Daniel Webster THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION 1 March 7, 1850 (In the Senate)

"fuAR ME FOR MY CAUSE11 speak today, out of a solicitous and anxious heart, for the restoration to the country of that Mr. President, I wish to speak today, not as a quiet and that harmony which make the bless­ Massachusetts man, nor as a northern man, but ings of this Union so rich and so dear to us all. as an American, and a member of the Senate of These are the topics thaf I propose to myself to the United States. It is fortunate that there is a discuss; these are the motives, and the sole mo­ Senate of the United States; a body not yet tives, that influence me in the wish to commu­ moved from its propriety, not lost to a just nicate my opinions to the Senc1te and the coun­ sense of its own dignity, and its own high re­ try; and if I can do anything, however little, for sponsibilities, and a body to which the country the promotion of these ends, I shall have ac­ looks with confidence, for wise, moderate, pa­ complished all that I desire. triotic, and healing counsels. It is not to be Mr. President, it may not be amiss to recur denied that we live in the midst of strong agita­ very briefly to the e.vents which, equally tions, and are surrounded by very considerable sudden and extraordinary, have brought the po­ dangers to our institutions of government., The litical condition of the country to what it now imprisoned winds are let loose. The East, the is. In May, 1846, the United States declared war West, the North, and the stormy South, all against Mexico. Her armies, then on the fron­ combine to throw the whole sea into commo­ tiers, entered the provinces of that republic, met tion, to toss its billows to the skies, and to dis­ and defeated all her troops, penetrated her close its profoundest depths. I do not affect to mountain passes, and occupied her capital. The regard myself, Mr. President, as holding, or as marine force of the United States took posses­ fit to hold, the helm in this comba~ with the sion of her forts and her towns on the Atlantic political elements; but I have a duty to perform, and on the Pacific. In less than two years a and I mean to perform it with fidelity-not treaty was negotiated, by which Mexico ceded without a sense of surrounding dangers, but not to the United States a vast territory, extending without hope. I have a part to act, not for· my seven or eight hundred miles along the shores own security or safety, for I am looking out for of the Pacific, and reaching back over the no fragment upon which to float away from _the mountains, and across the desert, until it joined wreck, if wreCk there, mu§t be, but for the good the frontier of the state of Texas. It so hap­ of the whole, and the preservation of the pened, that, in the distracted and feeble state of whole; and there is that which will keep me to the Mexican government, before the declaration my. duty during this struggle, whether the sun of war by the United States against Mexico had and the stars shall appear, or shall not appear, become known in California, the people of for many days. I speak today· for the preserva­ California, under the lead of American officers, ·tion of the Union. "Hear me for my cause." I overthrew the existing provincial government of California, the Mexican authorities, and run up an independent flag. When the news arrived 1 This speech was first reported in U.S., Congress, Senate, Congrts­ at San Francisco, that wat had heel} declared by sioruzl GloiM, 31st Cong., 1st sess., pp. 47~3. The text here was taken from a version subsequently revised by Webster that was printed in the United States against Mexico, this inde­ the Gmgrtssiomtl GloiM, 31st Cong., 1st sess., Appendix, pp. 269-76. pendent flag was pulled down, and the stars

[267] and stripes of this Union hoisted in its stead. territorial government for California, at the last So, sir, before the war was over, the powers of session of Congress. Under this state of things, the United States, military and naval, had pos­ the inhabitants of San Francisco and Califor­ session of San Francisco and upper California, nia-then amounting to a great number of and a great rush of emigrants, from various people-in the summer of last year, thought it parts of the world, took place into California, in to be their duty, to establish a local govern­ 1846 and 1847. But now, behold another ment. Under the proclamation of General wonder. Riley, 2 the people chose delegates to a conven­ tion. ·That convention met at Monterey. They GoLD IN CALIFoRNIA formed a constitution for the state of Califor­ In January of 1848, the Mormons, it is said, nia, and it was adopted by the people -of Cali- · or some of them, made a discovery of an ex­ fornia in their primary assemblages. Desirous of traordinarily rich mine of gold; or, rather, of a immediate connection with the United States, very great quantity of gold, hardly fit to be its senators were appointed and representatives called a mine, for it was spread near the sur­ chosen, who have come hither, bringing with face-on the lower part of the south or Ameri­ them the authentic constitution of the state of can branch of the Sacramento. They seem to California; and they now present themselves, have attempted to conceal their discovery for asking in behalf of their state, that the state some time; but soon another discovery, perhaps may be admitted into this Union as one of the of greater importance, was made, of gold in an­ United States. This constitution, sir, contains an other part of the American branch of the Sacra­ express prohibition against slavery, or involun­ mento, and near Sutter's Fort, as it is called. tary servitude, in the state of California. It is The fame of these discoveries spread far and said, and I suppose truly, that of the members wide. They excited more and more the spirit of who composed that convention, some sixteen emigration toward California, which had al­ were natives, and had been residents of, the ready been excited; and persons crowded in slaveholding states, and about twenty-two were hundreds, and flocked toward the J:lay of San from the nonslaveholding states, and the re­ Francisco. This, as I have said, took place in the maining ten members were either native Cali­ winter and spring of 1848. The digging com­ fornians, or old settlers in that country. This menced in the spring of that year; and from prohibition against slavery, it is said was insert­ that time to this, the work of searching for gold ed with entire unanimity. has been prosecuted with a success not hereto­ Mr. HALE. 3 Will the senator give way until fore known in the history of this globe. We all order is restored? know, sir, how incredulous the American public The VICE PRESIDENT. 4 The sergeant at was at the accounts which reached us at first of arms will see that order is restored, and no these discoveries; but we all know now that more persons admitted to the floor. these accounts received, and contin.ue to re­ Mr. CASS. 5 I trust the scene of the other day ceive, daily confirmation; and down to the will not be repeated. The sergeant at arms must present moment, .I suppose the assurances are as display more energy in suppressing this disor­ strong, after the experience of these several der. months, of mines of gold apparently inexhaust­ Mr. HALE. The noise is outside of the door. ible in the regions near San Francisco, in Cali­ fonrla, as they were at any period of the earlier dates of the accounts. It so happened, sir, that • Bennet Riley (1787-1853), provisional governor of California, although in the time of peace it became a very 1848-1849. importai).t subject for legislative consideration 3 John P. Hale (1806-1873) served in the Senate, 1847-1853 and and legislative decision, to provide a proper ter­ 1855-1865. • Millard Fillmore (1800-1874) was vice president of the United ritorial government for California, yet, cijffer­ States, 1849 to July 1850 when he became president after the death ences of opinioll in the councils of the govern­ of Zachary Taylor. ment prevented the establishment of . any such • Lewis Cass (1782-1866) served in the Senate, 1845-1857.

[ 268] Mr. WEBSTER. And it is this circumstance, know, sir, that slavery has existed in the world sir, the prohibition of slavery by that conven­ from time immemorial. There was slavery, in tion, which has contributed to raise-I do not the earliest periods of history, in the oriental say it has wholly raised-the dispute as to the nations. There was slavery among the Jewg....,... propriety of the admission of California into the theocratic government of that people made the Union under this constitution. It is not to no injunction against it. There was slavery be denied, Mr. President-nobody thinks of de­ among the Greeks; and the ingenious philoso­ nying-that, whatever reasons were assigned at phy of the Greeks found, or sought to find, a the commencement of the late war with justification for it, exactly upon the grounds Mexico, it was prosecuted for the purpose of which have been assumed for such a justifica­ the acquisition of territory, and under the al­ tion, in this country; that is, a natural and origi­ leged argument that the cession of territory was nal difference among the races of mankind-the the only form in which proper compensation inferiority of the black or colored race, to the could be made to the United States, by Mexico, white. The Greeks justified their system of for the various claims and demands which the slavery upon that ground, precisely. They held people of this country had against that govern­ the African, and in some parts, the Asiatic ment. At any rate, it will be found that Presi­ tribes, to be inferior to the white race; but they dent Polk's 6 message at the commencement of did not show, I think, by any close process of the session of December, 1847, avowed, that logic, that, if this were true, the more intelligent the war was to be prosecuted l.mtil some acqui­ and the stronger, had therefore a right to subju­ sition of territory was made. And, as the acqui­ gate the weaker. sition was to be south of the line of the United The more manly philosophy, and jurispru­ States, in warm climates and countries, it was dence of the Romans, placed the justifica~on of naturally, I suppose, expected by the South, slavery on entirely different grounds. that whatever acquisitions were made in that The Roman jurists, from the first, and down region would be added to the slaveholding por­ to the fall of the empire, admitted that slavery tion of the United States. Events have turned was against the natural law, by which, as they out as was not expected, and that expectation maintained, all men, of whatsoever clime, color has not been realized; and therefore some or capacity, were equal; but they justified slav­ degree of disappointment and surprise has re­ ery-first, upon the ground and authority of sulted, of course. In other words, it is obvious the law of nationg....,...arguing, and arguing truly, that the question which has so long harassed that at that day the conventional law of nations the country, and at times very seriously admitted, that captives in war, whose lives, a~­ alarmed the minds of Wise and good men, has cording to the notions of the times, were at the come upon us for a fresh discussion-the ques­ absolute disposal of the captors, might, in ex­ tion of slavery in these United States. change for exemption from death, be made slaves for life, and that such servitude might "Tms QUESTION OF SLAVERY" descend to their posterity. The jurists of Rome Now, sir, I propose-perhaps at the expense also maintained that, by the civil law, there of some detail and consequent detention of the might be servitude-slavery, personal and he­ Senate-to review, historically, this question of reditary-first, by the voluntary act of an indi­ slavery, which....,...partly in consequence· of its vidual who miiht sell himself into slavery; own merits, and partly, perhaps mostly, in the second, by his being received into a state of manner it is discussed, in one and the other slavery, by. his creditors, in satisfaction of a -portion of the country-has been a source of so debt; and, thirdly, by being placed in a state of much alienation and unkind feeling between servitude, or slavery, for crjme. At the introduc­ the different portions of the Union. We all tion of ChristianitY into the world, the Roman world was full of slaves, and I suppose there is

