of the Guru God 2. Pavansiilime na/uma-Fan dance 3. Yakkampaha-Five minor rituals 4. Kadavara natuma-s-Kadavara dance 5. Muvamala vidima-Shooting of the banana flower 8. Kadavara giiyane-i-Kadavara recital 7. Aileyadima-Intoning of various gods by narration.
These are essentially the integral parts of Kohombiikankiiriya and are not included in the so-called Kandyan dance proper today.
Training
Training in the field of dance is given in conformity with tradi tion. Initially the student is taught the twelve basic bar exercises known as dandiya saramba or pa saramba. A bar is placed horizontally t~ a height of about the waist ofthe students. The students who stand 10a row are each allowed a moving space of about two yards; holding the Kandyan dancer in traditicnaf costume Yekdesses perform the Kohombakan/<.ari)/ Junsy«, the celebrated dancer
Mangul bere, the drum (Photos: Ananda Bularhgama) Basic exercises , (Top) Salara. adiya (Middle) Candrika (Bottom Sarambaya. ) Angatrara Saramba (Sketches·.U pasena Gunawardhana). 9 KANDYAN DANCE bar with the palm turned towards the body, they are taught the rhyth mic steps followed to the beat of the tala played by the mogul berc, "Each exercise in the trapeze (bar) series is a lesson in simple or compo site foot work in a co-ordination of steps and movements the right arm synchronising with the right-leg, the left arm with the left leg, with the eye glancing at each palm in turn."l1
The twelve bar exercises or foot exercises vary from one guru parampariiva (teaching tradition) to another. Therefore these exercises were standardized at a refresher course for the All Ceylon Dance Tea chers in 1955 organised by the Department of Education. The follow ing are the standardized basic foot evercises:
Name ofExercise Tiila pada 1. Adiya Tei 2. Diidiya Tei kita tei tam 3. Tun adiya Tei kita III Tei tam 4. Satara adiya Teita III Tci Teiyattdm 5. Dala adiya Tei ti tii tei 6. Pasupera adiya Td, teiyat III tti tei (to the front and back) 7. Nulzuru adiya Tii tei, ta teiyat tti 8. Karanam adiya Teiyat III tamtei, tat taka, teiyat tiim 9. Depati adiya Tei tanaka-s-tet tei tat taka Teiyattaka teiyattdm 10. Vakra adiya Teiyat, Teita, tit tei tat t{i 11. Tunpati adiya Tei ta, teita,tei teiyat tam 12. Sural adiya Tei taka Tei taka teitakatei (to the right) Tei taka tei taka tei taka tei (to the left)13
When the students have gained adequate skill and proficiency in these basic exercises they leave the bar and emerge into the open for the next course of twelve exercises called gada saramba , or open exercises. They are as follows:
Name ofExercise Tala pada 1. Adiya Domikita Takadon 2. Dacjiya Domikita Takadon 3. Tun adiya Domikita domikua domikita takadon 4. Satara adiya Domikita domikita domikita takadom 5. Ala sarambaya Domikita kitadonti (doubling) 6. Dala sarambaya Domikita kita domi (doubling) 7. Anghiira sarambaya Domikita kita domi (doubling) 8. Ardha cakra sarambaya D01llikita, domikita, domikita kiiadom SANGEET NATAK 10 9. Data pahim sarambaya Domikita, domikita domikita kitadom 10. Bambara sarambaya Domikita domikita domikita kitadom 11. Panim sarambaya Domikita kitadom 12. Candrikii sarambaya Jimikita, kisajemi-i-kita kita jemi kuo, Jemikita, kuafemi-i-kita, kita jemi, kito.I'l
After each exercise the pupil is introduced to the Kastiramas, the five sirumanamas, mudras etc.
Bbarata Natyam Kathakali and Kandyan Dance Kohombakankiiriya taken as a whole could be described as a reli gious dance drama, or "kathiikali" (which in its literal meaning is a story play). In the Kankiiriya, the dancers enact a major story interwoven with sub-stories (the Yakkampaha or five minor rituals). As described by Pro fessor E. R. Sarachchandra the Yakkampaha "are actually dramatic enact ments of small episodes loosely connected with the ritual purpose itself but providing entertainment to the audience.t'P
Enakshi Bhavnani while describing the art of kathdkali says that "this school of the classical dance performed in Kerala, South-West India, presents the dance drama form. Kathakali actually means "story play" and it has come down through the ages in a highly specialised mode. These dance dramas usually take place on a sketchy stage under the canopy of a star spangled sky, lit by a great shining brass oil lamp. The performance generally starts after dinner and continues through the whole night. Entire episodes are danced and enacted from the ancient epic poems the Riinuiyana and the Mahiibhiirata with a detailed gesture language for their interpretation. Kathakali is deeply religious being based on some of the richest literature of Kerala that has been inspired by the beautiful and highly ethical stories of the Puriinas which tell of gods and goddesses, heroes and their enemies,"16
Making a comparative observation on the Art of Kathakali and the classical form of Kandyan dance one might tend to concentrate more on their similarities. Writers about Kandyan dance rarely fail to empha size these similarities. For instance, M.D. Raghavau" has devo~ed much attention to this subject, as have Herbert Keuneman'" and FaubIOn Bowers.P At this stage it may be relevent to refer to the basis, motiv~ tion and validity of their comparative study of the two dance forms 10 question. It is quite apparent that two factors have encouraged compa rative studies: (I) The cultural and political ties of Lanka and Kerala during the Kandyan Period. (2) Similarities found in the technique of both dance forms. 11 KANDYAN DANCE
Basically both the forms of dances are Tandava or forceful type. They have the four abhinayas or modes, namely, Angika or expression through the limbs and body; Vticika or the expression through the voice; Siittvika or the mental expression of feeling and emotion, by facial expression and use of eyes, and Aharya or expression through the dress, ornaments and other aids.
Like both Bharat Niityam and Kathakali, Kandyan classical dance pays a great deal of attention to the rhythmic time measures (Tala) given by the drummer who plays the Kandyan drum (Magul bere or gala bere). The padas (or rhythms) played by the drummer and verses or narratives sung by the dancer or by the singers are common to all three forms.
In Kathakali the Kaliisam (the climax which occurs at the end of every four lines of the song) finds its counterpart in Kandayan dance in the Sirumanama, and in Bharata Natyam in the Tirmanas (concluding rhythmicflourish). Eyes and eye-brows which are significant expressive media in any Indian dance form do not play an important role in Kan dyan dance. Only men take part in Kandyan dance, as was the case with traditional Kathakali performances in the villages in India though both are now danced in the cities by women too. Both Kathakali and Kankiiriya are danced for one full day in an open stage in the village. Adau or various forms of floor contact with the feet while dancing, are common to both Bharata Niityam and Kandyan dance. But in respect of technique the two are not comparable. There are 12 basic exercises or sarambas found in the Kandyan dance which are taken on 12 different padas. According to rituals performed in the past there are twelve hand gestures (kala) although some guru traditions recognize only eight. These gestures too vary from one tradition to the other." Similarities between the three forms of dances may lead one to decide that the so called Kandyan dance is a development from the Kathakali and Bharata Niityam, We should not forget that there are quite a number of refe rences in the Sinhala classical Iiterature! to Bharata Natvam as well as to some dance forms of the Kathakali, A large number ofsculptures depic ting dance postures found in various parts of the Island also confirm the existence of Bharata Niityam tradition in this country from a very early period. Nevertheless the Kandyan dance should be thought ofas the result of an admixture or to be precise a synthesis of the indigenous Sinhala dance, Bharata Niityam, and the South Indian folk traditions which subsequently paved the way for the emergence of Kathakali. This complex background to the development of the now unique Kandyan dance tradition makes it rather difficult for the student to compare one form with the other in any profound sense. Nevertheless one must accept with necessary reservations the popular belief prevalent among the gurus of Kandyan Dance which asserts that the family tradition of Silpadhipati SANGEET NATAK 12 of Ganitalankara in Kerala has contributed in some measure to the devel opment of this art in Sri Lanka. A most interesting observation made by Bowers on a unique technique found in Kandyan dance suggests the nature of the relationship between the two forms of dance. He says that "certain elements of the dance described in the ancient treatises of India are preserved in Kandyan dance while they have disappeared from India proper."?" According to him the most notable of these are the whirls known in Sanskrit as brahmari. "The Kandyan dancer makesa speciality of spinning around, pivoting on one foot or throwing himself in the air in a complete circle, tour jete and the like. Another form of this is the turning of the torso around and around until the tasselled string attached to the head-dress swirls around the dancer. Still other movements now characteristic of Kandyan Dance may never have been specifically Indian. One is the 'shoulder shudder', where the body of the dancer is immobile but his two shoulders flutter up and down in a series of involuntary reflexes. Another is the strange movement the dancer makes when he rolls his eyes upward until only the whites are showing and shakes his head from side to side on the stem of the neck until it looks as if he has a dozen faces."23
Vannam
We stated earlier that the modern Kandyan dance is performed more according to the Vannams and Saudams than to the padas of the Kankiiriya. Therefore an explanation of Vannam and its develop ment is necessary and relevant here. Vannam, a Dravidian word intro duced into Sinhala, in its semantic sense is a 'description'-Eighteen Vannams are found in South Indian Karnatak music as well as in Sinhala music. The Sinhala Vannams did not exist earlier than the time of the Kandyan Kingdom, when the Kings in Lanka had connections with Kerala. King Narendra Sinha who ruled Lanka in the years 1707-1739 is said to have invited South Indian dancers to Ceylon at the request of his queen. According to tradition the eighteen Sinhala Vannams were composed by Ganitalanknra, the South Indian Artist, with the assistance of a Buddhist monk who was residing in Malvatu MaM ViMra.2« These Vannams which describe various movements of animals simultaneously narrate events connected with the life of the Buddha, and of various gods and deities. But it must be emphasized that these Vannams were never intended for dancing but for singing. Yet as a matter of fortunate coin ~idence these well-composed Vannams very appropriately suited the dane mg foot of the Kandyan dancer and the systematised rhythmic patter~s of the Vannams which measured time by the stressed accent which IS known as lila accommodated a graceful form of dance. Vannams in Lanka start with Tiinama, as do Karnatak Vannams. The tiinama is recited first by the dancer and he is free to dance a basic miitrii or exercise or to adopt the alternative of showing the hand gestures, the choice of 13 SANDYAN DANCE
either being left entirely to his discretion. The same tiinama is then sung by the drummer(s) and cymbal player(s) who accompany the dancer(s). Than he begins to dance on a suitable tndtrii and ends it with a Kastirama which differentiates one nuitr« from another. Thereafter the first piida or line of the verse consisting of four lines is sung and the dancer accompanies appropriate abhinaya with hands, body and eyes. Then again the tanama is sung and the dancer dances according to a higher miitrii. In this manner the four lines are danced to tanall/a, Kastirama, Sirumiiruva and adauva.": These Vannams are also danced by Udakki and Panteru dancers, too, of the Kandyan dance tradition. Each of the Vannams is associated with a particular Mara or emotional condition to which the dancer gives expression in his dance. These Vannams, their significance and corresponding emotions are as follows:
Name of Vannam Significance Emotion Expressed Gajaga Description of the elephant Adbhuta rasa (Wonder) Nayiadi Description of catching a serpent Santa (Tranquil) Kiralii Description of the lapwing Karunii (Pathetic) Ira{1i Description ofthe soldier Raudra (Furious) Udiira Description of the Grace of Vita (Heroic) the king Sinhartija Story of the tortoise and the Hiisya (Comic) lion Ganapati Description of Law Generals Adbhiita Sa}'ula Description of a cock Adbhiita Giihaka Description of a Conch Adbhtua Vairodi Description of the mansion Srngara (Erotic) of Isvara Mayurt; Description of a peacock Adbhiita Turang« Description of a horse Vira Surapatl The separation of ISvara Srngiira Musaladi Description of a rabbit Karuna Ukusii Description of an eagle Vira Urangii Description of a serpent Bibhatsa (Disgust) Asadrsa Description of the Incompara Santate bles such as Buddha, Dhamma the Sangha along with the story of the birth of dance Of these Hanumii and Vairodi definitely show the influence of Kummi folk music of Kerala. Gajaga, Uddra and Giihaka could be classified as pure Sinhala melodies.
