Acknowledgments 1. Also Known in Turkish As “Çatalköy (Meaning Forked Village).”
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Notes Acknowledgments 1. Also known in Turkish as “Çatalköy (meaning forked village).” Introduction: The Cyprus Conflict 1. George Mikes, Eureka! Rummaging in Greece (London: Andre Deutsch, 1965), 107. 2. Cyprus’s ancient name during the Bronze Age. 3. Jay Rothman, “Conflict Research and Resolution: Cyprus,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 518 (1991): 96. 4. Linda L. Putnam, “Challenging the Assumptions of Traditional Approaches to Negotiation,” Negotiation Journal 10, 4 (1994): 337. 5. John W. Burton, Global Conflict: the Domestic Sources of International Crisis (University of Maryland, Center for International Development/ Wheatsheaf Books, 1984), 145. 1 Identifying the Sources of the Conflict 1. Benjamin Disraeli, Tancred or the New Crusade (London: Peter Davies, 1927), 244. 2. In analogizing Cyprus’s East-West juxtaposition, the quintessential British Cypriotephile Harry Luke, Cyprus—A Portrait and an Appreciation, rev. ed. (London: George G. Harrap, 1964), 20–1, graphically described Cyprus’s “conversion” from its “original (Asiatic) orientation” as “a spear of western Christianity poised against the strongholds of militant Islam.” 3. The only serious exception appeared in December 1922 when, after Kemal Atatürk defeated the Greek army, a Turkish Cypriot delegation went to Ankara lobbying for Cyprus’s return to Turkey. Atatürk did not support this claim. Halil Ibrahim Salih, Cyprus, An Analysis of Cypriot Political Discord (New York: Theo. Gaus Sons, 1968), 38. 4. See Michael Attalides, Cyprus: Nationalism and International Politics (Edinburgh: Q Press, 1979), 36–46; Charles Fraser Beckingham, 208 NOTES “Islam and Turkish Nationalism in Cyprus,” Die Welt des Islam 5, 1–2 (1957): 65–83; and Niyazi Kizilyurek (2006) “The Turkish Cypriots from an Ottoman-Muslims Community to a National Community,” in Britain in Cyprus: Colonialism and Post-Colonialism, 1878–2006, ed. H. Faustmann and N. Peristianis (Mannheim: Bibliopolis, 1994), 315–25. 5. In comparison to Greek Cypriot nationalism, Turkish Cypriot nation- alism has attracted modest scholarly attention. In addition to the above, notable exceptions include, Huseyin M. Ates¸in, Kıbrıslı “Müslüma” larin “Türk” les¸me ve “Laik” les¸me Serüveni (1925–1975) [Turkification and Securization Adventure of Cypriot Muslims] (Istanbul: Marifet Yayinlari, 1999); Altay Nevzat, “Nationalism Amongst the Turks of Cyprus: The First Wave” (PhD diss., University of Oulu, 2005); Nergis Canefe, “Communal Memory and Turkish Cypriot National History: Missing Links,” in National Identities and National Memories in the Balkans, ed. Maria Todorova (London: Hurst and Company, 2003), 77–102; Niyazi Kiziliyürek, “The Turkish Cypriot Community and Rethinking of Cyprus,” in Cyprus in the Modern World, ed. Michális S. Michael and Anastasios M. Tamis (Thessaloniki: Vanias, 2005), 228– 47; and Ahmet An, Kıbrıs’ta Fırtınalı Yıllar [The Stormy Years in Cyprus] (1942–1962) (Lefkos¸a: Galeri Kültür Yayını, 1996); and Kıbrıslı Türklerin Siyasal Tarihi (1930–1960): Basının Aynasında Kıbrıslı Türklerin Unutturulan Siyasal Geçmis¸i ve Liderlik Kavgaları [The Political History of the Turkish Cypriots (1930–1960): The Forgotten Political History of the Turkish Cypriots and the Struggles for the Leadership in the Mirror of the Press] (Lefkos¸a, 2006). 6. Peter Loizos, “The Progress of Greek Nationalism in Cyprus, 1878– 1970,” in Choice and Change: Essays in Honour of Lucy Mair, ed. J. Davis (London: Athlone, 1974), 114. 7. Lawrence Durrell, Bitter Lemons (London: Faber and Faber, 1957), 105. Throughout Bitter Lemons and in his correspondence with Henry Miller in 1953–1956, Durrell considered Cyprus “unGreek,” a “piece of Asia Minor washed out to sea—not Greece” but rather part of the Middle East and the Levant more akin to Turkey, Egypt, and Syria. Following his disheartened departure from Cyprus, Miller consoled Durrell that he “should have no doubt that Cyprus will gain her inde- pendence or alliance with Greece,” adding approvingly that “the down-trodden are coming into their own, it’s inevitable. And there won’t be any atom bomb wars either,” George Wickens, ed., Lawrence Durrell [and] Henry Miller: A Private Correspondence (London: Faber and Faber, 1963), 294, 300, and 303. 8. Robert Holland and Diana Markides, The British and the Hellenes: Struggles for Mastery in the Eastern Mediterranean 1850–1960 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2006), 187–8. NOTES 209 9. John Thomson, Through Cyprus with the Camera in the Autumn of 1878 (London: Sampson Low, 1879). As Mike Hajimichael, “Revisiting Thomson—The Colonial Eye and Cyprus,” in Faustmann/Peristianis, Britain in Cyprus, 61–78, astutely notes, Thomson’s work formed the template for how modern British society and polity “received and per- ceived” Cyprus, casting a “colonial eye” that was to dominate all sub- sequent British depiction of this newly acquired territory. It reenforced and articulated in a newly piercing medium of photos, with accompa- nied commentary, to a wider audience the confused combination of Philhellenism and colonialist/imperialist real politic. 10. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), xiii. 11. Four leading exemplars of Cypriot orientalism were Ronald Storrs, Orientations (London: Ivor Nicholson and Watson, 1937), George Hill, Harry Luke, and John Reddaway. Heavily influence by Storrs, Hill in the fourth volume of his nominal work, A History of Cyprus: The Ottoman Province, the British Colony 1571–1948 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1972 [1952]), sets the intellectual framework for Cypriot orientalism. Whilst not disputing the “Greekness of Cypriots,” Hill contends that the (modern) “Greek idea of national- ity” is different from that which is “understood by the Anglo-Saxons” or for that matter by the “ancient Greeks,” in the sense that Greek irredentism dictates that all Greek territories come under the same sovereignty (489–90). Contextualizing Greek Cypriot nationalism in its Cold War demeanor, Luke views its “frenzied” manifestation caused by communist propaganda, blaming early British latitude for not countering the socialization of Greekness through the teaching of English. Finally, Reddaway, Burdened with Cyprus: The British Connection (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986), 1–5—who, like Luke and Storrs, served in colonial Cyprus—presents a fatalistic detachment of Britain’s role in subsequent events, and, like Luke, projects British complacency as a reluctant umpire between Greek and Turkish nationalist contestation. 12. In its review, “Cyprus in 1879,” The Times, January 12, 1880, 4, sug- gested that it was far superior to any “elaborate” and “expensive” official report. 13. W. Hepworth Dixon, British Cyprus (London: Chapman and Hall, 1879). 14. Samuel White Baker, Cyprus, As I Saw It in 1879 (London: Macmillan, 1879), 405. 15. Esmé Scott-Stevenson, Our Home in Cyprus (London: Chapman and Hall, 1880). 16. Kyriacos C. Markides, “Social Change and the Rise and Decline of a Social Movement: The Case of Cyprus,” American Ethnologist 1, 2 (1974): 309–30. 210 NOTES 17. Colonial Office, Report on Cyprus for the Year 1952 (London: HMSO, 1953), 33, 52–3. 18. Colonial Office, Colonial Reports: Cyprus 1953 (London: HMSO, 1954), 15. 19. This lends credence to Rebecca Bryant’s, Imagining the Modern— The Cultures of Nationalism in Cyprus (London: I.B.Tauris, 2004), 24, and “Signatures and ‘Simple Ones’: Constituting a Public in Cyprus, circa 1900,” in Faustmann/Peristianis, Britain in Cyprus, 79–81, claim that modernization, ushered during the first decades of British rule, served as a “precondition” for the transformation of parochial Cypriot public space by fusing Greek and Turkish national- isms. Writing half a century prior, Irene B. Taeuber, “Cyprus: The Demography of a Strategy Island,” Population Index 21, 1 (1955): 4–20, contested that Cyprus’s modernization occurred after 1946 due to British economic and social reforms. 20. Kyriacos C. Markides, The Rise and Fall of the Cyprus Republic (New Haven: Yale UP, 1977), 18–9, profiling is correlated by the fact that according to the 1946 census, 55 percent of young men in towns were villagers. See D’Andrade (D. A.) Percival, “Some Features of a Peasant Population in the Middle East—Drawn from the Results of the Census of Cyprus,” Population Studies 3, 2 (1949): 202–4. 21. Anita M. Walker, “Enosis in Cyprus: Dhali, a Case Study,” The Middle East Journal 38, 3 (1984): 477–8. 22. John G. Peristiany, “Introduction to a Cyprus Highland Village,” in Contributions to Mediterranean Sociology: Mediterranean Rural Communities and Social Change, ed. J. G. Peristiany (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), 79–80. 23. For a full description of the 1931 events, see Storrs, Orientations, 585–602, and G. S. Georghallides, Cyprus and the Governorship of Sir Ronald Storrs: The Causes of the 1931 Crisis (London: Cyprus Research Centre, 1986). 24. “Latest Intelligence: Cyprus,” The Times, July 23, 1878, 5. 25. These early stances have been typified as “collaborationist,” “adapta- tionist,” and “absolute unionist,” Costas P. Kyrris, History of Cyprus (Nicosia: Nicocles, 1985), 302. They later manifested into three broader trends: nationalist-autonomist-enosist (associated with the Left), nationalists-enosist (attached to the moderate Right), and pure nationalists (linked to the militant enosists), G. S. Georghallides, Cyprus and . Storrs. 26. Nancy Crawshaw, The Cyprus Revolt: An Account of the Struggle for Union with Greece (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1978), 22. 27.