• James K. Polk (17-95-1849) was president of the United States, to be found no injunction against that relation 1845-1849. between man and man in the teachings of the

[ 2691 Gospel of Jesus Christ, or of any of his Apos­ lieve themselves from this relation. And, in this tles. The object of the instruction, imparted to respect, candor obliges me to say, that I believe mankind, by the founder of Christianity, was to they are just as conscientious, many of them­ touch the heart, purify the soul, and improve and of the religious people, all of them-as the lives of individual men. That object went they are in the North, in holding different directly to the first fountain of all political and opinions. all social relations of the human race-the indi­ Why, sir, the honorable senator from South vidual heart and mind of man. Carolina 7 the other day, alluded to the great Now, sir, upon the general nature, and char­ separation of that great religious community, acter, and influence of slavery there exists a the Methodist Episcopal Church. That separa­ wide difference between the northern portion tion was brought about by differences of opin­ of thi.s country and the southern. It is said, on ion upon this peculiar subject of slavery. I felt the one side, that if not the subject of any in­ great concern, as that dispute went on, about junction or direct prohibition in the New Testa­ the result; and I was in hopes that the differ­ ment, slavery is a wrong; that it is founded ence of opinion might be adjusted, because I merely in the right of the strongest; and that it looked upon that religious denomination as one is an oppression, like unjust wars-like all those of the great props of religion and morals, conflicts by which a mighty nation subjects a throughout the whole country, from Maine to weaker nation to their will; and that slavery, in Georgia. The result was against my wishes and its nature, whatever may be said of it in the against my hopes. I have read all their proceed­ modifications which have taken place, is not in ings, and all their arguments, but I have never fact according to the meek. spirit of the Gospel. yet -been able to come to the conclusion, that It is not kindly affectioned; it does not "seek there was any real ground for that separation; another's, and not its own." 1t does not '1et the in other words, that no good could be produced oppressed go free." These are sentiments that by that separation. I must say, I think there was are cherished, and recently with greatly aug­ some want of candor and charity. Sir, when a mented force, among the people of the northern question of this kind takes hold of the religious states. It has taken hold of the religious senti­ sentiments of mankind, and comes to be dis­ ment of that part of the country, as it has more cussed in religious assemblies of the clergy and or less taken hold of the religious feelings of a laity, there is always to be expected, or always considerable portion of mankind. The South, to be feared, a great degree of excitement. It is upon the other side, having been accustomed to in the nature of man, manifested by his whole this relation between the two races all their history, that religious disputes are apt tQ lives, from their birth; ·having been taught, in become warm, and men's strength of conviction . general, to treat the subjects of this bondage is proportionate to their views of the magnitude with care and kindness-and I believe, in gen­ of the questions. In all such disputes, there will eral, feeling for them great care and kindness­ sometimes be men found with whom every­ have yet not taken this view of the subject thing is absolute-absolutely wrong, or abso­ which I have mentioned, There are thousands lutely right. They see the right clearly; they of religious men, with consciences as tender as think others ought so to see it, and they are any of their brethren at the North, who ,do not disposed to establish a broad line of distinction s~ the unlawfulness of slavery; and there are between what is right, and what is wrong. And more thousands, perhaps, that, whatsoever they they are not seldom willing to establish that may think of it in its origin, and as a matter de­ line upon their own convictions of the truth pending upon natural right, yet take things as and the justice of their own opinions; and are they are, and, finding slavery to be an estab­ ready to mark and guard that line, by placing lished relation of the society in which they live, along it a series of dogmas, as lines of boundary can see no way in which-let their opinions on

the abstract question be what they may-it is 7 John C. Calhoun (1782-1850) served in the Senate, 18J2-1843, in the power of the present generation to re- 1845-1850 (See Speeches No, 5 and 7).

[ 270] are marked by posts and stones. There are men, ago, on the other side of the Atlantic, that it who, with clear perceptions, as they think, of was one of the greatest reproaches to human their OWn duty, do not see how too hot a pur­ nature, that wars were sometimes necessary. suit of one duty may involve them in the viola­ The defense of nations sometimes causes a war tion of another, or how too warm an embrace­ against the injustice of other nations. ment of one truth may lead to, a disregard of Now, sir, in this state of sentiment, upon the other truths equally important. As I heard it general nature of slavery, lies the cause of a stated strongly, not many days ago, these per­ great portion of those unhappy divisions, exas­ sons are disposed to mount upon some particu­ perations, and reproaches which find vent and lar duty as upon a warhorse, and to drive furi­ support in different parts of the Union. Slavery ously on, and upon, and over all other duties, does exist in the United States. It did exist in that may stand in the way. There are men, the states before the adoption of this Constitu­ who, in times of that sort, and disputes of that tion, and at that time. sort, are of opinion, that human duties may be ascertained with the exactness of mathematics. NOI!.THJIRN AND SOUTHllllN VIBWS OF SLAVJIRY IN 1787 They deal with morals as with mathematics, And now, let us consider, sir, for a moment, and they think what is right, may be distin­ what was the state of sentiment, North and guished from what is wrong, with the precision South, in regard to slavery at the time this of an algebraic equation. They have, therefore, Constitution was adopted. A remarkable change none too much chanty toward others who has taken place since, but what did the wise differ with them. They are apt, too, to think and great men of all parts of the country then that nothing is good but what is perfect, and think of slavery? In what estimation did they that there are no compromises or modifications hold it in 1787, when this Constitution was to be made in submission to difference of opin­ adopted? Now it will be found, sir, if we will ion, or in deference to other men's judgment. If carry ourselves by historical research back to their perspicacious vision enables them to that day, and ascertain men's opinions by au­ detect a spot on the face of the sun, they think thentic records still existing among us, that that a good reason why the sun should be there was no great diversity of opinion between struck down from heaven. They prefer the the North and the South upon the subject of chance of running into utter darkness, to living slavery; and it will be found that both parts of in heavenly light, if that heavenly light be not the country held it equally an evil, a moral and absolutely without any imperfection. There are political evil. It will not be found, that either at impatient men-toO( impatient always to give the North or at the South, there was mud-}1 heed to the admonition of St. Paul, "that we though there was some, invective against slav­ are not to do evil that good may come"-too ery as inhuman and cruel. The great ground of impatient to wait for the slow progress of moral objection to it was political; that it weakened causes in the improvement of mankind. They the social fabric; that, taking the place of free do not remember, that the doctrin~s and the labor, society was less strong, and labor was miracles of Jesus Christ have, in eighteen hun­ less productive; and, therefore, we find, from all dred years, converted only a small portion of the eminent men of the time, the clearest ex­ the human race; and among the nations that are pression of their opinion that slavery was an converted to Christianity, they forget how evil. They ascribed its existence here, not with­ many vices and crimes, public and private, still out truth, and not without some acerbity of prevail, and that many of them-public crimes temper and force of language, to the injurious .especially, which are offences against the Chris­ policy of the mother country, who, to favor the tian religion-pass without exciting particular navigator, had entailed these evils upon the regret or indignation. Thus wars are waged, and colonies. I need hardly refer, sir, to the publica­ unjust wars. I do not deny that there may be tions of the day. They are matters of history on just wars. There certainly are; but it was the the record. The eminent men, the most eminent remark of an eininent person, not many years men, and nearly all the conspicuous politicians

[ 271]

( / of the South, held the same sentiments, that "fugitive slaves" shall be delivered up. It re­ slavery was an "evil," a "blight," a "blast," a quires that "persons bound to service in one "mildew," a "scourge," and a "curse." There are state, and escaping into another, shall be deliv­ no terms of reprobation of slavery so vehement ered up." Mr. Madison opposed the introduc­ in the North at that day as in the South. The tion of the term slave, or slavery, into the Con­ North was not so much excited against it as the stitution; for he said, that he did not wish to South, and the reason is, I suppose, that there see it recognized by the Constitution of the was much less at the North; and the people did United States of America, that there could be not see, or think they saw, the evils so promi­ property in men. Now, sir, all this took place at nently as they were seen, or thought to be seen, the convention in 1787; but connected with at the South. this-concurrent and contemporaneous-is an­ Then, sir, when this Constitution was other important transaction, not sufficiently at­ framed, this was the light in which the conven­ tended to. The convention, for framing this tion viewed it. The convention reflected the Constitution, assembled in Philadelphia in May, judgment and sentiments of the great men of and sat until September, 1787. During all that the South. A member of the other house, whom time, the Congress of the United States was in I have not the honor to know, in a recent session at New York. It was a matter of design, speech, has collected extracts from these public as we know, that the convention should not as­ documents. They prove the truth of what I am semble in the same city where Congress was saying, and the question then was, how to deal holding its sessions. Almost all the public men with it, and how to deal with it as an evil? of the country, therefore, of distinction and em­ Well, they came to this general result. They inence, were in one or the other of these two thought that slavery could not be continued in assemblies; and I think it happened in some in­ the country if the importation of slaves were stances, that the same gentlemen were members made to cease, and therefore they provided, of both. If I mistake not, such was the case of that after a certain period, the importation Mr. Rufus King, 9 then a member of Congress might be prevented by the act of the new gov­ from Massachusetts, and at the same time a ernment. Twenty years was proposed by some member of the convention to frame the Consti­ gentleman-a northern gentleman, I think-and tution,· from that state. Now, it was in the many of the southern gentlemen opposed it as summer of 1787, at the very time when the being too long. Mr. Madison,8 especially, was convention in Philadelphia was framing this something warm against it. He said it .would Constitution, that the Congress in New York bring too much of this mischief into the coun­ was framing the Ordinance of 1787. They try to allow the importation of ·slaves for such a passed that ordinance on the 13th July, 1787, at period, because we must take along with us, in New York, the very month-perhaps the very the whole of this discussion, when we are con­ day-on which these questions about the' im­ sidering the sentiments and opinions iri which portation of slaves, and the character of slavery, the constitutional provision originated, that the were debated in the convention at Philadelphia. conviction of all men was, that if the importa­ And, so far as we can now learn, there was a tion of slaves ceased, the white race would perfect concurrence of opinion between these multiply faster than the black race, and that respective bodies; and it resulted in this Ordi­ slavery would therefore gradually wear out and nance of 1787, excluding slavery, as applied to expire. It may not be improper here to allude to all the territory over which the Congress of the that, I had almost said celebrated, opinion of United States had jurisdiction, and that. was, all Mr. Madison. You observe, sir, that the term the territory northwest of the Ohio. Three years "slave," or "slavery," is not used in the Consti.­ tution. The Constitution does not require that.. 0 Rufus King of Massachusetts (1755-1827) served in the Conti­ nental Congress, 1784-1787, and in the Constitutional Convention 8 James Madison (1751-1836) played a prominent role at the Con­ in 1787. He later represented New York in the U.S. Senate, 17'89- stitutional Convention in 1787. 1796 and 1813-1825.