Timing in Rhythm
Whether Kandyan or Low Country, the dances of Lanka are based on drumming. All Kandyan dancers except the Udakki dancers, dance SANGEET NATAK 14 to the rhythm of the Magul here. This drum is about 28 inches long. H tapers on the sides whereas the Low Country Yakhere (devil-drum) is perfectly cylindrical. Both are held across the waist and played by both hands. The Magul here is made from jack, senna or margosa wood and the faces are covered with skins: the right face with the skin of a monkey and the left face with a cattle skin, in order to produce two different types of sounds. This drum can basically produce 4 different sounds, namely, tat, jit, ton, nam and from them sixteen inner sounds and variations can be produced. The combination of these sound groups can further produce 5 different sounds of 2 syllables which can eventually be expanded up to 8 syllables. There are 12 basic exercises for drumming. To illustrate the first,
Exercise 1. Takata
Elaboration of Alal)kara-8
1. Takai, 2. Jikata, 3. tat dohokata 4. taka dohokata 5. takaron.fikaron, 6. gata kunda, kunda 7. tajjikata, takajikkata 8. tat kurumita, tarikurmitaP
According to the traditional theory the Sinhala drum music consists of 216 fundamentals. There are 32 Tiilams or rhythms constructed out of the three basic rhythmic units known as Sulu tita or small units of2 miitriis or syllables; Madum tita or medium units of 3 matras or syllables and Mahatita or great units of 4 miitriis or syllables. This system is the result of the application of the beat or stress known as tita which is played by a pair ofcymbals to illustrate the component unit of each rhythm such as 2/2/3 or 2/3/4 or 2/3/3/4.28
In fact there are 64 Saudan or varieties ofdrum beats which are both played and sung. Here the drum syllables are recited while playing. There are also 21 elaborations known as Sural and 27 sub-divisions known as podi sural. The elaborations are incorporated while playing the magul mere. Fifteen Vandamiinam are drum narratives to be played as offering to the Buddha. Sixteen dakum at are also similar drum pieces played in the presence of a God or the King in the form of salutation. There. is also a complex category of forty drum pieces known as a¢apada the significance of which is obscure today.2v
The rhythmic dancing is based on the above mentioned varieties of drum beats. To illustrate the manner in which a dancer is accompanied by the drummer, I shall give below the traditional drum beats of the Gajaga vannama or description of the movement of the elephant: 15 KANDYAN DANCE
Gajagii Vannama
3 Tits Miitrtls I, 2/3 4/5 67 8 Desulu mahatuntita Miitrii pada Don jin jintak jingata kunda kunda Kastirama Kunta kudakkun takkum jinkunda rontaka jikkunda rontaka jintaka tarikita domikita. Ttikgajittaka tarikita kundan. ran/aka jittaka tarikita domikita tii Sirumiinam Jigutaka jijikunda. gajita gajita kunda Adau Tat jingata kuntaka jingata gajjik Kuntaka tarikita kundan rontaka jit takutakajit rundan gajit tii kadataka dalzintaka jijikunda giijjit tam tarikita gajigata kunda kunda tiikgajintaka tarikita kundan rontaka jittaka tarikita domikita twO
This kind of rhythmic pattern is difficult to compare with any of the classical dance rhythms in India.
Costume and JeweJlery
As in any other form of dance, costume and jewellery occupy a very important place in the Kandyan dance, too. As Bharatamuni's Niitya Siistra points out, Aharya (expression through dress, ornaments) is an essential and integral part of the abhinaya, Taking this into account one may legitimately ask what the Kandyan dance costume suggests. There are a number of theories regarding this. One of the popular theories is that the whole costume of the' Ves' dancer symbolises the Sun God for, he is the deity worshipped in the Kankiiriya. This theory has not been accepted by scholars to the extent that it has gained popularity among the traditional dancers. The other theory is that it symbolises the dress of a God, the actual identity of the God being a matter for conjecture. A clue provided in the Yakkama suggests that the costume consists of sixty-four ornaments (su ,sata iibharana] which comprise the royal costume of the King (Malaya)." In fact the master of the ceremony takes the guise (Ves) of the King. Hence the name Ves natuma is attributed to this form of dance. (See page 8).
It Was said earlier that the Ves dancer exclusively performed the Kankiiriya. Originally the dress was treated as sacred as if it possessed divine power. When faced with misfortune or distress people were in the SANGEET NATAK 16 habit of going to the temple (de~'iile) where the dress was kept so that they might take vows. The Yakdessas when they are not performing a dance kept their costumes in the deviiles, It was in the year 1916 that for the first time the ritualistic Yes dance was introduced to the Esala Perehara in Kandy, for the purpose of bringing elegance, beauty and majesty to this annual pageant. It may be remarked here that the introduction of this dance was an epoch-making event in the history of the Kandyan dance. However, with this introduction the costume lost its original value and significance, and now it is worn by dancers for all types of modern social and cultural purposes.
The present Kandyan dance costume consists of the following: I. Jatiiva-A reliquary shaped wooden piece decorated with lacquer worn over the head. It has also been tied up with thick ribbon. 2. Jatiiralla-A long piece of embroided ribbon forty-five inches in length trailing down from the top of the Jatava.
3. To(iupat-Ornaments in the shape of a mango which cover the ear.
4. Piiyinpata-A ornament made out of silver in the shape of seven flames over-topping the Jatiiva.
5. Sikhiibandhanaya-A semi-circular silver tiara consisting of thirteen petals each carrying three silver Bo-leaves, and worn as a part of the head gear so asto give the idea ofa sun-shade.
6. Nettimiilaya-A bow shaped forehead plate fringed with an array of Bo-leaves like the former.
7. Karapatiya-Ornament prepared out of strings of beads tied round the neck.
8. Al'ulhara-Ornaments adorning the chest. Sets of colourful strings of beads in the shape of two circles are taken for this.
9. Del'uramiilaya-Silver ornaments for the two shoulders sometime known as Urabiihu.
10. Bandi Va!alu-Three sets of bangles for the arms; six on each.
II. Kaimetta-Silver ornaments about three inches long wornto cover the wrist. 17 KANDYAN DANCE
12. Bubulupatiya-s-A silver ornamented belt with a richly decorated clasp about three or four inches broad worn above the cloth.
13. Ina hadaya-A glossy velvet or a piece of satin silk decorated with silver bosses worn in order to extend from the centre of belt down to the knees.
/4. Sangala-«The costume of the Ves dancer. This is about 32 inches broad and 20 yards long worn above the UI udaya.
IS. Uludaya-Pleated white cloth about 3! yards long extending from the waist down to the ankle.
16. Del'alla-Pleated white cloth about 10 yards long and 32 inches wide worn on the two sides of the dress.
17. Yotpata-s-A cloth of very thin texture folded several times to the width of about 2 inches worn round the waist with teo neriyas at the end.
/8. Rasupari-Two pieces of leather with several sets of brass jingles worn round the calves.
19. Silambu-Anklets.32
The colours used in the costume are white and red. The Kandyan dancer looks really elegant and majestic in his highly ornamented costume. If one is to compare it with any of the Indian dancing costumes the best comparison would be with the costumes of Kathakali and Ottam Tulal, a traditional dance of Kerala. It is said that this dance is "a type of pan tomime dance akin to the classical Kathakali and has been evolved by the people after the manner of Kathakali'tP:
The present costume of the Ves dancer has undergone some obvious changes during the past two centuries. Though it has become rather elaborate now, earlier it seems to have been simple. For example, the head-dress which originally had the shape of a ndga (snake) has changed to depict seven flames. The present sikhiibandanaya which consists of Bo-leaves too is a modern innovation. A piece of wood carving found in the 18th century Paniivitiya Ambalama (wayside rest)* in the Kurune gala District presents us with a valuable example of a Ves dancer. Although the carving is now somewhat worn out it shows what the dancer's costume looked like in these days." In addition, some of the old Costumes preserved by the present gurus show the extent to which the
*See Cover. SANGEBT NATAK 18 modem dress has been given its elaborate form. Bowers says that the costume of the Kandyan dancer "is one of the most spectacular to be found anywhere in Asia. "16
Sabaragamu Tradition
The classical form of the Kandyan dance has its own differences in technique of drumming and dancing. These differences are due to the variations upheld by different Guru paramparas (traditions), and can never be noticed unless the observer is a master of this form of art. A regional difference of the same art is referred to as Sabaragamu tradition. Sabaragamuwa is a province belonging to the Kandyan Kingdom, and as such the dance is also treated as Kandyan. The techniques of this dance form had developed on the basis ofdance performed in the digge 'long house' of the temple of the God Saman in Sabaragamuwa. The digge dance in honour of various Gods was performed in many parts of the Country in the past. Such digges are still found in places like Gadaladeniya. The dance was performed by girls, perhaps a borrowing of the Hindu custom of dancing in front of the God by Devadiisis, (The word Yakdessa the usage of which is similar to Devaddsis clearly shows how the Kandyan dance has originated in the same ritualistic manner] The institution of devadiisis (the hand-maidens of Gods) would have come into existence in the Chola period of Southern Indian history-a period in which political and cultural ties with Sri Lanka were strong.P The duties of the devaddsis were to fan the deities and to carry sacred lamps as well as to sing and dance before the Gods. Carrying the lamps; (Sinh. iilattibiima) is still performed in the traditional way in both Buddhist and Hindu Temples in Kandy. Carrying the lamps by females is still observed in the Upper Chamber of the Dalada Maligawa (Temple of the Tooth Relic) in Kandy on Wednesdays,-a Hindu custom introduced to this Buddhist temple during the Kandyan Period.
How the Digge Dance of the Temple of Saman gave rise to a new technique of dance is a question worth examining. It is said that the Sabaragamuwa regional dance of the Kandyan tradition has the mo~t disciplined technique. It evokes the 'Siinta rasa' which is not found In others. The reason given by the traditional dancers for the existence of this main feature is interesting. According to the folk belief, Saman (a Buddhist God) has attained Sotiipanna-(stream-entrant). Such a God cannot he satisfied or pleased by the Tandava techniques of Kandyan or Low Country dance. So essentially the Sabaragamuwa form of dance became a liisya (tender, softly graceful) dance based on the techniqu~ employed by the Digge dancing women of the past. The reason for thiS liisya could be explained by the fact that the participants are essentially women dancers. In Bharataniityam the dancing women would add liiSYO 19 KANDYAN DANCE (and no tandiiva-forceful quality) which cannot be provided for by the male dancers."
As far as the pada and drumming are concerned there are few differences between the two traditions. But the most striking features and the difference of the so calledjkandyan dance and the Sabaragamuwa can be noticed by the drum utilised for rhythm. In Kandyan dance the mangul here is used as the rhythmic drum while in Sabaragamuwa dance the Davula drum is used instead. Davula is a barrel shaped drum with a facial diameter of twelve inches held across the waist and played on both sides with a stick in one hand. It is usually accompanied by a twin drum known as Tammattama of the kettle drum species and a horanawa the local oboe blown with a reed. The faces of the Tammauama are turned upwards and played with two knotted sticks in both hands. Davula plays the basic rhythm and the Tammauama elaborates it. These three musical instruments are usually used for temple drumming which is called piijii hewesi which has a triple rhythm to a cycle of twelve matras. The Tammauama joins in the sixth matra after the narration is started on the davula. In the Subaragamuwa dance the davula replaces the Magul here and as the sole accompaniment to the dance is noteworthy.
There is no difference the costume worn by dancers of both traditions.
Minor Forms
According to tradition Kandyan dance is divided into nine types, although even a superficial look at them shows that they are all built out of a small number of dance forms. We can list some of the forms that are associated with these types as follows:
Atata Natum-i-Udakki, Raban and Bummadi dances.
Vitata Natum-i-Tammattam natum or Tammattam dance. Atata Vitata Natum-i-Davul Natuma or Davul dance. Ganaya Natum-i-Tiilanpota Natuma or Cymbal dance and Panteru dance. Gila Natum-r-Denees performed in the Royal Court to accompany the songs of praise (prasasti), Udakki, Virudu and Saudam also belong to this group. Riipa Natum-«The most popular dance form Ves and Naiyadi belong to this group. Yaga Natum-i-Dence« performed in Exorcism such as Bali, Tovil, Daha ala piili. SANGEET NATAK 20 Karanam Na{um-These are acrobatic dances presently known as Malakkam a/lima.
Nari Natum-r-Dences performed mainly by women such as the Kalagedi or pot dance and Camara, the fan dance."
Leaving aside the classical from (Ves), we find there are six major dance forms that appear most frequently: Udakki, Naiyadi Panteru, Kalogetfi, Li and Raban dances. Of these six, the last three may be classi fied folk dances and are found all over the country, not limited to the hills and to the Kandyan dance traditition.*
Though popular, Udakki, Naiyadi and Panteru dances are very much based on the classical dance theory and practice and therefore can be considered as semi-classical forms. At one time these three forms were associated with the Kavikaramaduwan (royal musicians) of the Royal Court in Kandy who provided relaxation for the King with their songs mostly in his praise. Udakki, Naiyadi and Panteru dances are associated only with the Kandyan tradition.
Utfakki
This is a dance named after the accompanying instrument which is known as Udakkhiya. This is an hour-glass shaped drum, which is almost the same as the Udakkai drum of Kerala.P It is about 9 or 12 inches and has a narrow waist in the middle. It is held in the left hand played upon by the fingers of the right hand. The two faces of the drum are covered with the skin of either a monkey or of a crocodile. Utfukku in South India is generally used by the street singers "to accompany the ballads they sing." It is also used by fortune tellers when they invoke their favourite deities to drive away evil spirits and in the temple of the village deities.s-
Dressed in a costume less elaborate than that of Ves, the Udakki dancer moves to the rhythm of his drum singing vannams and verses from Udakki upata birth of Udakki and so on. The dance is based on the classical but is in a lighter mood, it has kastiram, adavu, pada, miitrii etc.
The noticeable feature of the dress of Udakki dancer is the absence of the jalava and Inahadaya of the Ves dancer. The dress common to both Udakki and Panteru dances consist of the following:
*Out of the folk dances Kalagedi (pot dance) and Li keli (stick dance) seem to have been more popular than the Rabon. In the case of the last mentioned it is exhibi tion of one's skill in turning the Rabanas that matters more than the dance itself. ' 21 KANDY AN DANCE I. Se/aya-A soft white cloth about 12 feet long dressed round the waist keeping the pleated portion to the front. 2. Urmnii/aya-A soft white cloth about 9 feet long folded to a square keeping a cross to the front and tied round the head so as to keep one corner of it on the forehead. 3. Inave/uma-A red cloth about 6 inches wide. 4. Tiirakii havadi-r-Suve: chain round the waist. 5. Jandipa{a-Silver chain tied round the waist in order to hang on the right side. 6. Surava/a-Pieces of silver about 2 inches long with the teeth of leopards, tied round the waist over the Inaveluma. 7. Ka4ukkan-Hanging ear ornaments. 8. Bandivalalu-«Twelve silver or bronze bangles for both hands. 9. Silambu-Anklets.41
Panteru
Like the Udakki dance this form too is named after the accompany ing instrument which is called Panteru. This is a metallic hoop with a diameter of about eight inches and a width of It inches. Small cymbals are fixed here and there right round the metallic circle. The rhythm of the instrument helps the dancer to dance and sing vannams but he is mainly guided by the magul here. There is a theory that the Panteru was introduced to the country by the Dutch.43 However, in the past it has served the Court dancers as well as the dancers accompanying the warriors to sing eulogies in praise of the King. It also helped the dancers to praise the bravery of the Sinhala warriors. A Panteru dancer like the Udakki dancer should learn the basic exercises and kastiramas. When they are dancing they keep to a row holding the Panteru in the left hand. It is turned and twirled alternately changing from hand to hand.
Noiyadi
The most important difference between the Ves and Naiyadi dancers is in the dress. In addition some of the dances of the Kankiiriya may not be performed by the Naiyadi dancers. The students of the Kandyan dance learn what is now known as Naiyadi dance till they reach the proper agefor Ves dancing. It is said that in the past the women dancers of the devales of Lanka danced a special form of dance known as Naiadi Va~!a~na and in the Royal Court too the women danced the Naiyadi. This IS therefore a kind of Liisya dance. With the introduction of the SANGEET NATAK 22 Ves dance in a popular form Naiyadi began to disappear. The dress consists of the following :
1. Salaya 6. Avulhariya 2. Uramiilaya 7. Karapatiya 3. Kadukkan 8. Ralimanta 4. Urabiihu 9. Banaweluma and Silambu. 5. Bandiwalalu
Conclusion
The foregoing is a brief introduction to the Kandyan dance. It should be mentioned here that this dance form is a subject that deserves particular comparative study with dance forms in South India. It is evident that the Kandyan dance is a product of the indigenous art and rhythmof Lanka, which in subsequent times inevitably showed the influence of and inspiration from the dance forms in South India.
For period of more than two centuries Kandyan dance flourished under royal patronage. With the decline of the Kandyan Kingdom, it was left to the provincial chiefs as well as the organisers of Buddhist festivals in the temples to preserve it and maintain its tradition. It was due to their patronage that the Kandyan dance has escaped total extinc tion and survived in the form in which it now exists.
NOTES
1. The central highlands, which was the last Kingdom of Sri Lanka, is called in Sinhala Kanda Uca Pasrata ('the five countries of the hill', referring to Harispattuwa, Dumbara, Hewahata, Yatinuwara and Udunuwara), or, simply Urjarata ('country of the hill') to distinguish it from the Low Country which came under foreign rule. The Portuguese abbreviated the name to Candea, which they used to refer to as the Kingdom and to its principal city, Senkadagala Nuwara. The Dutch and British in turn appropriated the name and called the area the Kandyan Kingdom, and its capital, Kandy. Pieris, Ral~h. Sinhalese Social Organization, p.I, Colombo 1956. Dewaraja, L.S., The Kandyan Kingdom 1707-1760 p.I, Colombo 1972. Knox, Robert, An Historical Relation ofCeylon, p. 7, Maha ragama 1958. 2. The Kohomba divinities are referred to both as demons (ya/am) and gods [deviyo}, Although the priest who officiates at the Kohombii ceremonies is called Yakdessii (which suggests the 23 KANDYAN DANCE meaning of priests of ceremonies) and not Kapuvii or Kapuriila (which is used for priests of the ceremonies devoted to gods) we will here follow popular usage and refer to them as gods. Godakumbure, Charles, Kohombii Kanakariya, pp. 13, 53, Colombo 1963. Sarachachandra, E.R., The Folk Drama of Ceylon, p. 26, Colombo 1966. 3. Sannasgala, P.B., Sinhala Siihitya Vamsaya, pp. 687-692, Colombo 1961. 4. Karunatilaka Ed. Kohombii Yakkama, Kegalle 1926, 1932. 5. Geiger, Wilhelm Tr. The Mahiivam;a, Chaps. VI, VII, pp. 51-61; Chap. VIII, pp. 62-64, Colombo 1960. 6. Gnanawimala Thero, Kirialle Ed. KuveniSihabii saha Dambadeni Asna, pp. 5-12, Colombo 1960.
7. Gunasekera, B. Ed. Riijiivaliya, pp. 14-16, Colombo 1911. 8. Kuveni Sihabii saha Dambadeni Asna, pp. 37-29.
9. Sannasgala, B.P., Sinhala Siihitya Vamsaya, p. 691. 10. Ibid.
II. Raghavan, M.D., Sinhala Natum, p. 70, Colombo 1567. 12. With the active participation of W.B. Makuloluwa who was then the Chief Inspector of Dance and Music in the Department of Education, Ceylon. 13. Sedaraman, J.E., Nttya Ratniikaraya, p.90, Colombo 1959; Udarata Natum Kaliiva, p. 176, Colombo 1968.
14. Udarata Natum Kaleva, p. 178. 15. Sarachchandra, E.R., The Folk Drama ofCeylon, p. 55 Second Ed., Colombo 1966. 16. Bhavnani, Enakshi, The Dance in India, p. 42, Bombay 1970. 17. Raghavan, M.D., Sinhala Natum, pp. 61-33, 69. 18. Keunaman Herbert, 'Kandyan Dance', Arts of Asia 3.1, pp. 33-36, Hongkong, 1973. 19. Bowers, Faubion, Theatre in the East, pp. 95-96, New York 1956. 20. Compare for example the names of the hand-gestures given by Godagandeniya and Sedaraman. According to Godagandeniya SANGEET NATAK 24 the twelve hand-gestures are as follows: Candra hasta, Calita hasta, Munita hasta, Casti hasta, Hasti hasta, Roma hasta, Cora hasta, Cauri hasta, Varada hasta Abhaya Izasta, Deva hasta and Sapa hasta. According to Sedaraman the gestures are Ahas hastaya, Amrta hastaya, Hasti hastaya, Lalita Izastaya, Sarna hastaya, Dana hastaya and again Hasti hastaya. Godagandeniya, P.R., Natya Guruwarayd, pp. 103-104; Sedaraman, J., Nnya Ratnakaraya, p. 94.
21. Godakumbure, Charles, 'Sinhala Natya saha Vadanaya', Kala Sangariiwa, No.2, 3, 4. Maharagama 1961. Seneviratna, Anuradha, Gampola Yugaye Kaliisilpa, pp. 24-28, Colombo 1972. Ariyapala, M.B., Society in Medieaval Ceylon, pp. 300· 304, Colombo 1956. Sarachchandra, E.R., The Folk Drama of Ceylon, p. 15.
22. Bowers, Faubion, Theatre in the East, p. 95.
23. Ibid., pp. 95-96.
24. Bandar Mahawalatenne, 'Kandyan Music', Journal ofthe Ceylon Branch ofthe Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXI, No. 61. pp. 129 164, Colombo 1908.