[ 272] before, Virginia and other states had made a it was done under the old confederation, and cession of that great territory to. the United before this Constitution went into effect; but, States. And a most magnificent act it was. I my present purpose is only to say, Mr. Presi­ never reflect upon it without a disposition to do dent, that it was done with the entire and honor and justice-and justice would be the unanimous concurrence of the whole South. highest honor-to Virginia for the cession of Why, there it stands! The vote of every state in her northwestern territory. I will say, sir, it is the Union was unanimous in favor of the ordi­ one of her fairest claims to the respect and grat­ nance, with the exception of a single individual itude of the United States, and that perhaps it vote, and that individual was a northern man. is only second to that other claim which at­ But, sir, the ordinance abolishing or rather pro­ taches to her, that from her counsels, and from hibiting slavery northwest of the Ohio, has the the intelligence and patriotism of her leading hand and seal of every southern member in statesmen, proceeded the first idea, put into Congress. practice, for the formation of a general consti­ The other and third clear historical truth is, tution of the United States. Now, sir, the Ordi­ that the convention meant to leave slavery, in nance of 1787 applied thus to the whole terri­ the states, as they found it, entirely under the tory over which the Congress of the United authority and control of the states. States had jurisdiction. It was adopted nearly three years before the Constitution of the "OPINIONS .•• HAVE CHANGED .•. NoRTH AND CHANGED United States went into operation; because the SoUTH" ordinance took effect immediately on its pas­ This was the state of things, sir, and this the sage, while the Constitution of the United state of opinion, under which those very im­ States, having been framed, was to be sent to portant matters were arranged, and those im­ the states to be adopted by their conventions; portant things done; that is, the establishment and then a government had to be organized of the Constitution with a recognition of slav­ under it. This ordinance, then, was in operation ery as it existed in the states, and the establish­ and force when the Constitution was adopted, ment of the ordinance prohibiting, to the full and this government put in motion, in April extent of all territory owned by the United 1789. States, the introduction of slavery into those Mr. President, three things are quite clear as territories, and the leaving to the states all historical truths. One is, that there was an ex­ power over slavery, in their own limits. And pectation that on the ceasing of the importation here, sir, we may pause. We may reflect for a of slaves from Africa, slavery would begin to moment upon the entire coincidence and con­ run out. That was hoped and expected. Another currence of sentiment between the North and is, that as far as there was any power in Con­ the South upon these questions, at the period gress to prevent the spread of slavery in the of the adoption of the Constitution. But opin­ United States, that power was executed in the ions, sir, have changed-greatly changed­ most absolute manner and to the fullest extent. changed North and changed South. Slavery is An honorable member whose health does not not regarded in the South now as it was then. I allow him to be here today-:- see an honorable member of this body paying A SENATOR. He is here. [Referring to Mr. me the honor of listening to my remarks; 10 he CALHOUN.] b!ffigs to me, sir; freshly and vividly the senti)­ Mr. WEBSTER. I am very happy to hear that ments of his great ancestor, so much distin­ he is-may he long be in health, and in the en­ guished in his day and generation, so worthy to joyment of it to serve his country-said the be succeeded by so worthy a grandson, with all other day, that he considered this ordinance as the first in the series of measures calculated to enfeeble the South, and deprive them of their 10 James M. Mason of Virginia (1798-1871) served. in the Senate, 1847-1861. His grandfather, George Mason (1725--1792) was a dele­ just participation in the benefits and privileges gate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787; he also designed Vir­ of this goverruriEmt. He says, very properly, that ginia's plan for ceding her western lands to the United. States.

[ 273] the sentiments he expressed in the convention to a hundred millions of dollars. In the years I in Philadelphia. have mentioned, there was more of wax, more Here we may pause. There was a general of indigo, more of rice, more of almost every concurrence of sentiment, if not an entire una­ article of export from the South, than of cotton. nimity, running through the whole community, I think I have heard it said, when Mr. Jay 11 and especially entertained by the eminent men negotiated the treaty of 1794 with England, he of all portions of the country. But soon a did not know that cotton was exported at all change began at the North and the South, and a from the United States; and I have heard it said, severance of opinion showed itself-the North that after 'the treaty, which gave to the United growing much more warm and strong against States the right to carry their own commodities slavery, and the South growing much more to England in their own ships, the customhouse warm and strong in its support. Sir, there is no in London refused to admit cotton, upon anal­ generation of mankind whose opinions are not legation that it could not be an American pro­ subject to be influenced by what appears to duction, there being, as they supposed, no them to be their present, emergent, and exigent cotton raised in America. They would hardly interests. I impute to the South no particularly think so now! selfish view, in the change which has come Well, sir, we know what followed. The age of over her. I impute to her certainly no dishonest cotton became a golden age for our southern view. All that has happened has been natural. It brethren. It gratified their desire for improve­ has followed those causes which always influ­ ment and accumulation, at the same time that it ence the human mind and operate upon it. excited it. The desire grew by what it fed upon, What, then, have been the causes which have and there soon came to be an eagerness for created so new a feeling in favor of slavery in other territory-a new area or new areas for the the South-which have changed the whole no­ cultivation of the cotton crop; and measures menclature of the South on the subject-and leading to this result, were brought about from being thought of and described in the somewhat rapidly, one after another, under the terms I have mentioned, but will not repeat, it lead of southern men at the head of the gov­ has now become an "institution," a "cherished ernment, they having a majority in both institution," in that quarter; no evil, no scourge, branches, to accomplish their ends. The honor­ but a great religious, social, and moral blessing, able member from Carolina observed, that there as I think I have heard it lately described. I has been a majority all along in favor of the suppose this, sir, is owing to the sudden upris­ North. If that be true, sir, the North has acted ing and rapid growth of the cotton plantations either very liberally and kindly, or very weakly; of the South. So far as any motive of honor, for they never exercised that majority five justice, and general judgment could act, it was times in the history of the government. Never. the cotton interest that gave a new desire to Whether they were out-generalled, or whether promote slavery, to spread it and to use its it was owing to other causes, I shall not stop to labor. I again say that that was produced by the consider, but no man acquainted with the his­ causes, which we must ~ways expect to tory of the country can deny, that the general produce like effects; their whole interests lead in the politics of the country, for three­ became connected with it. If we look back to fourths of the period that has elapsed since the the history of the commerce of this country, in adoption of the Constitution, has been a south­ the early years of this government, what were em lead. In 1802, in pursuit of the idea of .,~ . our exports? Cotton was hardly, or but to a opening a new cotton region, the United States very limited extent, known. The tables will oJ,tained a cession from Georgia of the whole show that the exports of cotton for the years of her western territory, now embracing the 1790 and '91, were not more than forty or fifty rich and growing state of Alabama. In 1803 thousand dollars a year. It has gone on increas­ ing rapidlyL until ~it may now, perhaps, in a season of great product and high prices, amount 11 John Jay (1745-1829).

[ 274] Louisiana was purchased from France, out of the truth and firmness of which I intend to act which the states of Louisiana, Arkansas, and until it is overthrown, that there is not, at this Missouri have been framed, as slaveholding moment, within the United States, or any terri­ states. In 1819 the cession of Florida was made, tory of the United States, a single foot of land, bringing another cession of slaveholding prop­ the character of which, in regard to its being erty and territory. Sir, the honorable member free-soil territory or slave territory, is not fixed from South Carolina thought he saw in certain by some law, and some irrepealable law, operations of the government, such as the beyond the power of the action of this govern­ manner of collecting the revenue and the ten­ ment. Now, is it not so with respect to Texas? dency of those measures calculated to promote Why, it is most manifestly so. The honorable emigration into the country, what accounts for member from South Carolina, at the time of the the more rapid growth of the North than the admission of Texas, held an important post in South. He thinks that more rapid growth was the executive department of the government; he not the operation of time, but of the system of was secretary of state. 12 Another eminent government established under this Constitution. person, of great activity and adroitness in af­ That is a matter of opinion. To a certain extent, fairs-! mean the late secretary of the treasury it may be so; but it does seem to me, that if [Mr. Walker],13 was a leading member of this any operation of the government could be body, and took the lead in the business of an­ shown in any degree to have promoted the nexation; and I must say that they did their population, and growth, and wealth of the business faithfully and thoroughly; there was North, it is much more sure that there are no botch left in it. They rounded it off, and sundry important and distinct operations of the made as close joiner-work as ever was put to­ government, about which no man can doubt, gether. Resolutions of annexation were brought tending to promote, and which absolutely have into Congress fitly joined together-compact, promoted, the increase of the slave interest, and firm, efficient, conclusive upon the great object the slave territory, of the South.· Allow me to which they had in view, and those resolutions say, that it was not time that brought in Louisi­ passed. ana; it was the act of men. It was not time that brought in Florida; it was the act of men. And THE ADMISSION OF TBXAS lastly, sir, to complete those acts of men, which Allow me to read the resolution. It is the have contributed ·so much ·to enlarge the area third clause of the second section of the resolu­ and the sphere of the institution of slavery, tion of the 1st March, 1845, for the admission Texas-great, and vast, and illimitable Texas­ of 1 exas, which applies to this part of the cas~. was added to the Union, as a slave state, in That clause reads in these words: · 1845; and that, sir, pretty much closed the New states, of convenient size; not exceeding four in whole chapter and settled the whole account. number, in addition to said state of Texas, and having suf­ That closed the whole chapter-that .settled the ficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said whole account-because the annexation of state, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be Texas, upon the. cond,itions and under the guar­ entitled to admission under the provisions of the federal Constitution. And such states as may be formed out of that anties upon which she was admitted, did not portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees leave an acre of land, capable of being cultivat­ thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Mis­ ed by slave labor, between this Capitol and the souri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Unio~, Rio Grande, or the Nueces, or whatever is the with or witl).out slavery, as the people of each state, asking proper boundary of Texas-not an acre, not admission, may desire; and in such state or states as shall be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compro­ one. From that moment, the whole country mise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for from this place to the western boundary of crime) shall be prohibited. Texas, was fixed, pledged, fastened, decided, to be slave territory forever, by the solemn guar­ u John C. Calhoun was secretary of state, 1844-1845. anties of law. 1\.nd I now say, sir, as the propo­ 19 Robert J. Walker of Mississippi (1801-1869) served ·in the sition upon which I stand this day, and upon Senate, 1835-1845, and as secretary of the treasury, 1845-1849.