25. Sedaraman, J.E., Udarata NafU11l Kaliiwa, pp. 108-123. 26. Ibid., p. 186.
27. Ibid., p. 63.
28. For further details on Stress (tit) system see Makuloluwa, W.B., Hela Gi Maga, pp. 59-76, Colombo 1963.
29. Sedaraman, J.E., Udarata Natum Kaliiwa, p. 24.
30. Godagandeniya, G.R., Niitya Guruwarayd, pp. 52-53.
31. Regarding this number 64, Prof. M.B. Ariyapala says that "it may be a number selected at random, probably to correspond to other numerical groups such as the 64 kaliis (arts) and 64 miiyam (conquettish deceptive appearances or artful ways specially of women). He has made an attempt to reconstruct the 64 ornaments with the help of the classical Sinhala literary works which may be compared with the list of ornaments ?f the Kandyan dancer. See Ariyapala, M.B., Society 10 Medieaval Ceylon, pp. 10, 191-192, Colombo 1956.
32. Sederaman, J.E., UrJarata Natum Kaliiwa, pp. 189-192.
33. Bhavnani Enakshi, The Dance in India, p. 178, Plate 91 (1.2) 25 KANDYAN DANCE 34. Godakumbure, Charles,'Visituru Ambalamak', Kala Sanga rawa, No.5, pp. 5-10, Colombo, 1961.
35. Bowers, Faubion, Theatre in the East, p. 94.
36. Paranavitana, S., University History ofCeylon, Vol. 1, Pt. I, II pp. 411-14 and 684-90, Colombo 1960.
37. Bhavnani, Enakshi, Dance in India, p. 32; Pandeya, Avinesh, The Art ofKathakali, p. 18, Allahabad 1961.
38. Udarata Natum Kalawa, pp. 162-173.
39. Devy, John, An Account of the Interior ofCeylon and of its Inhabitants with Travels in that Island 1821, pp. 117-118 Dehiwaja 1969.
40. Kothari, K.S., Indian Folk Musical Instruments, p. 33, New Delhi, 1968.
41. Krishnaswami, S., Musical Instruments of India, p. 54, New Delhi, 1971.
42. Udarata Natum Kalawa, pp. 188-189.
43. Ibid., p. 54.
44. Ibid., p. 189.
Dr. Anuradha Seneviratna, lecturer in the Department of Sinhala, University ofSri Lanka, Peradeniya Campus is the author of several books on Sinhala Art and Culture and has contributed articles and radio broadcasts on the SUbject. He has a thorough knowledge of the history and art forms of the area. He is also closely associated with musicians and folk artists andhas collaborated with them in their productions. FOLK PLAYS OF ORISSA
D. N. Patnaik
The history of the folk-arts of any country is obscure. It is very difficult to determine the exact date when they came into existence. This is because, folk-arts always adapt themselves to the changing times and accordingly lose something of their original form. So, it becomes diffi· cult to recall their traditional history. Only through intensive study and repeated seeing can we visualise to a certain extent their original form and their historical evolution Taking all these things into consideration it is believed that the genesis of folk drama in Orissa lies with the Dandanata. In rural Orissa Nata denotes both dancing and acting and the word Niitua denotes both a dancer and an actor. This is perhaps due to the inextricable connection of dance and drama in a folk-play in which an actor is to act, sing and dance. In a number of items of Dandanata like Chadaya-Chadayani, Sapua-Sapuani, Kela-Keluni, Hara-Parvati etc. the songs are cast in the form of dialogue through which episodes from mythology and popular legends are told and expressed. At the en~ of a Dandanata performance the Baidhana and Veenakara recite theologIcal and spiritual riddles. Sometimes there occur rhythmic word comba.ts between them which last for several nights. Like mounting suspense m a drama this musical verbal combat appears very interesting to the people of the country-side who attend them with great interest and enthusiam.
It is therefore believed that all these dramatic items of Dandana!a have inspired the growth of other indigenous forms of folk-plays, In Orissa. 27 FOLK PLAYS OF ORISSA Chadaya Nata
Inspired by the Chadaya-Chadayani dance of the varied repertory of Danda Nata, Chadaya Nata, a peculiar form of folk-play is prevalent in Mayurbhanj, Balasore and the adjoining Oriya tracts of Biharland Bengal, the district of Singhbhum and Midnapur. In this play three characters are essential the Chadaya, the Chadayani (wife of Chadaya) and Banku Bhai, the jester. The style of presentation of the play is peculiar. It is assumed before the play that the Chadaya and Chadayani are in search of each other. The performance starts with a piece of loud orchestral music played on an earthen drum (Sur Madal). cymbols and sometimes a harmonium. Then, Banku appears at the far end of the actor's path and proceeds to the acting area dancing and singing through which he conveys his peculiar identity to the audience. He holds a curvate staff all the while. He acts as a Sutradhara and announces the name of the play with good humour and departs. Then comes Chadayani to the scene, lamenting through song because of her long separation with Chadaya. At this stage Banku re-appears and asks her indentity with sympathy. He consoles her and promises reunion with her husband. When they depart, Chadaya comes searching for his wife delineating the details of her appearance. He also encounters Banku, who makes an effort to unite them. But long years of separation and consequent physical changes stand in the way of recognition of each other. So, a device, is adopted for mutual recognition from which the actual story beings. A serious song-combat ensues between the Chadaya and his spouse. One asks, the other answers with expressive emotions and dramatic actions. Thus the whole story is enacted. At short intervals the Banku provides enough humour with his peculiar remarks and interpretations.
Chadaya Nata is mostly musical. The refrains of the songs of the characters are repeated by a choral group who also provide instrumental music. The Chiefis called Mausa (uncle) who serves as an interpreter of the whole play. It is he who controls the performance.
Ramleela
In Orissa Ramleela still appears to be the most popular and widely prevalent folk-play. Prior to the advent of any popular literature on Ramayana, it already found its place in the mass religious culture of Orissa as evident from the sculptural representations. In the early temples of Orissa (7th-8th century A.D.) situated at Bhubaneswar a~d other places there are scenes depicting Ravana lifting the mountal~ Kailash, Rama killing the golden deer, Bali Badha, conference of Bah and Sugrib, abduction of Seeta etc. This proves an awareness of the various episodes of Ramayana in that age. In olden days during festiv~ls and religious ceremonies characters from Ramayana were brought out In SANGEET NATAK 28 processions. The actors interpreted the characters in dance and mimetic actions. There was no song to accompany. It was a sort of pantomime. This tradition is still alive in Puri and Cuttack districts of Orissa. In the SaM yatra of Puri it is more prominent.
The Oriya language received a great impetus during the Gajapati rule in Orissa. The Ramayana, Mahabharata and the Bhagabata were translated into Oriya verse as early as 15th century A.D. These texts gradually multiplied. In later years the volume of popular literature on the Ramayana increased. This Rama literature inspired the folk-play Ram Leela to develop on more prominent lines. During the 18th and 19th centuries a number of leelas were written by about more than twenty poets. The most popular amongst all is the leela written by Baisya Sadasiva (1730-1790 A.D.) Next to this comes the Ram Leela written by Pitambar Rajendra (1790-1820). These lee/as are still popular in Orissa.
The whole Ramayana is divided into a number of leelas and a single leela is intended for a night's performance. Therefore Ramleela perfor mances are held for several consecutive nights. Each leela comprises of musical verses set to different traditional tunes and therefore is most musical in its rendering.
In the early stage Ramleela was a pantomime. All the characters of the Ramayana like Rama, Lakshmana, Ravana, Kumbhakarna, Singhika, Surpanakha, Hanuman etc. danced and acted to the accompani ment of choral singing of the Ramayana; mardela, gini and ramtali were the sole musical instruments. The characters acted with dance movements according to the contents of the songs. The actions all were interpreta tive. This tradition is still alive in some areas of Cuttack district. Gradually songs were introduced for the characters to sing in the form of dialogue. But the tradition did not change much. The songs continued to be repeated by a band of (chorus) singers.
The demonic and other animal characters of a Ramleela wear masks. Ravana, Kumbhakarna, Singhika, Surpanakha, Hanuman, lambaban etc. are seen with masks carved out of wood by the village carpenters. The masks are painted in bright colours by the village artists traditionally known as Chitrakara. The female characters are played by young boys and there is no place for women in the perfor mance. The vital role is played by Hanuman. Whenever he comes to the stage he arouses great interest. His words of devotion and loyalty, his symbolic display of power, prowess and his miracles appeal directly t~ the country folk. His actions are always vigorous and the dances difficult. Therefore great care is taken to select a gifted person for the role. 29 FOLK PLAYS OF ORISSA Though Ram Leela performances are not uncommon in fair-weather days, Rama Nabami is the appropriate occasion during which it is per formed for several consecutive nights. Though its performance is seen in most of the districts of Orissa it is most popular in the coastal districts of Puri, Cuttack and Ganjam. It has a deep devotional intent. The actors are the villagers themselves who rehearse it during the off season when there is no agricultural activity. Though amateurs, their sincerity and devotion towards making the performance a success is commendable. The whole village contributes towards the expenses. When aware of their inefficiency they appoint an experienced Guru. As Ram Leela performances are closely associated with the religious culture of the people there are no professional parties in Orissa. Till to-day it has remained an amateur activity. The villagers hardly travel for a performance. Throughout the ages it has been confined to each village and its locality though the audience is drawn from the surrounding areas.
Rama Leela is staged on a common or on the cross-roads of the main street of the village, or in the temple precincts. Where there are no pandals (halls) it is held in the open. The audience sits all around while one side is reserved for the women. Everyone sits on the ground irrespective of caste or social status. A narrow passage is provided from the green-room to the stage for the entrance and exit of the actors. On one side sit the chorus singers who also play the instruments. Before the advent of gas-lamps. oil-lamps used 10 be placed at the four corners of the stage to provide light. The day on which the Ramleela performance concludes is the grand finale and is marked by a grand parade through the village street. All the important characters of the Ramayana such as Rama, Lakshmana, Ravana, Hanuman etc. are carried on open palan quins shouldered by the enthusiastic villagers. At the head of the procession village drummers, musicians and singers provide rousing music. Thousands of people, drawn from near about villages, watch the procession with great enthusiasm.
The Ram Leela Samiti of Cuttack organises a festival of Ram Leela performances each year and it continues for over a month. Most of the participating parties are of the City and the adjoining villages. This has givenan impetus to the older groups to reorganise. Each evening before ~he performance religious discourses on Ramayana are held. The festival IS held in Maruti Mandap at a central place of the City. Thousands of people watch the performance for nights together.
Ram Lee/a has inspired a number of other lee/as known as Ras Leela, Radhaprema Lee/a Bharat Lee/a or Dwari Lee/a. All these forms ~re popular in the Ganj;m District of Orissa. Though music~l narrat!on In ~he form of dialogue has been added, the presentation remains musical as In the case of Ram Lee/a. SANGI!ET NATAK 30 Suanga
Scholars are ofthe opinion that the word Suanga has been derived from Sanskrit Swanga Sousthababhinaya which meant acting or dancing a play. This line occurs in Kalidas's famous play Malabikagnimitra. Gradually Sausthabhinaya was dropped and only Suanga meant the act ing of the play which took the colloquial from of Suanga. In Hindi Soyang means acting a play. Now it stands for farcical acting. In Bengal it is Sang and in Manipur Sumang,
The tradition of Suanga is very old in Orissa. Two Suangas which have had a tremendous influence on Oriya life and society since several centries are the Deulatola Suanga by Bipra Nilambar and Laxmipurana Suanga by Balaram Das both belonging to the 15th century. The first Suanga depicts the legendary episode of the building of the famous temple of Jagannath at Puri and the other narrates the quarrel between Laxmi and Balbhadra the elder brother of Jagannath who expels her from the temple for visiting the home of an untouchable woman. Both these Suangas are stilI recited by the Natha Yogis and the Chakulia Pandas who have made them immensely popular among the masses. Older persons testify to the performance of these Suangas in remote villages which later inspired a number of Suanga, Yatra and stage plays depicting the same theme.
Though in these two early Suangas there are no scene divisions, the stories have been narrated in the form of a long poem with characters conversing in direct speech. Later the verse dialogue was set to various traditional tunes suited to the emotional contents. The narrative portions were sung by a band of chorus singers.
Most probably, Suanga as a folk play originated as a development of the leelas in which actors indulged only in mimetic actions. Suam« is a form of Geetabhinaya (or Opera) in which all the characters sing the dialogue. The refrain of each song-dialogue is loudly repeated by the Chorus, Suanga as a developed form of folk-play came into existence during the last quarter of the 19th century. It was perhaps the monotonous display af the leela that goaded the people of the countr~· side to invent something new on the model of sophisticated Sansknt drama. With this purpose Suanga was born and it accepted themes from Puranas, mythology, history, legends and folk-lore. When it was presented with varied themes, songs and dances, it readily appealed to the masses.
The peculiarity of Suanga lies in the self introduction of characters. Each character on the stage introduces himself with his genealogy, relations, powers and activities. Then only does he indulge in dialogue 31 FOLK PLAYS OF ORISSA with his counterparts. The dialogue is all in song. Noble characters such as gods, godesses, kings and queens sing in chaste Oriya verse while other characters belonging to the lower strate of life such as Duari (Sentry), Dasi (Maid) etc. sing in colloquial Oriya verse.
The most comic-character in suanga is the 'Duari' (Sentry). He is a stock character like the Vidusak of the Sanskrit drama. He is simply a buffoon and fun-maker. He does not play any vital role in the devel opment of the theme, but creates humour through song, gesticulation and harsh satire. Though a mere attendant in the court of a King, he freely makes fun of everybody including the king and the queen. This leadsus to agree with the views of M. Schuyler who says". "The Vidushaka originated not in the court-drama under the influence of the Brahmana caste, but in the earlier plays of the different tribes of India. Thisis why we find the Vidushaka in the extant plays a simple buffoon and fun-maker." The Dhari apart from his buffoonery possesses a special aptitude for comic perception. He is also a butt of ridicule and an object of laughter.
In the beginning of a Suanga, Nata and Nati appear to introduce theplay to the audience as do the Sutradhara and Nati of the Sanskrit plays. A small improvised pandal of wooden-cots joined together or a rectangular place in mid-street or in an open field serve as the stage. Prior to the advent of gas-lamps, a few oil-fed torches were required to providelight. The torch bearers were known as Samalchi. People used to sit the around the action arena to enjoy the performance.
Suanga is somewhat of an Opera form. More is involved here than mere "theatre" since these music-dramas combine poetry with music and dance. An actor in Suanga had to possess in addition to his vocal talent, the qualities of a mime, a dancer and sometimes an acrobat.
Though Suanga did not possess a format for a neat and planned construction of plot as in the Sanskrit plays, or the highly developed characteristics and artistic modes of expression it excelled especially in the display of contemporary satire. The satire was mainly directed against the blind imitation of Western civilisation which was playing a greatrole in changing the social values of the times. This used to be provided not through any important character but through side-charac ters and through the inclusion of farces which had no relation whatso everto the plot. The farces were generally dialogues between a pair of characters such as Chakara-Chakarani (Servant and maid-servant) Dhoba D~obani (Washer-man and his wife), Keuta-Keutuni (Fisherman and his Wife), Chamara-Chamaruni (Shoemaker and his wife) etc. In between the scenes of the play such a farce is inserted. It was not only intended to create humour and provide relief to the audience, but also to suggest mOral values. Mainly the farces served as a social corrective. Though SANGEET NATAK 32 crude and sometimes obscene in treatment, they were effectivein the then changing society.
It has been stated earlier that the Lee/a performances were mainly confined to amateur groups in the villages and did not require much rehearsal and preparation as all the actors were silent. Moreover, Leela performances were annual features. When Suanga came as a develop ment of the Lee/as, all the characters were trained to sing, act and dance. This required sincere practice for a longer time which the amateurs could not afford. So, professional groups sprang up to cater to the tasteof the general public during the second half of the 19th century. A number of Suanga play-wrights formed their own professional companies and toured all over Orissa. Those among them who have contributed immensely to the growth and development of Suanga are Jagannath Pani, Bandhu Nayak, Bhikari Nayak, Arakhita Nayak, Maguni, Gopal Das, Govind Chandra Sur Deo, Kanhu Pani, Baishnab Pani, Bhagabat Prasad Dan, Ramchandra Swain and Dayanidhi Swain.
From the early 19th century up to the thirties of this century Suanga was the favourite entertainment. So far it had no rival in the field. The advent of Yatra however challenged this monopoly, as a result, the Suanga parties adapted themselves to the Yatra form to survive. On the other hand the mimetic Lee/as adopted the musical form of Suanga,
Yatra*
When there was no theatre in Orissa to cater to the taste of the enlightened people and the advent of Cinema was distant, Yatra emerged as the only source of popular entertainment for all classes of people. The tradition of Yatra came to Orissa from Bengal. But it was not a blind imitation of the form. It's growth and development in Orissa cameas an improvement over the prevailing Suanga during the last quarter of the 19th century. Most of the pioneers in the field of Yatra in Orissa like Baishnab Pani, Gopal Das, Jagu Ojha and Balakrishna Mohanty started their career as Suanga play-wrights. The main development was the introduction of dialogue in blank-verse. However the sung-dialogue was not dispensed with. In the initial stage of introduction, the blank verse dialogue remained almost redundant inspite of the forceful delivery. Later, it developed a proper form and style.
Yatra in Orissa still holds its popularity as it adapts to the changing times. During recent years it has changed its character to a great extent. A few decades ago the Yatra plays were mostly confined to mythology, history and popular legends. But at present most of the plays are based on social and socio-historical themes.
* For a betailed aecount of Yatra read the author's article in Sangeet Natak 28. 33 FOLK PLAYS OF ORISSA Though the modern theatre and the film have had a deep influence on Yatra, it has its own characteristics of mass appeal. The orchestra consisting of clarionet, cornet, kettle drum ete. remains always an impor tant aspect. The use of songs as a vital media for expression ofemotions is still adhered to. Dances are a prominent feature. Therefore Yatra provides entertainment to the common masses with the glamour of dance, drama and music. Its performance in the open air with thousands of spectators all around creates an atmosphere of free enjoyment.
At present there are about more than fifty professional Yatra parties and there are scores ofamateurs. The majority ofthe parties belong to Cuttack district, the rest to Puri and Balasore. The old tradition of the proprietor being the play-wright, director, and musician has been lost. Almost all the parties belong to the villages. After few months of rigorous rehearsal the parties set out out on tour after the Dassera festival and return to their headquarters before Raja Sankranti (in the month ofJune).
Of all the folk-plays of Orissa Yatra still remains as the favourite item of entertainment both in rural and urban areas.
D. N. Patnaik is Secretary of the Orissa State Akademi. Has written often for Sangeet Natak. LAYA AND TALA IN THE FOLK MUSIC OF UTTAR PRADESH
Dr. K. D. Upadhyaya
In folk-music we find the combination of words (shabda) and notes (swaran) blended together in a harmonious whole. It is a suitable topic of research for scholars and exponents of Indian classical music, to discover the exact relationship between classical and folk music and whether the former is founded on folk-music or the latter is dependent on the former. It may be firmly stated that folk-music has played a major role in the evolution of Indian classical music. One may find some tunes which are common to both folk and classical music.
In folk-music, though we do not find a systematic and elaborate description of various ragas and raginis, yet we can discern some fine tunes which are sung by classical musicians also. The tunes which are commonly found in folk-songs are Kaharava, Khemata and Jat.
The elements of laya and tala playa significant role in many folk songs. Folk music is almost lifeless without the laya and tala. The rhythm is so inter-woven with the fabric of the music that the folk singer, unaware of the metrical system of the tala often presents the song correctly by the knowledge of its rhythm which he acquires by constant listening and singing of the actual song. Tala or rhythm, therefore is an important factor in folk-music.
Various talas of classical music have been successfully adopted by the folk-musician. We find that it is comparatively easier to recogni~e a tala in a folk-song than to trace the elements of a particular raga 1D that song. 35 LAYA AND TUA The Kaharava, the Jat, the Dadara, the Khemata, the Dipchandi etc., are some of the popular talas used in these songs. Even out of these, the Kaharava seems to be the most common tala being used in almost eighty per cent of these oral songs. The tala is composed of four matras. The intricacy and beauty of this rhythmic pattern can only be understood when we listen to the Kajari and Jhumar folk songs accom panied by musical instruments such as Dholak and Majira. The Sorathi, Birha, Sohani, Purbi and Nirguna are some of the other popular folk songs which are sung in the Kaharva tala. The texture of Kaharava changes according to the speed and expression of the song. Sometimes it is sung in the Druta laya and at other times in the Vilambit Laya.
Dipchandi is another popular tala in which the rhythm of the folk songs is unconsciously adjusted to the natural and normal flow of our respiratory system. The rhythm changes according to the change in tone. The Dipchandi tala is composed of seven matras. The popular song Bidesiya is sung in this particular tala.
Sometimes a song is sung in two different talas that reflect artistic devices on the part of the singer, although he may not be conscious of them. For example, the Jhumar song may be taken here which is sung both in Dadara and the Kaharava talas. The Bidesiya song, which has already been referred to, is also sung both in the Dipchandi and the Jat talas, The Jat is a popular tala consisting of fourteen matras. The Sohar, Gavana, Phagua or Holi are some of the important songs which are sung in this tala. Thus, the tala or the rhythm, as such, plays an important role in the composition of folk songs. If one tries to analyse theimpact of classical music on folk songs, the knowledge of tala there fore, will be a great help.
In folk-music only four Thats (modes) are generally used. In Purvi folksongs, which are mostly sung in the eastern districts of Uttar Pradesh one can find the Vilaval That. The following example may be quoted, Jeth Baisakhava Ke Talaft Re Bhubhuriya Ho Mahendar Misir, Chalat men Godava Mora Piray Ho Mahendar Mistr.
.~ Chaita is a seasonal folk song which is sung in the month of Chaitra (March-April). It is noted for its melodious music and exceeding sweet ness. ~t is essentially a solo song, though, often sung as a chorus. The rural SIngers are divided into two groups, each facing the other. The members of the first group sing the first line of a Chaita song, then the members of the second group sing the second line in a chorus. Thus, the SANGEET NATAK 36 song proceeds and. reaches the climax when the members of both the groups sing it, at the top of their voices. In Chaita songs the Khamaja that is generally used which may be found in the following lines, "Manik Hamaro Herayile Ho Rama Jamuna men, Yehi Re Jamunava Ke Chikati Matiya, Chalat Pair Bichhilaile Ho Rama Jamuna men."
The vrat (fast) of Shasti Mata is celebrated in the bright half ofthe month of Kartika, As it is observed on the sixth day of the month, so, it is termed "Chhathi Mata". Really speaking, it is a fast devotedtothe Sun-God and is observed by young women who are childless. They worship the sun in the early morning and offer him oblations of milk and water with sweets and fruits. They sing with their sweet voice thesong in which Kafi that is mainly used. For example: Ganga jt ke Tire Tire Boalon main Rai, Raja ji ke Miriga chariye chari Jai, Ye chhathi Mata Karabi sevakai.