[ 275] Now what is here stipulated, enacted, se­ Well, now, sir, how came this? How came it cured? It is, that all Texas south of 36°3Q', that within these walls, where it is said by the which is nearly the whole of it, shall be admit­ honorable member from South Carolina, the ted into the Union as a slave state. It was a free states have a majority-that this resolution slave state, and therefore came in as a slave of annexation, such as I have described it, state--and the guaranty is, that new states shall found a majority in both houses of Congress? be made out of it; and that such states as are Why, sir, it found that majority by the great formed out of that portion of Texas lying south addition of northern votes added to the entire of 36°30' may come in as slave states, to the southern vote, or, at least, nearly the whole of number of four, in addition to the state then in the southern votes. That majority was made up existence, and admitted at that time by these of northern as well as of southern votes. In the resolutions. I know no form of legislation House of Representatives it stood, I think, which can strengthen that. I know no mode of about 80 southern votes for the admission of recognition that can add a tittle of weight to it. Texas and about 50 northern votes for the ad­ I listened respectfully to the resolutions of my mission of Texas. In the Senate the vote stood honorable friend from Tennessee [Mr. BELL]. 14 for the admission of Texas 27 and 25 against it; He proposed to recognize that stipulation with and of those 27 votes, constituting a majority Texas. But any additional recognition would for the admission of Texas, in this body, no less weaken the force of it, because it stands here than 13 of them came from the free states-4 of on the ground of a contract, a thing done, for a them were from New England. The whole of consideration. It is a law founded on a contract these 13 senators from the free states-within a with Texas, and designed to carry that contract fraction, you see, of one-half of all the votes in into effect. A recognition founded not on any this body for the admission of Texas, with its consideration, or any contract, would not be so immeasurable extent of slave territory-were strong as it now stands on the face of the reso­ sent here by the votes of free states. lution. Now, I know no way, I candidly con­ Sir, there is not so remarkable a chapter in fess, in which this government, acting in good our history of political events, political parties, faith, as I trust it always will, can relieve itself and political men, as is afforded by this meas­ from that stipulation and pledge, by any honest ure for the admission of Texas with this im­ course of legislation whatever. And, therefore, I mense territory over which a bird cannot fly in say again, that, so far as Texas is concerned­ a week. [Laughter.] Sir, New England, with the whole of Texas south of 36 o 30', which I some · of her votes, supported this measure. suppose embraces all the slave territoiy-there Three-fourths of the votes of liberty-lo~g is no land, not an acre, the character of which is Connecticut went for it in the other house, and not established by law-a law which cannot be one-half here. There was one vote for it in repealed without the violation of a contract, Maine, but I am happy to say, not the vote of and plain disregard of the public faith. the honorable member who addressed the I hope, sir, it is now apparent, that my prop­ Senate the day before yesterday [Mr. osition, so far -as Texas is concerned, has been HAMLIN],16 and who was then a representa­ maintained; and that the provision in this arti­ tive from Maine in the other house; but there cle--and it has been well suggested by my was a vote or two from Maine, ay, and there frienji . from Rhode Island,15 that that part of was one vote for it in Massachusetts, the gen­ Texas which lies north of 36°30' of north lati­ tleman then representing, and now living in," tude may be formed into free states-is de­ the district in which the prevalence of free~soil pendent, in like manner, upon the consent of . sentiment for a couple of years or so, has de­ Texas, herself a slave state. feated the choice of any member to represent it

18 Hannibal Hamlin (1809-1891) served in the House, 1843-1847, 14 John Bell (1797-1~9) served in the Senate, 1847-1859. and in the Senate, 184~1861 and 1869-1881. He was vice president '"Albert C. Greene (1792.-1863) served in the Senate, 1845-1851. of the United States, 1861-1865.

[ 276] in Congress. Sir, that body of . northern and Texas, had been published. That correspond­ eastern men, who gave those votes at that time, ence was all before those gentlemen, and the are now seen taking upon themselves, in the secretary had the boldness and candor to avow nomenclature of politics, the appellation of the in that correspondence, that the great object northern Democracy. They undertook to wield sought by the annexation of Texas was to the destinies of this empire-if I may call a re­ strengthen the slave interest of the South. Why, public an empire-and their policy was, and sir, he said so in so many words- they persisted in it, to bring into this country Mr. CALHOUN. Will the honorable senator all the territory they could. They did it, under pemiit me to interrupt him for a moment? pledges-absolute pledges, to the slave interest Mr. WEBSTER. Certainly. in the case of Texas, and afterwards they lent Mr. CALHOUN. I am very reluctant to inter­ their aid in bringing in these new conquests. rupt the honorable gentleman; but, upon a My honorable friend from Georgia, 17 in March, point of so much importance, I deem it right to 1847, moved the Senate to declare that the war put myself reclus. I did not put it upon the ought not be prosecuted for acquisition, for ground assumed by the senator. I put it upon conquest, for the dismemberment of Mexico. this ground: that Great Britain had announced The same northern Democracy entirely voted to this country, in so many words, that her against it. He did not get a vote from them. It object was to abolish slavery' in Texas, and, suited the views, the patriotism, the elevated through Texas, to accomplish the abolishment sentiments of the northern Democracy, to bring of slavery in the United States and the world. in a world here, among the mountains and val­ The ground I put it on was, that it would make leys of California and New Mexico, or any an exposed frontier, and, if Great Britain suc­ other part of Mexico, and then quarrel about ceeded in her object, it would be impossible it-to bring it in, and then endeavor to put that that frontier could be secured against the upon it the saving grace of the Wilmot Proviso. aggression of the abolitionists; and that this There were two eminent and highly respectable government was bound, under the guaranties of gentlemen from the North and East, .then lead­ the Constitution, to protect us against such a ing gentlemen in the Senate-! refer, and I do state of things. so with entire respect, for I entertain for both Mr. WEBSTER. That comes, I suppose, sir, to of those gentlemen, in general, high regard, to exactly the same thing. It was, that Texas must Mr. Dix 18 of New York and Mr. Niles 19 of be obtained for the security of the slave interest Connecticut who voted for. the admission of of the South. Texas. They would not have that 'vote any Mr. CALHOUN. Another view is very dis­ other way than as it stood; and they would tinctly given. have it as it did stand. I speak of the vote upon Mr. WEBSTER. That was the object set forth the annexation of Texas. Those two gentlemen in the correspondence of a worthy gentleman would have the resolution of annexaqon just as not now living, who preceded th~ honorable it is, and they voted for it just as it is, and their member from South Carolina in that office. eyes were all -open to it. My honorable friend, There repose on the files of the Department of the member who addressed us the other day State, as I have occasion to know, strong letters from South Carolina, was then secretary of from Mr. Upshur 21 to the United States minis­ state. His correspondence with Mr. Murphy, 2o ter in England, and I believe there are some to the-charge d'affaires of the United States in the same minister from the honorable senator himself, asserting to this effect the sentiments of this government; that Great Britain was ex­ 11 John M. Berrien (1781-1856) served in the Senate, 1825--1829 and 1841-1852. pected not to interfere to take Texas out of the 18 John A. Dix (1798-1879) served in the Senate, 1845-1849. hands of its then existing government, and 10 John M. Niles (1787-1856) served in the Senate, 1835-1839 and 1843-1849. •• Willlam S. Murphy (1796?-1844) served as charge d'affaires in Texas, 1843-1844. 21 Abel P. Upshur (1791-1844) was secretary of state, 1843-1844.