The that known as •Bhairava' has been used in a very popular folk song in which a young girl expresses the sorrow and pangs of her heart when she is married to an unworthy person. Sabha Ke Ta Dela Bhola An Dhan Sonava, Banavari Ho, Hamara Ke Larika Bhatar.
While singing folk songs, the rules of high and low pitch (laghu and guru) are not rigorously observed. The singers change the long vowels into short ones and vice versa, in order to suit their own convenience. As there are no hard and fast rules for the observation of high or low pitch, so the folk singers adjust their voice accordingly. In order to give a musical tune to the song, the folk musician sometimes, pronounces the short syllable as a long one. As there may not occur a musical break in the songs it is considered necessary to make certain changes.
Birha is the song of Ahirs-the cowherd community-which is very important in Uttar Pradesh. The Ahirs belong to a race of sturdy people who tend cows and take to agriculture. They sing a song which is known as Birha. While singing it, at the top of their voice, they alwa}~ lengthen the penultimate vowel (upantya swar) and shorten the last one. For examples, Pisana Ke Parikal Musariya Tusariya Dudhava Ke Parikal Bila r Apan Apan Jobana Sanbhorihe Re Bituiya Rahari Me Lagala Ba Huda...... r. 37 LAYA AND TALA Here we find that the last but one syllable (matra) 'la' in the second line and 'da'in the fourth line have been very much lengthened while the last oneshave been shortened. Even if the last matra is a long one, it is shortened to suit the convenience of the singer. I wish to draw attention to a most important factor of folk music which is known as Stobha i.e., insertion. These insertions are of fourtypes: The syllable insertion [Matra Stobha) The letter insertion (Varna Stobha) The word insertion (Shabda Stobha) The sentence insertion (Vakya Stobha) Folk singers while singing a certain song, insert some syllables (matras) here and there in order to suit their convenience. For example, Machiya Baithal E Sunahu Bachaniya Raur Beta Morang Chalale, Kavana Ram Avaguniya.
Here the original world is Kavan (who). But in order to make it more convenient for singing, the musician has added the syllable 'a' in the last letter 'n' making it Kavana. In some songs, we find some letters inserted from outside the body of the lyric. One can multiply such instances in any number, but only one example is sufficient, Bav Bahele Puravaiya Alasi Niniya Aile Ho Ninia Bhaile Bairiniya, Piya Phi'; Gaile Ho.
Here the suffix 'ia' has been added to the word Nind (sleep) and Bairin (enemy)in order the make them musical. The third kind of inser tion-the word-is found mainly in Chaita and Bhajan or devotional songs. For example : Aho Riima, Sutal Rahanin Piya Sange Sejiya Ho Rama Bate.Bate, Lagi Gaile Piyava Se Reriya Ho Rama, Bate Bate.
Here the words "Aho Rama" have been added in the beginning and "Ho Rama" in the end ofeach couplet. The last category of songs are those where one whole line has been inserted in the middle of the song. More specialIy in Nirgun songs we find such insertions.
Folk-Musical Instruments
. Folk musical instruments are closely connected with folk music. WIthout the accompaniment of these instruments, folk music becomes dull andat times even lifeless. It is a noteworthy feature that many of these SANGEBT NATAK 38 folk instruments are hardly used in classical music. Some of theseinstru ments are the Dholak, Majira, Jhanjha, Kartal, Huduka, Dafa, Changa, Plpthiri, and Vanshi (flute). Out of these folk instruments, the Dholak is the most popular. Folk singers who are expert in their art can also produce various talas of classical music on the Dholak and at times they may even surpass tbe professional Tabala players in this respect. This instrument is used by men while singing Holi, Chaita, Alha and other folk songs. The women folk employ it when singing Sohar songs on the auspicious occasion of the birth of a son. Even in the Punjab the Dholak is very popularand is used on all occassions of social and festive significance. It enjoys a special popularity with women who just cannot resist the temptation of the rhythm of its beat. Innumerable memories are associated with its sound, because all gaiety and celebrations of the family include the Dholak as the basic and essential instrument. When the little girls play at house keeping and celebrate marriages of their dolls, they give a very realistic picture of the importance of the occassion by bringing in a real Dholak Whenever, in fact, men and women get together and sing folk-songs, Dholak comes in very handy'
Sometimes, when a Dholak is not available in the village, people improvise one out of an earthen pitcher which they play upside-down and strike with a small stone to keep the beat. At times a big wooden pot-Kathauta-is turned down and sticks are rubbed on it to produce the sound of a Dholak.
The Sarangi is another instrument which is widely used by wander ing mendicants known as Jogis or Sanyis. While playing on this instru ment, they sing devotional songs and the ballads of Gopichand and Bharathari and thus they make a living for themselves. Jha/ or Jhanjh is employed while singing seasonal songs like Holi and Chaita. ~e Sadhus play on Kartal when they sing devotional songs. The Changa IS used by Kauvali singers. Sometimes, the rural youth plays on the flute and produce sweet notes. The snake-charmer (Sapera) uses the Beena to charm the serpent while he conducts his performance. Dajara-a round tambourine-like musical instrument-is employed by the villagers in the worship of goddess Kali or Durga. Dhuttuka is a special kind of folk instrument (horn) which is specially used on the occasion of marriage. it is also called Singa because it resembles the shape of a stnza or ~he horn of a cow. Thus, there are several folk-musical instruments whIch are used on various festive occasions. Folk-music is fast disappearing from the country-side due to the increasing impact of urban modes of living on the rural life of the villages.
1. 5.S. Bedi-Folklore of the Punjab page, 105. 39 LAVA AND TALA Thefast growing industrial development and new means of entertain mentlike the cinema are also making considerable changes in the styles of folk-singing. The folk songs which are relayed from various A.I.R. stations of Uttar Pradesh do not represent the real folk-tunes, on the other hand, they are infilterated with popular cinema tunes. This change of attitude and life in general, has made the task of recording and collec ting authentic folk-music a bit difficult. It is high time that this pre cious heritage should be collected and preserved as soon as possible. Otherwise, there is danger of this source of our past tradition and culturalinheritance being soon dried up.
Dr. K. D. Upadhyaya is Director, Indian Folk Culture Research Institute, Varanasiand a scholar ofthe folk-music of U.P. INDIAN THEATRE AT MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Dr. Farley Richmond
While characterizing the Purulia Chhau, a ritualistic form of dance drama peculiar to Bengal, John Arden, the well known British playwright took the liberty of satirizing the foreigners who had gathered to see a performance. His remarks bear repeati.ng since they serve as a touchstone for my own views regarding foreigners who do research in Indian theatre, The guests included two playwrights from Britain, a director from an experimental theatre in Denmark, a lady form Paris repre senting UNESCO and a professor from the drama department of a U.S. university. All were well furnished with tape recorders, flash cameras, and various other apparatus including copious notebooks. The U.S. professor was the most egregious of our incongruous little group. He scrambled over the barbed wire and danced among the dancers, flashing his camera and sticking the mike of his tape re corder into the musicians' faces...The academics recorded and re corded. The archives will now be stuffed, the doctoral theses already lying on the publishers' shelves...The whole scene was one of cultural exploltation-,
Arden's remarks have a ring of truth about them. To a cas~al observer, the foreign students of Indian theatre shoulders slung WIth cameras and tape recorders, fortified with insect repellent and flush ,;ith money, must appear absurd and perhaps even contemptible, maID!Y because their motivations usually are unclear, even to the performers ~n whom they show such keen interest.
1 "The Chhau Dancers of Purulia" The Drama Review 15 3 (Spring, 1971), page 72,73. " , 41 INDIAN THEATRE Why do foreigners collect field notes, tape recordings, films and photographs of Indian dramas and dramatic dances? Is it, as Arden sug gests, simply to stuff already over-crowded archives and to publish more doctoral theses? Doubtless the answers are as varied as the individuals who pursue this work. My own views are conditioned by the particular demands and needs of my students and the community in which I work in the U.S.A.
When I first came to Michigan State University in the early 60's, the theatre students and the Lansing community had little notion of Asian life and culture. Most of them regarded Asia as "the mysterious East", a place of massive poverty, slums and filth, where millions died every year of starvation and disease, where human life was essentially worthless. To many of my friends, India was stereotyped as a land of elephants, snake charmers and cow-worshippers! It was inconceivable to the people of this region of Michigan that India, for all its long history could have produced a civilization worth serious consideration. This gross misinformation was further reinforced by the dearth of COurses in Asianstudies at the university and a total emphasis on western perform ing arts. I dare say this was the typical situation in America in the early 60's, outside a few centres of higher learning around the country.
Thus our initial task was apparent-to rectify the false impression that people of this region had of India and Asia in general. Supported in Our efforts by the University's Asian Studies Center, interested faculty and students began their work in earnest. In the Department of Theatre, we recognized the need to go beyond the boundaries of studying "theatre" per se by investigating Asian religions, social organizations and aesthetic concepts, not to mention history and geography, for Asian theatre is bound to the cultures from which it springs and cannot be viewed in total isolation from its cultural roots as Western theatre can, without losing its meaning and significance. Our courses in Asian theatre at Michigan State University have always had a double purpose, to teach the dramatic literature and theatre forms of Asia and to teach Asian culture through its theatre.
After much experimentation, we finally devised two courses which met our particular needs, "Theatres of India and Southeast Asia" and "Theatres of China and Japan". Each course requires that a student spendthirty hours in lecture-discussion classes for a period of ten weeks, exploring the historical development of theatre, dance-drama and dance and reading translations of significant plays of selected Asian countries. For obvious reasons these topics demand that the students have as aCCUrate and as vivid a picture of Asian culture and its theatre forms as pOssible. Therefore, colour transparencies, films and tape recordings are essential as windows into a world which most of the students may never SANGEET NATAK 42 have an opportunity to explore first hand. Without this material their study would be relatively obscure and meaningless. Since well-illustrated books and articles, particularly on Indian theatre, are rare and hardto come by, the only way to assemble visual and aural material is through field reseach. Thus teachers of Asian theatre at Michigan State have been obliged to travel abroad to document the theatre forms and to bring back the material to the U.S.A. for use in the Asian theatre classes.
Besides its immediate practical value, documentation obviously serves a long range goal. It preserves records of notable performers and performances of Asian plays for future generations. Imagine what an impact it would make to a modern theatre student if he had visual illustrations of the Greek theatres of the 5th century B.C. What would we not give to see a performance of Shakespeare's plays filmed at the Globe or listen to recorded performances of plays by Moliere performed at the court of Louis XIV? How many scholarly debates would be put to rest? The Asian theatre collection at Michigan State University, though not unique, contains an important and growing repositoryof information for future generations of theatre students and scholars, both in India and in the West,
Photographs, films and tape recordings of Asian performances also have another important use; they provide a rich source for studying and imitating the unique theatrical conventions that characterize Asian theatre forms. Sensing the desire among our students to perform in Asian plays, we have recently instituted a special course entitled "AsianTheatre Production" which gives students, particularly our actors, an oppor· tunity to experiment with symbolic gesture and dance in a laboratory situation. Our intention is not to graduate students who are expertor even competent performers of Asian plays, principally because they may never have an outlet for such expression; rather, we aim to suggest the long years of discipline and training required to master the techniques of most forms of Oriental theatre and to provide an opportunity for them to devise ways to apply what they have learned to western play prodUC tion, The course focuses on everything from the symbolic use of the fan in Noh to the highly refined, symbolic gesture language of Kathakali, from the depiction of a villainous old man in Peking Opera to the youth ful dance of Krishna in Yakshagana.