[ 277] make it a free country. But my argument, my are at home making rousing and capital speech­ suggestion is this; that those gentlemen who es for free soil and no slavery. [Laughter.) And composed the northern Democracy, when Texas therefore I say, sir, that there is not a chapter in was brought into the Union, saw with all their our history, respecting public measures and eyes, that it was brought in as a· slave country, public men, more full of what should create and brought in for the purpose of being main­ surprise, more full of what does create, in my tained, as slave territory, to the Greek Kalends. mind, extreme mortification, than that of the I rather think the honorable gentleman, who conduct of this northern Democracy. was then secretary of state, might, in some of Mi. President, sometimes, when a man is his correspondence with Mr. Murphy, have found in a new relation to things around him, suggested that it was not expedient to say too and to other men, he says that the world has much about this object, lest it might create changed, and that he has not changed. I believe, some alarm. At any rate, Mr. Murphy wrote to sir, that our self-respect leads us often to make him, that England was anxious to get rid of the this declaration in regard to ourselves, when it constitution of Texas, because it was a constitu­ is not exactly true. An individual is more apt to tion, establishing slavery; and that what . the change, perhaps, than all the world around him. United States had to do, was to aid the people But, under the present circumstances, and under of Texas in upholding their constitution; but the responsibility which I know I incur by what that nothing should be said which should I am now stating here, I feel at liberty to recur offend the fanatical men of the North. But, sir, to the various expressions and statements, made the honorable member did avow this object, at various times, of my own opinions and reso­ himself, openly, boldly and manfully; he did lutions respecting the admission of Texas, and not disguise his conduct or his motives. all that has followed. Sir, as early as 1836, or in Mr. CALHOUN. Never, never. the early part of 1837, a matter of conversation Mr. WEBSTER. What he means he is very and correspondence between myself and some apt to say. private friends, was this project of annexing Mr. CALHOUN. Always, always. Texas to the United States; and an honorable Mr. WEBSTER. And I honor him for it. This gentleman, with whom I have had a long ac­ admission of Texas was in 1845. Then, in 1847, quaintance, a friend of mine, now perhaps in flagrante bello between the United States and this chamber-! mean General Hamilton,22 of Mexico, the proposition I have mentioned, was South Carolina-was knowing to that corre­ brought forward by my friend from Georgia, spondence. I had voted for the recognition of and the northern Democracy voted straight Texan independence, because I believed it was ahead against it. Their remedy was to apply to an existing fact, surprising and astonishing as it the acquisitions, after they should come in, the was, and I wished well to the new republic; but Wilmot Proviso. What follows? These two gen­ I manifested from the first utter opposition to tlemen, worthy and honorable, and , influential bringing her, with her territory, into the Union. men-and if they had not been, they could not I had occasion, sir, in 183'7, to meet friends in have· carried the measure-these two gentlemen, New York, on some political occasion, and I members of this body, brought in Texas, and then stated my sentiments upon the subject. It by their votes th~y also prevented the passage was the first time that I had occasion to advert of !}le resolution of the honorable member from to it; and I will ask a friend near me to do m.e Georgia, and then they went home and took the favor to read an extract from the speech, for the lead in the Free Soil party. And there they the Senate may find it rather tedious to listen ·stand, sir! They leave us here, bound in honor to the whole of it. It was delivered in Niblo's and conscience by the resolutions of annex­ Garden, in 1837. ation; they leave us here to take the odium of fulfilling the obligations, in favor of slavery,

which they voted us into, or else the greater •• James Hamilton {1786-1857) served in the House of Represent­ odium of violating those obligations, while they atives, 1822-1829. He was governor of South Carolina, 1830-1832.

[ 278]

j Mr. GREENE then read the following extract ed with official information, that a design had from the speech of the honorable senator, to been taken up, of bringing in Texas, with her which he referred: slave territory and population, into this Union. I Gentlemen, we all see that, by whomsoever possessed, was here in Washington at the time; and per­ Texas is likely to be a slaveholding country; and I frankly sons are now here who will remember, that we avow my entire unwillingness to do anything which shall had an arranged meeting for conversation upon extend the slavery of the African race on this continent, or it. I went home, to Massachusetts, and pro­ add other slaveholding states to the Union. claimed the existence of that purpose; but I When I say that I regard slavery in itself as a great moral, social, and political evil, I only use language which has been could get no audience, and but little attention. adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of slave­ Some did not believe it, and some were too holding states. much engaged in their own pursuits to give it I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its any heed. They had gone to their farms, or to further extension. We have slavery already among us. The their merchandise, and it was impossible to Constitution found it among us; it recognized it, and gave it solemn guaranties. arouse any sentiment in New England or in To the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in Massachusetts that should combine the two honor, in justice, and by the Constitution. All the stipula­ great political parties against this annexation; tions contained in the Constitution in favor of the slave­ and, indeed, there was no hop!'! of bringing the holding states, which are already in the Union, ought to be northern Democracy into that view, for the fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled in the fullness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their leaning was all the other way. But, sir, even letter. Slavery, as it exists in the states, is beyond the reach with Whigs, and leading Whigs, I am ashamed of Congress. It is a concern of the states themselves. They to say, there was a great indifference toward have never submitted it to Congress, and Congress has no the admission of Texas, with slave territory, rightful power over .it. into this Union. It went on. I was then out of I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no measure, no menace, no indication of purpose which shall interfere or Congress. The annexation resolution passed on threaten to interfere with the exclusive authority of the the 1st of March, 1845. The legislature of Texas several states over the subject of slavery, as it exists within complied with the conditions, and accepted the their respective limits. All this appears to me to be matter guarantie~;~; for the phraseology of the language of plain and imperative duty. of the resolution is, that Texas is to come in But when we come to speak of admitting new states, the subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our rights and "upon the conditions, and under the guaranties, our duties are then both different.... herein prescribed." I happened to be returned to I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation the Senate. in March, 1845, and was here in De­ of Texas to the Union-no advantages to be derived from cember, 1845, when the acceptance by Texas, of it; and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgment, of the conditions proposed by Congress, were laid a decisive character. before us by the president; and an act, for th~ Mr. WEBSTER. I have nothing, sir, to add to, consummation of the connection, was laid or to take back, from those sentiments. That, before the two houses. The connection was not the Senate will perceive, was in 1837;. The pur­ completed. A final law, doing the deed of an­ pose of immediately annexing Texas, at that nexation ultimately, had not been passed; and time, was abandoned or postponed, and it was when it was upon its final passage here, I ex­ not revived, with any vigor, for some years. In pressed my opposition to it, and recorded my the meantime, it had so happened, that I had vote in the negative; and there that vote stands, become a member of the executive administra­ with the observations that I made upon that ocr tion, and was, for a short period, in the Depart­ casion. It has happened, that between 1837 and ment of State. The annexation of Texas was a this time, on various occasions and opportuni­ subject of conversation-not confidential-with ties, I have expressed my entire opposition to the president and heads of departments, as well the admission of slave states~ or the acquisition as with other public men. No serious attempt of new slave territories, to be added to the was then made, however, to bring it about. I United States. I know, sir, no change in my left the Department of State in May, 1843, and own sentiments, or my own purposes, in· Utat shortly after, I learned, though no way connect- respect. I will now ask my friend from Rhode

[ 279] Island, to read another extract from a speech of with my honorable friend from Tennessee [Mr. mine, made at a Whig convention, in Spring­ BELL], that, as soon as the time comes when field, Massachusetts, in the month of Septem­ she is entitled to another representative, we ber 1847. should create a new state. The rule in regard to Mr. GREENE here read the folloWing extract it I take to be this: that, when we have created from the speech: new states out of territories, we have generally gone upon the idea, that when there is popula­ We hear much just now of a pRnRceR for the dangers and tion enough to form a state-sixty thousand, or evils of slavery and slave annexation, which they call the some such thing-we would create a state; but 'Wilmot Prouiso.' That certainly is a just sentiment, but it is not a sentiment to found any new party upon. It is not a it is quite a different thing when a state is di­ sentiment on which Massachusetts Whigs differ. There is vided, and two or more states made out of it. It not a man in this hall who holds to it more firmly than I does not follow, in such a case, that the same do, nor one who adheres to it more than another. rule of apportionment should be applied. That, I feel some little interest in this matter, sir. Did not I however, is a matter for the consideration and commit myself in 1838 to the whole doctrine, fully, entire­ ly? And I must be permitted to say, that I cannot quite con­ discretion of Congress, when the proper time sent that more recent discoverers should claim the merit arrives. I may not then be here-I may have no and take out a patent. vote to give on the occasion; but I wish it to be I deny the priority of their invention. Allow me to say, distinctly understood, today, that according to sir, it is not their thunder. . . . my view of the matter, this government is sol­ We are to use the first, and last, and every occasion which offers, to oppose the extension of slave power. emnly pledged, by law and contract, to create But I speak of it here, as in Congress, as a political ques­ new states out of Texas, with her consent, tion-a question for statesmen to act upon. We must so when her population shall. justify such a pro­ regard it. I certainly do not mean to say that it is less im­ ceeding, and so far as such states are formed portant in a moral point of view-that it is not more impor­ out of Texan territory lying south of 36"30', to tant in many other points of view; but, as a legislator, or in any official capacity, I must look at it, consider it, and let them come in as slave states. The time of decide it, as a matter of political action. admission, and requisite population, must depend, of course, on the discretion of Con­ Mr. WEBSTER. On other occasions, in de­ gress. But when new states shall be formed out bates here, I have expressed my determination of Texas, they have a fixed right to come into to vote for no acquisition, or cession, or annex­ the Union as slave states. That is the meaning ation, north or south, east or west. My opinion of the .resolution which our friends, the north­ has been, that we have territory enough, and em Democracy, have left us to fulfill; and I, for that we should follow the Spartan maxim, "Im­ one, mean to fulfill it, because I will not violate prove, adorn what you have, seek no farther." I the faith of the government. think that it was in some observations that I made here on the three-million loan bill, that I avowed this sentiment. In short, sir, the senti­ "CALIFORNIA AND NEW MEXICO ARJ! DESTINED TO BE FREE" ment has been avowed quite as often, in as Now, as to California and New Mexico, I many places, and before as~many assemblages, hold slavery to be excluded from those territo­ as any humble sentiments of ·mine ought to be ries by a law even superior to that which avowed. admits and sanctions it in Texas-! mean the Butnow that, under certain conditions, Texas law of nature-of physical geography-the law ) is in, with all her territories, as a slave state, of the formation of the earth. That law settles with a solemn pledge that if she is divided into forever, with a strength beyond all terms of many states, those states may come in as slave human enactment, that slavery cannot exist in states south of 36"30', how are we to deal with California or New Mexico. Understand me, this subject? I know no way of honorable legis­ sir-I mean slavery as we regard it; slaves in lation, when the proper time comes for the en­ gross, of the colored race, transferable by sale actment, but to carry into effect all that we and delivery, like other property. I shall not have stipulated to do. I do not entirely agree discuss the point, but leave it to the learned

[ 280] gentlemen who have undertaken to discuss it; tion, or a law, were now before us, to provide a but I suppose there is no slave of that descrip­ territorial government for New Mexico, I would tion in California now. I understand that peon­ not vote to put any prohibition into. it what­ ism, a sort of penal servitude, exists there; or, ever. The use of such a prohibition would be rather, a voluntary sale of a· man and his off­ idle, as it respects any effect it would have spring for debt, as it is arranged and exists in upon the territory; and I would not take pains some parts of California and New Mexico. But to reaffirm an ordinance of nature, nor to reen­ what I mean to say is, that African slavery, as act t11e will of God. I would put in no Wilmot we see it among us, is as utterly impossible to Proviso, for the purpose of a taunt or a re­ find itself, or to be found in Mexico, as any proach. I would put into it no evidence of the other natural impossibility. California and New votes of superior power, to wound the pride, Mexico are Asiatic, in their formation and sce­ even whether a just pride, a rational pride, or nery. They are composed of vast ridges of an irrational pride-to wound the pride of the mountains, of enormous height, with broken gentlemen who belong to the southern states. I ridges and deep valleys. The sides of these have no such object-no such purpose. They mountains are barren--entirely barren-their would think it a taunt-an indignity. They tops capped by perennial snow. There may be would think it to be an act taking away from in California, now made free by its constitu­ them what they regard as a proper equality of tion-and no doubt there are-some tracts of privilege; and whether they expect to realize valuable land. But it is not so in New Mexico. any benefit from it or not, they would think it Pray, what is the evidence which every gentle­ a theoretic wrong-that something more or less man must have obtained on this subject, from derogatory to their character and their rights information sought by himself or communicat­ had taken place. I propose to inflict no such ed by others? I have inquired, and read all I wo\md upon anybody, unless something essen­ could find, in order to acquire information on tially important to the country, and efficient to this important question. What is there in New the preservation of liberty and freedom, is to be Mexico that could, by any possibility induce effected. Therefore, I repeat, sir-and I repeat it anybody to go there with slaves? There are because I wish it to .be understood-that I do some narrow strips of tillable land on the bor­ not propose to address the Senate often on this ders of the rivers; but the rivers themselves dry subject. I desire to pour out all my heart in as up before midsummer is gone. All that the plain a manner as possible; and I say again, that people can do, is to raise some little articles-­ if a proposition were now here for a govern­ some little wheat for their tortillas-and all that ment for New Mexico, and it was moved to by irrigation. And who expects to see a hun­ insert a provision for a prohibition of slavery, I dred black men cultivating tobacco, com, would not vote for it. cotton, rice, or anything else, on lands in New Now, Mr. President, I have established, so far Mexico, made fertile only by irrigation? I look as I proposed to go into any line of observation upon it, therefore, as a fixed fact, to use an ex­ to establish, the proposition with which I set pression current at this, day, that both Califor­ out, and upon which I propose to stand or fall; nia and New Mexico are destined to be free, so and that is, that the whole territory of the far as they are settled at all, which I believe, es­ states in the United States, or in the newly ac­ pecially in regard to New Mexico, will be very quired territory of the United States, has a fixed / little for a great length of time-free by the ar­ and settled character, now fixed and settled by rangement of things by the Power above us. I law, which cannot be repealed in the case of have therefore to say, in this respect also, that Texas without a violation of public faith, and this country is fixed for freedom, to as many cannot be repealed by any human power in persons as shall ever live there, by as irrepeal­ regard to California or New Mexico; that, under able and a more irrepealable law, than the law one or other of these laws, every foot of terri­ that attaches to tbe right of holding slaves in tory in th,e states, or in the territories, has now Texas; and -I will say further, that if a resolu- received a fixed and decided character.

[ 281] Sir, if we were now making a government for other. I begin with the complaints of the South: New Mexico, and anybody ·should propose a I will not answer, farther than I have, the gen­ Wilmot Proviso, I should treat. it exactly as Mr. eral statements of the honorable senator from Polk treated that provision for excluding slav­ South Carolina, that the North has grown upon ery from Oregon. Mr. Polk was known to be in the South in consequence of the manner of ad­ opinion decidedly averse to the Wilmot Proviso; ministering this government, in the collecting of but he felt the necessity of establishing a gov­ its revenues, and so forth. These are disputed ernment for the territory of Oregon, and, topics, and I have no inclination to enter into though the proviso was there, but he knew it them.' But I will state these complaints, espe­ would be entirely nugatory; and, since it must cially one complaint of the South, which has in be entir~ly nugatory, since it took away no my opinion just foundation; and that is, that right, no describable, no estimable, no weigh­ there has been found at the North, among indi­ able, or tangible, right of the South, he said he viduals and among the legislatures of the would sign the bill for the sake of enacting a North, a disinclination to perform, fully, their law to form a government in that territory, and constitutional duties, in regard to the return of let that entirely useless, and, in that connection, persons bound to service, who have escaped entirely senseless, proviso remain. For myself, I into the free states. In that respect, it is my will say that we hear much of the annexation judgment that the South is right, and the North of Canada; and if there be any man, any of the is wrong. Every member of every northern leg­ northern Democracy, or any one of the Free islature is bound, by oath, like every other offi­ Soil party, who supposes it necessary to insert a cer in the country, to support the Constitution Wilmot Proviso in a territorial government of of the United States; and the article of the Con­ New Mexico, that man will of course be of stitution, which says to these states, they shall opinion that it is necessary to protect the ever­ deliver up fugitives from service, is as binding lasting snows of Canada from the foot of slav­ in honor and conscience as any other article. No ery, by the same overpowering wing of an act man fulfills his duty in any legislature who sets of Congress. Sir, wherever there is a particular ·himself to find excuses, evasions, esq,pes from good to be done, wherever there is a foot of this constitutional obligation. I have always land to be staid back from becoming slave terri­ thought that the Constitution addressed itself tory-! am ready to assert the principle of the to the legislatures of the states themselves, or to exclusion of slavery. I am pledged to it from the states themselves. It says, that those persons the year 1837; I have been pledged to it again escaping to other states, shall be delivered up, and again; and I will perform those pledges; but and I confess I have always been of the opin­ I will not do a thing unnecessary, that wounds ion, that it was an injunction upon the states the feelings of others, or that does disgrace to themselves. When it is said that a person escap­ my own understanding. ing into another state, and becoming therefore within the jurisdiction of that state, shall be de­ livered up, it seems to me the import of the NoRTHERN AND SOUTHERN GRll!VANCES passage is, that the state itself, in obedience to Mr. President, in the excited times in which the Constitution, shall cause him to be deliv­ we live, there is found to exist a state of. crimi­ ered up. That is my judgment. I have always nation and recrimination between the North entertained that opinion, and I entertain it no~. and the South. There are lists of grievances pro­ But when the subject, some years ago, was duced by each; and those grievances, real or before the Supreme Court of the United States, supposed, alienate the minds of one portion of the majority of the judges held that the power, the country from the other, exasperate the feel­ to cause fugitives from service to be delivered ings, subdue the sense of fraternal connection, up, was a power to be exercised under the au­ and patriotic love, and mutual regard. I shall thority of this government. I do not know, on bestow a little attention, sir, upon these various . the whole, that it may not have been a fortu­ grievances, produced on the one side and on the nate decision. My habit is to respect the result

[282] of judicial deliberations and the solemnity of Complaint has been made against certain res­ judicial decisions. But, as it now stands, the olutions that emanate from legislatures at the business of seeing that these fugitives are deliv­ North, and are sent here to us, not only on the ered up, resides in the power of Congress, and subject of slavery in this District, but some­ the national judicature, and my friend at the times recommending Congress to consider the head of the Judiciary Committee has a bill on means of abolishing slavery in the states. I the subject now before the Senate, which, with should be sorry to be called upon to present some amendments to it, I propose to support, any resolutions here which could not be refera­ with all its provisions, to the fullest extent. ble to any committee or any power in Congress, And I desire to call the attention of all sober­ and, therefore, I should be unwilling to receive minded men, of all conscientious men in the from the legislature of Massachusetts any in­ North, of all men who are not carried away by structions to present resolutions expressive of any fanatical idea, or by any false idea what­ any opinion whatever on the subject of slavery, ever, to their constitutional obligations. I put it as it exists at the present moment in the states, to all the sober and sound minds at the North, for two reasonsi because-first, I do not consid­ as a question of morals and a question of con­ er that the legislature of Massachusetts has science, what right have they, in their legisla­ anything to do with iti and next, I do not con­ tive capacity, or any other, to endeavor to get sider that I, as her representative here, have round this Constitution, to embarrass the free anything to do with it. Sir, it has become, in exercise of the rights secured by the Constitu­ my opinion, quite too commoni and if the legis­ tion, to the persons whose slaves escape from latures of the states do not like that opinion, them? None at all-none at all. Neither in the they have a great deal more power to. put it forum of conscience, nor before the face of the down, than I have to uphold it. It has become, Constitution, are they justified, in my opinion. in my opinion, quite too common a practice for Of course, it is a matter for their. consideration. the state legislatures to present resolutions here They probably, in the turmoil of the times, on all subjects, and to instruct us here on all have not stopped to consider of thisi they have subjects. There is no public man that requires followed what seemed to be the ciurent of instruction more than I do, or who requires in­ thought and of motives as the occasion arose, formation more than I do, or desires it more and neglected to investigate fully. the real ques­ heartilyi but I do not like to have it come in too tion, and to consider their constitutional obliga­ imperative a shape. I. took notice, with pleasure, tions, as I am sure, if they did consider, they of some remarks ·upon this subject made the would fulfill them with alacrity. Therefore, I other day, in the senate of Massachusetts, by· a repeat, sir, that here is a· ground of complaint young man of talent and character, of whom against the North, well founded, which ought the best hopes may be entertained. I mean Mr. to be removed-which it is now in the power ffliliard. He told the senate of Massachusetts of the different departments of this government that he would vote for no instructions whatever to remove-which calls for the enactment of to be forwarded to members of Congress, nor proper laws, authorizing the judicature of this for any resolutions to be offered, expressive of government, in the several states, to do all that the sense of Massachusetts, as to what their is necessary for the recapture of fugitive slaves, members of Congress ought to do. He said that and for the restoration of them to those who he saw no propriety in one set of public serv­ claim~ them. Wherever I go, and whenever I ants giving instructions and reading lectures to speak on the subject-and when I speak here, I another set of public servants. To their own desire to speak to the whole North-I say that master, all of them must stand or fall, and that the South has been injured in this respect, and ·master is their constituents. I wish these senti­ has a right to complaini and the North has b~en ments could become more common-a great too careless of what I think the Constitution deal more common. I have never entered into peremptorily and emphatically enjoins upon it the question, and never shall, about the binding as a duty. · force of instructions. I will, however, simply