Another dimension of our programme is the face-to-face contact students have had with distinguished teachers and scholars of Asian theatre. Since 1965, under the expert guidance of James R. Brandon, now professor of Asian theatre at the University of Hawaii, Michigan Sta.te has been priveleged to have professors and performers from Asiaas resident faculty members. Pandam Siswaharsojo, Wayang Kulit pUp?e' teer, was the first of a distinguished line ofindividuals to teach ASIan 43 INDIAN THEATRE theatre here. In 1966, C.C. Mehta joned our faculty from the University of Baroda to teach Indian theatre. In 1969, John Hu from Taipei, Taiwan arrived on our campus to teach Chinese theatre.' From 1970 through 1971, Josephine Huang Hung taught an exhaustive schedule of five courses on all phases of Chinese drama and theatre. In addition to these special guest teachers, we.have also brought distinguished Asians to our campus for lectures and lecture-demonstra tions. Among the notable visitors who have been with usfor short periods in recent years are Dr. Suresh Awasthi, Secretary of the Sangeet Natak Akademi, New Delhi; Dr. V. Raghavan, Professor of Sanskrit, Madras University; Girish Karnad, playwright and film-maker; Asif, Currimbhoy, playwright; P. Lal, editor of Writers Workshop and author of numerous books and articles on Indian drama and literature; Mansukh Joshi, Director of the Indian National Theatre, Bombay; Pabitra Sarkar, Professor of Bengali, University of Minnesota, and author of an important new paper on Jatra; Shozo Sato, Professor of Japanese theatre, UniversityofIIlinois; and Dr. Andrew T. Tsubaki, Professor of Japanese theatre, Universityof Kansas. Besides the articles and books that individual faculty and students have published on Asian theatre while teaching at Michigan State Univer sity,the Asian Studies Center has published the Journal of South Asian Lit~rature, the only periodical in the U.S.A. devo~ed IeXclu~ively to t~is subject. Numerous past issues of the Journal contam translations of Indian plays and articles on Indian theatre. In the Summer of 1974, I guest editeda special issue on Indian drama and theatre containing articles, plays and interviews. This will be the first major publication of Indian theatre materialin the U.S.A. since Balwant Gargi's book on the Folk Theatre ofIndia in 1966.
Many of our graduate students have pursued research in Asian theatre as part of their advanced degree programme. Most of them have travelled in Asia to collect their data. Since the Asian theatre programme was initiated on our campus in 1962, the Ph.D. candidates and the titles of theirtheses are as follows: Farley Richmond, "Contemporary English language Theatre in India", 1965; Keith Edward Nielsen, "The Uses of Theatre as a Communication Mode for the Study of Selected Cul tural Concepts of India", 1970; Martha Bush Ashton, "Yakshagana Badagattitu Bayalata: A South Indian Dance Drama", 1972; Oh Kon Cho, "Chi-Jin Yoo: A Patriotic Playwright of Korea", 1972; and Tevia Abrams, "Tamasha: People's Theatre of Maharashtra State, India", 1974.
Besides exposing our students to courses in Asian theatre, field research and lectures by outstanding visiting scholars and artis~s, we va~ue the production of Asian plays as one of the best means of mtroducmg SANGEBT NATAK 44 students and audiences of this community to the rich cultural heritage of Asia. Beginning in 1963, with the production of a Japanese Kabuki play, we have produced a range of plays from the traditional and modem repertory of Asian countries. Perhaps a description of the Indian pro ductions will be of interest to the readers of Sangeet Natak becausethey show our interest in a wide variety of theatre forms and styles as well as a concern for capturing the authentic environment of the regions from which the forms are drawn.
The first Indian play produced at Michigan State University was Asif Currimbhoy's Goa in 1965. Coincidental with my return from India as a Fulbright student grantee, Currimbhoy arrived in the U.S.A. to study American theatre practices on a grant from the JDR 3rd Fund. He agreed to come to M.S.U. for the duration of the rehearsals and performances. We were especially pleased to be the first theatre group in the world to have the opportunity to perform Goa, as well as the first to stage a production of Currimbhoy's works. Readers may remember that for many years Do/drummers, one of Currimbhoy's early plays, was banned in Bombay, and thereafter many English language theatre groups were hesitant to perform his work in India. Goa is an allegory of the events immediately preceding the invasion and captureof the small Portugese colony of Goa by the Indian army in 1961. Little about the play's structure is typical of India. Only in the costumes were we able to capture something of an Indian flavour.
Our next production was more experimental in that it attempted to recreate some of the spirit of the traditional theatre forms of India's villages in the setting of an arena theatre. In 1967, one of my students and I compiled and adapted plays and epic poems based on the Ramayana We called our adaptation Ramacharita (The Story of Rama). Our objective was to dramatically illustrate some of the significant events from the epic, from the birth of Ravana to the return of Rama, Vishnu's avatar, to heaven. Considering the limitations of budget and space we composed the story so that it could be performed by only five actors and three dancers who played short scenes, bridged by choral and narrative reading. Perhaps our most successful innovation was the "mask-tree", to symbolize Lord Vishnu, devised by Richard Lippke, our designer. At the point in the epic when Vishnu incarnates himselfinto his avatar Rama and his three brothers, the actors playing the roles each took: one of tb;e "faces" from the "mask-tree" and attached it to the wire frames of the!! mask poles to symbolize the process ofincarnation.
At the climax to the celebration of the marriage of Rama and Sita, our female dancers performed a tillana taught to them by Betty True Jones. Many symbolic gestures used by the actors were also taught to 45 INDIAN THEATRE the students by Ms. Jones to give the production its own unique blend of realistic and symbolic acting styles.
Ramacharita was produced in conjunction with the Inter-rotating Summer Programme in South Asian Languages and Area Studies held on our campus that summer. As a climax to our efforts, we were invited to perform for a workshop on Indian culture conducted for secondary school teachers at New Albany, Indiana under the supervision of Robert Holmes.
In the Spring of 1972 we chose a picturesque site along the Red Cedar River which meanders through our campus to produce our next major production of Indian traditional theatre, entitled Village Plays ofIndia. Between two grassy knolls we erected a shamiana, a bright red canvas tent-top bordered by mirror-work hangings from Saurashtra. This splash of colour set against the forest of trees that line the river bank, the bright green lawn and deep blue sky was stunningly impressive at sunset. Our goal was to create an environment which approximated that of performances in Indian villages. It gave audiences and players alike the sensation that they were actually participating in the event of a culturetotally different from their own.
To further approximate the environment the spectators were obliged to sit on the ground around the playing area, just as audiences do in many Indian villages. Rather than using artificial lights, we chose to use torches constructed in imitation of those in the Bhavai, a theatre form of Gujarat. When the spectators began to assemble, girls dressed in saris passed among them with chavra, a refreshing snack of nuts, cereals, raisins and spices. The environment was so casual and informal that some spectators brought their picnic baskets and ate dinner quietly during the show. Many spectators came with their children and dogs which freely mingled with the actors or fell quietly asleep at the e.dge of the playing area. We had spectators who returned four and five times to see the production just to experience the unique environment which we had created.
For the benefit of the student performers we conducted a puja in the dressing room in honour of Ganapati, the elephant-headed god of good fortune, and Baucharaji, the patroness of the Gujarati actors. Befo.re the actual performance began, the stage manager sanctified the plaYIng area following the rituals normally used in Bhavai. Then, as is Customary in Gujarat, members of the company dressed in traditional Costumes, danced and sang a garba in praise of Amba, the mother goddess of the Gujarati people. At the completion of this lively and colourful display, the musicians took their places and trumpeted the approach of Ganapati, played by one of the actors wearing an elephant- SANGEB'T NATAK 46 headed mask. Two female attendants danced a short Kathak depicting Ganapati's gait and physical appearance.
At the conclusion of the preliminaries, a potpouri of items adapted from the traditional theatre began. As part of the programme, we included two farcical stories from Bhavai, entitled Vanio and Zanda Zulan, The plays, published by Writers Workshop of Calcutta in 1971, were the first English translations of village plays to be published in India since the late nineteenth century. Following these we produced an abbreviated version of the strivesha dance from the Yakshagana of Karnatak. Next, our male actors performed an item of dance adapted from the Purulia Chhau of Bengal. To conclude the programme, dancers performed a Mangalam from Yakshagana.
Undoubtedly, Village Plays of India has been our most ambitious project to date in terms of time and effort. It involved our students in a totally unique theatrical experience and gave our audiences a taste of what village theatre is like in India. Perhaps the test of its success lies in the requests we continue to get from patrons to repeat the production. It was also immensely successful from the point of view of Gretel Stensrud, our costumer, and Paula Davis, her assistant. It gave them a chance to use Indian fabrics purchased by Rati Modyin the bylanes of Bombay. Through photographs, drawings and field notes that I collected, the costumers reconstructed the patterns and details of costumes used in three distinctly different regions of India. Naturally, we took great pride in our accomplishments when comparing our costumes with those used in authentic productions. It also gave Frank Krenz and Earl Poelman, two of our technical theatre students, an opportunity to create replicas of the masks which I brought froro Charida village in Bengal, where traditional maskmakers still ply their trade. The gratifying thing to me is that western theatre people ~an recreate the effects of authentic items and in the process learn somethlOg about the culture from which they come.
Our most recent major production was Girish Karnad's Raya vadana (The Transposed Heads) performed in the Summer of 197~ as part of our Free Theatre Programme. Hayavadana blends st~gJng techniques from the traditional theatre of South India with a baSically modern, western form of dialogue-drama to create a unique play v~ry much in the vein of the work currently being done by India's leading young playwrights. d For this production we took the liberty of using musicians an. chorus composed entirely of females. Sitting behind the players, a~ IS the custom in Yakshgaana and Kathakali they participated in the action very much as musicians do in South India. When the actors waited for 47 INDIAN THEATRE their entrances they sat with the musicians, conspicuously in view of the spectators. To lend drama to the entrance of the goddess Kali, a Kathakali curtain was used. Photographs of the large Bomalattam marionettes of Karnatak served as inspiration for the dolls which the actors used in the performance. Evelyn Weymouth, one of our most enterprising undergraduates, constructed dolls using the photographs that I took while in Bangalore. She instilled a life in them through her manipulation that never failed to charm the spectators.
Hayavadana was also produced out-of-doors and attracted hundreds of interested patrons to the performance area, which was located in a beautiful open courtyard between the theatre building and the art school. Like the Village Plays ofIndia, Hayavadana was a popular show since it took advantage of the desire of spectators to follow a clear and understandable story, as well as one fashioned in an unusual form. It may interest the readers to know that Macbeth and You Know I Can't Hear You When The Water's Running were also offered on the same bill and performed in the same location as Hayavadana.
From the foregoing it should be obvious that visual and aural aids have served an extremely useful purpose in developing productions of Indian plays performed at Michigan State University. But much more needs to be done in India to make use of the documents already collect ed, many of which are housed at the Sangeet Natak Akademi in New Delhi.