[ 283] say this: if there be any matter of interest dolph 23 for the gradual abolition of slavery, pending in this body, while I am a member was discussed in that body. Everyone spoke of of it, in which Massachusetts has an interest of slavery as he thought; very ignominious and her own not adverse to the general interest of disparaging names and epithets were applied to the country, I shall pursue her instructions with it. The debates in the house of delegates on gladness of heart, and with all the efficiency that occasion, I believe, were all published. which I can bring to the occasion. But if the They were read by every colored man who question be one which affects her interest, and could read, and if there were any who could at the same time affects the interests of all not read, those debates were read to them by other states, I shall no more regard her political others. At that time Virginia was not unwilling wishes or instructions, than I would regard the or afraid to discuss this question, and to let that wishes of a man who might appoint me an ar­ part of her population know as much of it as bitrator or referee, to decide some question of they could lecmi. That was in 1832. As has been · important private right, and who might instruct said by the honorable member from Carolina, me to decide in his favor. If ever there was a these abolition societies commenced their government upon earth, it is this government; if course of action in 1835. It is said-I do not ever there was a body upon earth, it is this know how true it may be-that they sent in­ body, which should consider itself as composed cendiary publications into the slave states; at by agreement of all, appointed by some, but or­ any event, they attempted to arouse, and did ganized by the general consent of all, sitting arouse, a very strong feeling; in other words, here, under the solemn obligations of oath and they created great agitation in the North against conscience, to do that which they think is best southern slavery. Well, what was the result? for the good of the whole. The bonds of the slaves were bound more firmly than before, their rivets were more strongly fastened. Public opinion, which in Vir­ ginia had begun to be exhibited against slavery, THE ABOLITION SOCIETIES and was opening out for the discussion of the question, drew back and shut itself up in its Then, sir, there are those abolition societies, castle. I wish to know whether anybody in Vir­ of which I am unwilling to speak, but in regard ginia can, now, talk as Mr. Randolph, Governor to which I have very clear notions and opin­ McDowell, 24 and others talked there, openly, ions. I do not think them useful. I think their and sent their remarks to the press, in 1832? operations for the last twenty years have pro­ We all know the fact, and we all know th~ duced nothing good or· valuable. At the same cause; and everything that these agitating time, I know thousands of them are honest and people have done, has been, not to enlarge, but good men, perfectly well-meaning men. They to restrain, not to set free, but to bind faster, have excited feelings; they think they must do the slave population of the South. That is my something for the cause of liberty; and in their judgment. Sir, as I have said, I know many abo­ sphere of action, they. do not see what else they litionists in my own neighborhood, very honest can do, than to contribute· to an abolition press, good people, misled,· as I think, by strange en­ or an abolition society, or to pay an abolition thusiasm; but they wish to do something, and lecturer. I do not mean to impute gross motives they are called on to contribute, and they do even to the leaders of these societies, but I am contribute;. and it is my firm opinion this day, not blind to the consequences. I cannot but see that within the last twenty years, as much what mischiefs their interference with the

South has produced. And is it not plain to 23 Thomas J, Randolph (1792-1875) made a speech in the Virginia every man? Let any gentleman who doubts of house of delegates in 1832 recommending the gradual emancipation that, recur to the debates in the Virginia house of slaves. •• James. McDowell of Virginia (1795--1851) gave a speech on of delegates in 1832, and he will see with what slavery to the state legislature in 1832. He served as governor from freedom· a proposition, made by Mr. Ran- 1843-1846,

[ 284] money has been collected and paid to the aboli­ ing the right, to a certain extent, of representa­ tion societies, abolition presses, and abolition tion of the slaves in Congress, under a state of lecturers, as would purchase the freedom of sentiment and expectation which do not now every slave, man, woman, and child in the state exist; and that, by events, by circumstances, by of Maryland, and send them all to Liberia. I the eagerness of the South to acquire territory, have no doubt of it. But I have yet to learn that and extend their slave population, the North the benevolence of these abolition societies finds itself, in regard to the influence of the has at any time taken that particular tum. South and the North, of the free states and the [Laughter.] slave states, where it never did expect to find Again, sir, the violence of the press. is com­ itself when they entered the compact of the plained of. The press violent! Why, sir, the Constitution. They complain, therefore, that, press is violent everywhere. There are outra­ instead of slavery being regarded as an evil, as geous reproaches in the North against the it was then, an evil, which all hoped would be South, and there are reproaches in not much extinguished gradually, it is now regarded by better taste in the South against the North. Sir, the South as an institution to be cherished, and the extremists of both parts of this country are preserved, and extended-an institution which violent; they mistake loud and violent talk for the South has already extended to the utmost eloquence and for reason. They think that he of her power by the acquisition of new terri­ who talks loudest reasons the best. And this we tory. Well, then, passing from that, everybody must expect, when the press is free, as it is in the North reads; and everybody reads what­ here-and I trust always will be-for, with all soever the newspapers contain; and the news­ its licentiousness, and all its evil, the entire and papers, some of them-especially those presses absolute freedom of the press is essential to the to which I have alluded-are careful to spread preservation of government, on the basis of a about among the people every reproachful sen­ free constitution. Wherever it exists, there will timent uttered by any southern man bearing at be foolish paragraphs, and violent paragraphs, all against the North--everything that is calcu­ in the press, as there are, I am sorry to say, lated to exasperate, to alienate; and there are foolish speeches, and violent speeches in both many such things, as everybody will admit, houses of Congress. In truth, sir, I must say from the South, or some portion of it, which that, in my opinion, the vernacular tongue of are spread abroad among the reading people; the country has become greatly vitiated, de­ and . they do exasperate, and alienate, and praved, and corrupted, by the style of our con­ produce a most mischievous effect upon the gressional debates. [Laughter.] And if it were public mind at the North. Sir, I would not possible for our debates in Congress to vitiate notice things of this sort appearing in obscure the principles of the people as much as they quarters; but one thing has occurred in this have depraved their taste, I should cry out, debate which struck me very forcibly. An hon­ "God save the Republic!" orable member from Louisiana addressed us the Well, in all this I see no solid grievance-no other day on this subject. I suppose there is not grievance presented by the South, ·within the a more amiable and worthy gentleman in this redress of the government: but the single one to chamber, nor a gentleman who would be more which I have referred; and that is, the want of a slow to give offence to anybody, and he did proper regard to the injunction of the Constitu­ not mean in his remarks to give offence. But tion; for the delivery of fugitive slaves. what did he say? Why, sir, he took pains to run a contrast between the slaves of the South and NoRTHERN coMPLAINTs the laboring people of the North, giving the There are also complaints of the North preference in all points of condition, and com­ against the South. I need not go over them par­ fort, and happiness, to the slaves of the South. ticularly. The first and gravest is, that, the The honorable member doubtless did not sup­ North adopted the Constitution, recognizing the pose that he gave any offence, or· did any injus­ existence· of slavery in the states, and recogniz- tice. He was merely expressing his opinion. But