In the West we can never hope to emulate the work of scholars of Indian theatre who have devoted their life to promoting the revival of cultural ideals among the masses of the people, but we can use what knowledge we gather through field research to expose our students and the people of our communities in the U.S.A. to the riches of traditional and modern Indian theatre. Perhaps through our cooperative efforts in the future there will be more and better translations of representative Indian plays and documentation of theatre forms that need support and encouragement, Actually, those who need to be convinced that this task is worthwhile are the rich and influential individuals of the Indian community who are in a position to lend financial and moral aid to the vast work that has yet to be done in this exciting fleld of endeavour.
Dr. Richmond was a Fulbright student grantee, 1964-65. He returned to India in 1969 to study the production of Sanskrit classicalplays. In September, 1974, he enrolled as a student of the Kerala Kalamandalam to studyKUtiyattam. Currently, he is chairman ofthe Asian Theatre Programme ofthe American Theatre Association. . BOOK REVIEWS
Mohini Attam. The special number of Marg (Vol. XXVI, No.2) on Mohini Attam is probably the only publication in English, of high research value, on a lesser known dance-form of Kerala on which mate rial even in Malayalam is very scanty.
Since Indian scholars have an obsessional passion for proving that every cultural tradition in this country is of incredible antiquity, some times reaching back even to geological time, it is not surprising that attempts have been made to establish that Mohini Attam is at leasta thousand years old. But it is more likely that the dance-form reached maturity only in the nineteenth century.
A form of entertainment by dancing girls, known as Dasi Attam, seems to have flourished on the east coast from the early days. It had very little classical status though it might have borrowed some of the more elementary steps and gestures of the Bharata Natyam. As the name itself suggests, it was essentially a light entertainment with the accent on the erotic. A reference in the literery work, Vvavahara Mala, written in 1709, suggests that the tradition might have infiltrated int? t~e west coast too, for payment to dancers of this and other categories I.S mentioned. But it was never so popular in Kerala as it was in Tamil Nadu. It was the assimilative and classicizing genius of Swati Tirunal, ruler of Travancore, which created a fine art form out of this rather unpromising material and transformed it into the"Dance of the Enchantress".
Like Emperor Julian, Keats and Mozart, Swati Tirunal died early for he had not completed thirty-four at the time of his death in 18~7. But this extraordinary personality combined the administrative genIUS of the first, the poetic genius of the second and was a composer like ~e third. In the Mohini Attam, he was probably trying to create a ensp elegant, light-weight form as a relief from the heavy-weight dance drama, Kathakali. A great integrationist, he combined the features of 49 BOOK REVlE\\-S both Kathakali and Bharata Natyam, always keeping care to see that the form remained lyrical, transparent in communication. The basic stances are from Kathakali and like it, the dance narrates a story. The Cholkattu of Mohini Attam is the equivalent of the Alarippu of Bharata Natyam. But while the latter is abstract rhythmical pattern, the former incor porates mimesis of a lyrical narrative. The Varnams too are weighted in favour of lyrical narration and even where the Jati syllables (abstract note equivalents, not semantic word equivalents) are employed, the lyrical intention is conserved by singing them to specific Ragas. Most of the Pada Varnams for Mohini Attam are those composed by Swati.
The intrusion of episodic representations which destroyed the delicate balance in which the erotic sentiment was held and invited "audience participation" purely for titillation brought about the decadence of Mohini Attam. Swati, with his passionate faith and fine record in integration (he has composed Hindustani songs to Hindustani Ragas) would rejoice, if he were alive today, to see the revival of the form by gifted dancers from outside Kerala like Shanta Rao and Kanak Rele. The Marg number too is a deserved homage; and it is a very fine one too, for it has managed to be an in-depth research study and a fine album of drawings and photographs at the same time.
Krishna Chaitanya
Musical Instruments in Indian Sculpture, by G.H. and Nalini Tarleker, pp. vi + 104. Price Rs. 10. Sponsored by the Sangeet Samsodhan MandaI, Bharat Gayan Samaj, Pune. Pub. by Pune Vidyarthi Griha Prakashan, Pune. 1972.
This small but informative book is very welcome in a subject where there is a scarcity of literature. The Tarlekars have been studying this subject for some years and have come out with what is, I presume, a preliminary work. For this is a vast and complicated area and will require the sustained effort of many scholars working for many years to acomplish a reasonably good history of instruments.
The book spans "the period right from 200 B.C. to 1800 A.D." covers almost the whole of the country. The enormity of time and space involved can well be imagined. The authors have therefore given only a distant satellite view. In brief they have divided the time-stream into the pre-Natyasastra period (prior to 200 B.C.), early period (200 B.C. 10th A.D.) and medieval-post-medieval period (lIth-18th A.D.). The methodology of discussion is laid down in pp. 5-6. SANGEBT NATAK 50 The first of the stringed instruments to be mentioned is gargara, This is identified by Sachs as a harp. But Sayana was perhaps more correct, and I guess it was kind of scraper. There is a slight contradic tion in the description of vana. It is possible that it was an aeolean harp; but then how could it have been played by a "curved reed" as given here. Again the Aitarevaly Aranyaka's veena (p. 8) had a siras (head) which the authors identify as a gourd; more likely, it was something ofa yali as in current Sarasvati veena of South India. The ekatantri family (p. 23) "was plucked by fingers or kona and then pressing it by the fingers of the other hand"; but it is known that the ekatantri was played with kamrika in the left hand, like the modern gottuvadyam. We may have to take fretting to Matanga (5th-9th A.D.) and not to Nanyadeva (lIth A.D.), as given here (p. 29). Fig. 35 (from Jagat) ofpinaki veena is not convincing; it does not show a bowed instrument. Violin and sarod are wrongly coupled (p. 43). The authors are perhaps nearer the truth in identifying the chitra as a harp. I am not sure if Fig. 39 is of a rudra veena (now used in north India). In the chapter on wind instruments, Fig. 56 is said to be a drawing from Mataji temple at Jagat, and of a madhukari, an oboe. From the photograph of the sculpture, only the position of playing makes one suspect a madhukari; there are no holes as shown in the drawing here. . The diagrams are neat, but highly stylized. This latter fact intro duces many errors, specially as they have undergone copying by more than one hand (Fig. 25-27). Also, relying on some modern musea is not always advisable! For example Fig. 5 is said to be that of a yazh; nothing can be farther from available descriptions. There is a glossary, an index and a short bibliography. B.C. Deva
Bharatiya Sangeet Vadya (in Hindi). Lalmani Misra. Bharatiya Jnan Pith, New Delhi, 1973. pp. 8+200. Illustrated. Price Rs. 40.
This book appears to be a dissertation by Dr. Misra and now published.
Indian organology has suffered from a lack of intensive and/or extensive literature. There are many problems still facing us; even source material is scarce. The present work therefore is a commendable begining.
The first chapter is a very general one. 51 BOOK REVIEWS· The second deals with the classification of instruments. On p. I3 there are ten kinds of sounds given. These perhaps have nothing to do with the "physical" sounds of instruments but are those "heard" in para mental states. Stressing the necessity for a detailed classification the author discusses cases like upang, anand lahari and etc. A new class is suggested for such instruments: tata-avanaddha. This is a point that merits attention. The group taranga vadya does not seem necessary. The classification of wind instruments into two groups (a) blown with the mouth and (b) excited otherwise-also does not appear satisfactory. The next chapter deals with stringed instruments. The usual state ment that Indian music originates in the veda-s commence the chapter. This is an age old idea: the monolithic origin of Indian music. Cer tainly, this grammer is the oldest we know of. But is the music the only one seed?
Besides .the ancient tata vadya of the samhita-s etc. about fifty others aredescribed. There is also a section on the technique on veena playing. The Figs, 34 & 39 do not tally with the description of ekatantri. Whether thechitra was a lute as given here is doubtful. It was more probably a harp, with seven strings. Again, the assertion that ancient Indian visual art was "realistic" is open to question. Indeed, during certain periods it was extremely stylized and one has to be very cautious in taking scul ptural evidence too much for granted. The reasons for the disappearance ofthe dandi veena are not convincing; after all the dasa singers of Karnataka were using it even in the 16th cent. Mahati is given as Narada's veena; but the tambura is also called by the same name (cf.p. 48 & Fig. 118). The essay on the sitar is again a longish one, though not much critical discussion takes place on its origins. It is again a matter fordiscussion and enquiry if the tritantri, often considered an earlier form of the sitar on linguistic (not organological) similarity in name, was a zither or a lute.
The instruments in this chapter are all given in an alphabetical ~rder. This serves no scholarly purpose, for it does not connect the IDstruments into historical and morphological links and groups. This is a drawback in all the chapters and such a listing could have very well been put as an index which is lacking.
. The chapter on drums describes about thirtyfive. The figure of mssan (Fig. 150) does not tally with the description. Pataha is here taken asa barrel drum, as is usual; but premedieval texts seem to mean a frame drum by this word. Mukhachang is not an avanaddha vaaya and should not have been included here. Runja as given in Fig. 161 is thepambai of Tamil nadu; runja as known in Andhra is a truncated cone covered on one side and open on the other. LibraI') UI8!!T NATAl( AKADEII\ IftJW DeJhl-l/OOO1 SANGBBT NATAK 52 About fifteen wind instruments and almost an equal numberof idiophones have been described. Incidentally, sukti vadya is a kindof scraper used by many tribes even today and found in many sculptures; it is quite possible that the gargara of rgveda (not mentioned in this book) might be the earliest notice of such a ghana vadya. Fig. 22 is really one such, but is wrongly identified as a drum! Fig. 64 is also of a scraper, though not so identified by the author. In the chapter on middle ages, kmaicha is described. Is it so recent as that? for it is one of the oldest bowed instruments known to usin world literature. It is perhaps better to avoid this 'middle' ages and 'medieval'! These are very relative terms and what was once 'middle age' has by now become ancient. There is a chapter on the comparative study of instruments. Here (p. 122) is a statement that shadja could not be stabilized in our music Ii as long as the mahati and ekatantri were important. If the mahati was a psaltery, this cannot be logical as the ekatantri would belong to an I,' entirely different family-the zithers. ! Modern instruments, israj, tembura, dilruba, rudra veena and others are described. But, the ghatam (an Idiophone) is included amongst the ' chordophones (p. 124). There are chapters on gats, paran, kaida and so on, folk instruments, acoustics, social context of instruments which are thought provoking. The book has 220 illustrations, some of them previously published by C.R. Day and P. Sambamoorthy. Here again some discrepencies could have been avoided. Fig. 19 is from Abneri temple; this is often dated as 8th cent. A.D., though here it is given as the ltlth. In Fig,21 is given alapini veena with two strings; but the text (p. 31) describes it with three. Some take it as an one-stringed veena. It is possible that the sculpture is that of nakuli. Often ghana vadya is wrongly translatedas drum-e.g. Fig. 24. shows manjira, but the English title is 'drum player'. In the English comment on Fig. 19' the author says that Abner (lOt~ cent. according to him, but 8th according to some) veena is the "first picture where a definite arrangement of the frets is seen. However, fre~ have been noted in the Pattadakallute (7th A.D.). Incidentally, thIS book itself has a picture ofthe Pattadakallute; but the author is wary and perhaps rightly so-in accepting these as frets. 'f It would have been of great help to researchers and studen~sl correct sources with dates (in an alphabetical order), organological grouping (and not alphabetical as now) of instruments and an indexhad been incorporated. This a good beginning and it is hoped that more work. with logical basis will follow from this and other scholars. B.C.D. LlbrD!) Mm'Jm NATAK AKA.1 ;.~fiJVl 1Je/ltf.1J.§f}JJ