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J does he know how remarks of that sort will be better feeling and more fraternal sentiments be­ received by the laboring people of the North? tween the South and the North. Why, who are the laboring people of the North? They are the North. They are the people who cultivate their own farms with their "PEACEABLE SECESSION IS AN UTTER IMPOSSmiLITY" own hands-freeholders, educated men, inde­ Mr. President, I should much prefer to have pendent men. Let me say, sir, that five-sixths of heard, from every member on this floor, decla­ the whole property of the North, is in the ration,s of opinion that this Union could never hands of the laborers of the North; they culti­ be dissolved, than the declaration of opinion vate their farms, they educate their children, that in any case, under the pressure of any cir­ they provide the means of independence; if cumstances, such a dissolution was possible. I they are not freeholders, they earn wages; these hear with pain and anguish, and distress~ the wages accumulate, are turned into capital, into word secession, especially when it falls from new freeholds; and small capitalists are created. the lips of those who are eminently patriotic, That is the case, and such the course of things, and knoWn to the country, and known all over with us, among the industrious, and frugal. the world, for their political services. Secession! And what can these people think when so re­ ·Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are spectable and worthy a gentleman as the never destined to see that miracle. The dismem­ member from Louisiana, undertakes to prove berment of this vast country without convul­ that the absolute ignorance, and the abject slav­ sion! The breaking up of the fountains of the ery of the South, is more in conformity with great deep without ruffling the surface! Who is the high purposes and destiny of immortal, ra­ so foolish-! beg everybody's pardon-as to tional human beings, than the educated, the in­ expect to see any such thing? Sir, he who sees dependent free laborers of the North? these states, now revolving in harmony around There is a more tangible, and irritating cause a common centre, and expects to see them quit of grievance, at the North. Free blacks are con­ their places and fly off without convulsion, stantly employed in the vessels of the North, may look the next hour to see the heavenly generally as cooks or stewards. When the vessel bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle arrives, these free colored men, are taken on against each other in the realms of space, with­ shore, by the police or municipal authority, im­ out producing the crush of the universe. There prisoned, and kept in prison till the vessel is can be no such thing as a peaceable secession. again ready to sail. This is not only ,irritating, Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is but exceedingly inconv~nient in practice, and the great Constitution under which we liv~ seems altogether unjustifiable, and oppressive. here-covering this whole country-is it to be Mr. Hoar's 215 mission, some time ago, to South thawed and melted away by secession, as the Carolina, was a well-intended effort to remove snows on the mountain melt under the influ­ this cause of complaint. The North thinks such ence of a vernal sun-disappear almost unob­ in\prisonment illegal, and unconstitutional; as served, and die off? No, sir! no, sir! I will not the cases occur constantly and frequently, they state what might produce the disruption of 'the think it a great grievance. states; but, sir, I see as plainly as I see the sun Now, sir, so far as any of these grievances in heaven-1 see that disruption must produce have their foundation in matters of law, they such a war as I will not describe, in its twofold can be redressed, and ought to be redressed; character.· and so far as they have foundation in matters Peaceable secession! peaceable secession! The of opinion, in sentiment, in mutual crimination concurrent agreement of all the members of this and recrimination, all that we can do is, to en­ great republic to separate! A voluntary separa­ deavor to allay the agitation, and cultivate a tion, with alimony on one side and on the other. Why, what would be the result? Where •• Samuel~ Hoar (177&-1856). This incident is also discussed in is the line to be drawn? What states are. to Speech No. 11. secede? What is to remain American? What am

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j I to be-an American no longer? Where is the Well, now, sir, I beg to inquire what the flag of the Republic to remain? Where is the wildest enthusiast has to say, on the possibility eagle still to tower? or is he to cower, and of cutting off that river, and leaving free states shrink, and fall to the ground? Why, sir, our at its source and its branches, and slave states ancestors-our fathers and our grandfathers, down near its mouth? Pray, sir, pray, sir, let me those of them that are yet living among us with say to the people of this country, that these prolonged lives-would rebuke and reproach things are worthy of their pondering and of us; and our children, and our grandchildren, their consideration. Here, sir, are five millions would cry out, Shame upon us! if we, of this of freemen in the free states north of the river generation, should dishonor these ensigns of Ohio: can anybody suppose that this popula­ the power of the government, and the harmony tion can be severed by a line that divides them of the Union, which is every day felt among us from the territory of a foreign and an alien gov­ with so much joy and gratitude. What is to ernment, down somewhere, the Lord knows become of the army? What is to become of the where, upon the lower banks of the Mississip­ navy? What is to become of the public lands? pi? What will become of Missouri? Will she How is each of the thirty states to defend join the a"ondissemenf of the slave states? Shall itself? I know, although the idea has not been the man from the Yellowstone and the Platte be stated distinctly, there is to be, a southern con­ connected in the new republic with the man federacy. I do not mean, when I allude to this who lives on the southern extremity of the cape statement, that anyone seriously contemplates of Florida? Sir, I am ashamed to pursue this line such a state of things. I do not mean to say that of remark. I dislike it-I have an utter disgust it is true, but I have heard' it suggested else­ for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and where, that that idea has originated in a design mildews, war, pestilence, and famine, than to to separate. I am sorry, sir, that it has ever been hear gentlemen talk of secession. To break up! thought of, talked of, or dreamed of, in the To break up this great government! to dismem­ wildest flights of human imagination. But the ber this great country! to astonish Europe with idea must be of a separation, including the an act of folly, such as Europe for two centuries slave states upon one side, and the free states has never beheld in any government! No, sir! on the other. Sir, there is not-I may express no, sir! There will be no secession. Gentlemen myself too strongly, perhaps-but some things, are not serious when they talk of secession. some moral things are almost as impossible as Sir, I hear there is to be a convention held at other natural or physical things; and I hold the Nashville. I am bound to believe that if worthy idea of a separation of these states-those that gentlemen meet at Nashville in convention, are free to form one government, and those that their object will be to adopt counsels conciliato­ are slaveholding to form another-as a moral ry-to advise the South to forbearance and impossibility. We could not separate the states moderation, and to advise the North to forbear­ by any such line, if we were to draw it. We ance and moderation; and to inculcate principles could not sit down here today, and draw a line of brotherly love, and affection, and attachment of separation, that would satisfy any five men to the Constitution of the country, as it now is. in the country. There are natural causes that I believe, if the convention meet at all, it will would keep and tie us together, and there are be for this purpose; for certainly, if they meet social and domestic relations which we could for any purpose hostile to the Union, they hav~ not-break, if we would, and which we should been singularly inappropriate in their selection not, if we could. Sir, nobody can look over the of a place. I remember, sir, that when the treaty face of this country at the present moment­ was concluded between France and England at nobody can see where its population is the the peace of Amiens, a stem old Englishman most dense and growing-without being ready and an orator, who disliked the terms of the to admit, and compelled to admit, that, ere peace as ignominious to England, said in the long, the strength of America will be in the House of Commons, that if King William could valley of the Mississippi. know the terms of that treaty, he would tum in

[ 287] his coffin. Let me commend this saying of Mr. Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any Windham, in all its emphasis and in all its proposition to relieve themselves from the free force, to any persons who shall meet at Nash­ people of color among them, they have my full ville for the purpose of concerting measures for consent that the government shall pay them the overthrow of the Union of this country, any sum of money out of its proceeds which over the bones of Andrew Jackson. · may be adequate to the purpose. Sir, I wish to make two remarks, and hasten And now, Mr. President, I draw these obser­ to a conclusion. I wish to say, in regard to vations to a close. I have spoken freely, and I Texas, that if it should be hereafter at any time meant to do so. I have sought to make no dis­ the pleasure of the government of Texas to play; I have sought to enliven the occasion by cede to the United States a portion, larger or no animated discussion, nor have I attempted smaller, of her territory which lies adjacent to any train of elaborate argument. I have sought New Mexico, and north of 36"30' of north lati­ only to speak my sentiments, fully and at large, tude, to be formed into free states, for a fair being desirous, once and for all, to let the equivalent in money, or in the payment of her Senate know, and to let the country know, the debt, I think it an object well worthy the con­ opinions and sentiments which I entertain on sideration of Congress, and I shall be happy to all these subjects. These opinions are not likely concur in it myself, if I should be in the public to be suddenly changed. If there be any future counsels of the country at the time. service that I can render to the country, consist­ I have one other remark to make. In my ob­ ently with these sentiments and opinions, I servations upon slavery as it has existed in the shall cheerfully render it. If there be not, I shall country, and as it now exists, I have expressed still be glad to have had an opportunity to dis­ no opinion of the mode of its extinguishment burden my conscience from the bottom of my or melioration. I will say, however, though I heart, and to make known every political senti­ have nothing to propose on that subject, be­ ment that therein exists. cause I do not deem myself so competent as And now, Mr. President, instead of speaking other gentlemen to consider it, that if any gen­ of the possibility or utility of secession, instead tleman from the South shall propose a scheme of dwelling in these caverns of darkness, in­ of colonization, to be carried. on by this govern­ stead of groping with those ideas so full of all ment upon a large scale, for the transportation that .is horrid and horrible, let us come out into of free colored · people to any colony or any the light of day; let us enjoy the fresh air of place in the world, I should be quite disposed liberty and Union; let us cherish those hopes to incur almost any degree of e:>q)ense to ac­ which belong to us; let us devote ourselves to complish that object. Nay, sir, following an ex­ those great objects that are fit for our consider­ ample set here more than twenty years ago, by ation and our action; let us raise our concep­ a great man, then a senator from New York, I tions to the magnitude and the importance of would return to Virginia, and thrqugh her for the duties that devolve upon us; let our com­ the benefit of the whole South, the money re­ prehension be as broad as the country for ceived from the l~ds and territories ceded by which we act, our aspirations as high as its cer­ her to this government, for any such purpose as tain destiny; let us not be pigmies in a case that to relieve, in whole or in part, or in any way, to calls for men. Never did there devolve, on any diminish or deal beneficially with, the ttee col­ .generation of men, higher trusts than now de­ ored population of the southern states. I have volve upon us for the preservation of this Con­ said that I honor Virginia for her cession of this stitution, and the harmony and peace of all territory. There have been received into the who are destined to live under it. Let us make treasury of the United States eighty millions of our generation one of the strongest, and the dollars, the proceeds of the sales of the public brightest link, in that golden chain which is lands ceded by Virginia. If the residue should destined, I fully believe, to grapple the people be sold at th~ same rate, the whole aggregate of all the states to this ConstitUtion for ages to will exceed two hundred millions of dollars. If come. It is a great popular constitutional gov-

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; / ernment, guarded by legislation, by law, and by love of glory and renown. Large before, the judicature, and defended by the whole affec­ country has now, by recent events, become tions of the people. No monarchical throne vastly larger. This Republic now extends, with presses these states together; no iron chain of a vast breadth, across the whole continent. The despotic power encircles them; they live and two great seas of the world wash the one and stand upon a government popular in its form, the other shore. We realize on a mighty scale, representative in its character, founded upon the beautiful description of the ornamental principles of equality, and calculated, we hope, edging of the buckler of Achilles- as to last forever. In all its history, it has been beneficent; it has trodden down no man's liber­ Now, the broad shield complete the artist crowned, ty; it has crushed no state. Its daily respiration With his last hand, and poured the ocean round; is liberty and patriotism; its yet youthful veins In living silver seemed the waves to roll, are full of enterprise, courage, and honorable And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole.

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