Trajectories of Three Women's Groups in Urbanizing Senegal Observing Social Capital and Livelihoods in Rufisque
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Department of Political and economic Studies (Development studies) Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki TRAJECTORIES OF THREE WOMEN’S GROUPS IN URBANIZING SENEGAL OBSERVING SOCIAL CAPITAL AND LIVELIHOODS IN RUFISQUE Anne Rosenlew ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented for public examination with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences in Hall 5, Main Building of the University of Helsinki on Saturday, December 15, 2012 at 10 a.m. Helsinki 2012 Publications of the Department of Political and Economic Studies 2012:3 Development Studies Opponent Dr. Signe Arnfred, Associate Professor, Centre for Gender, Power and Diversity & Department of Society and Globalization, Roskilde University Pre-examiners Dr. Signe Arnfred, Associate Professor, Centre for Gender, Power and Diversity & Department of Society and Globalization, Roskilde University Dr. Isabelle Guérin, Associate Professor, Paris Sorbonne I Supervisors Professor Marja Järvelä, Department of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of Jyväskylä Professor Ulla Vuorela, Department of Social Research, University of Tampere Professor Juhani Koponen, Department of Political and Economic Studies, University of Helsinki © Anne Rosenlew Cover and layout: Hanna Sario Photos: Anne Rosenlew Photographs on the cover and inside the book are of the women’s group ‘And’ MM[ part of the study accounted for in the book. ISSN-L 2243-3635 ISSN 2243-3635 (Print) ISSN 2243-3643 (Online) ISBN 978-952-10-8432-4 (paperback) ISBN 978-952-10-8433-1 (PDF) [ Helsinki 2012 ABSTRACT In West African Senegal, women traditionally rely on their own networks based on gendered groups that serve as facilitators of different aspects of everyday life. Urbanization of the country is associated with the emergence of various forms of women’s groups in the expanding neighborhoods and the groups are instrumental in supporting their members’ livelihoods in times of economic adversity. As a result ! longer assume their roles as breadwinners and there is a clear shift of responsibility onto the wives and mothers of the families. In this situation, the importance of the R[ While traditional women’s groups are informal and initiated spontaneously, #[ in particular in developing countries impose formal structures on their clients. Loans are especially accorded to groups, while they are expected to be secured by social capital inherent in groups; working together for the repayment of loans is expected to increase social capital within the groups. The study at hand looks at the Senegalese women’s groups through the concept of social capital and asks whether the groups can be considered as sources of social capital to their members, and in what ways the groups contribute to the support of their members’ livelihoods. Here, social capital is seen as an individual asset and as a part of the available resources that form a personal livelihood. The availability of the assets depends on socially institutionalized structures and the role of the women’s groups in individual livelihood trajectories within these structural limits forms the central issue for the study. The empirical evidence for the study is based on mixed methods research done $%%'*++/[# of a set of 30 semi-structured interviews done in 2001 with members from three R[ #[$%%'<%=! reveals the dominating presence of women’s groups in the associational arena. A ## to was done in 2008. The time span of 15 years makes it possible to see how social change occurs in individual women’s lives, as well as in their groups. The ethnographic analysis of three different women’s groups from neighborhoods [# horizontal social structures rather than in vertical, hierarchical ones. Furthermore, the results of the present study strengthen the assumption that sustainable social 3 capital is not easily created through exogenous pressure. On the contrary, it arises from trust and relationships between people who voluntarily and spontaneously choose to work together for a common goal. This implies a horizontal social structure M>!## new neighborhood from elsewhere and are therefore not trapped in frozen vertical hierarchies when dealing with each other. Tracing the functions of traditional women’s groups in different phases of ? ! [ urban neighborhoods, the study underlines their crucial importance for their members as well as for society as a whole. As the central role of these groups is giving the members mutual economic support through rotating savings and credit @?QXY!Z massive introduction of micro-credit institutions into Senegal have on the traditional women’s groups in the future? Key words: Women’s groups, Senegal, urban neighborhoods, social capital, livelihoods 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS R?[ destination after a very long journey in time as well as in distance. Each leg of #!\] would never have come this far and I would like to think of them as my personal social capital. First of all I would like to thank the Academic World which, in spite of all !#<^ as well as abroad. From my student years at Åbo Akademi I still remember the feeling of belonging to a big family, with Professor Ulla Vuorela, who was already #!Z! giving her children freedom to roam, but always keeping a watchful eye over them and intervening when necessary. There are many to regret her passing, far too early in 2011, and my work owes a lot to her. Professor Marja Järvelä #[[ [!_ <[\!]# succeeded. Professor Juhani Koponen represented a solid rock for me during the whole research process at Helsinki University, and I will never be able to thank him enough for replacing Ulla at the end of the process. Professor Anja Nygrén is ! #X\`[Z \>Z Being a status student at the Finnish Graduate School in Development Studies (DEVESTU) gave me the privilege of meeting professors and students with a passion for development studies. Lectures and seminars arranged by professors Jeremy Gould, Anja Nygrén and Juhani Koponen provided many heuristic experiences, and it has been a privilege to get to know many brilliant and dedicated young researchers. Thank you Saija Niemi, Henry Onodera, Eija Ranta, Sirpa Rovaniemi, Heini Vihemäki and Gutu Olana Wayessa! And a very special thank you to the ’Terminal’ group: Johanna Hietalahti, Julia Jänis, Päivi Mattila, Marikki Stochetti and Joni Valkila. Your support was invaluable and the times we passed together were among the best on this journey. I would also like to thank Doctors Hisayo Katsui and Lauri Siitonen, who were both supportive towards my work, not forgetting Mari Lauri and Aija Rossi for their administrative help. A grant from the Nordic Africa institute (NAI) in Uppsala, Sweden, awarded in spring 2007, gave me the opportunity to deepen my research and the privilege to 5 }!?X! doctor Elina Oinas and associate professor Ilda Lindell. I am very grateful that Professor Arnfred from the Institute for Society and Globalization at the University of Roskilde, Denmark later agreed to be one of my pre-examiners and my opposant. I am also very grateful to my second pre-examiner, Associate Professor Isabelle Guerin from Paris Sorbonne I. I would also like to thank Dr Yvan Droz, who was teaching at the IUED of Geneva *+++<*++$![#] at the IUED was important for my intellectual choices and I will always remember the lectures of Professors Gilbert Rist, Isabelle Milbert and Giorgio Blundo. I would also like to thank Professor Susan Sundback from Åbo Akademi for the interest she has shown in my work and our discussions on social capital. I also owe a big }~?[ In addition, Dr Märta Salokoski has my special gratitude for her wise counseling [~ University of Gothenburg, Sweden, also has my gratitude for all the interest she has shown my work. I also want to thank Philip Line for his excellent language checking and his wise comments on my work. Needless to say, friends have also provided invaluable support. Dr Helena Rajakaltio and I shared the pleasures, but also the anxieties of writing during the years we were both PhD candidates. Thank you for all the hours on the telephone and all your encouragement! Barbara Malmström shared my workspace and prevented me from giving up. Thank you for the lunches, the coffees, and your contagiously good mood! To Peter Lodenius, who invited me to have a beer with him from time to time and always asked me very discretely about my progress, thank you for the interest you showed my work! Thank you also to all whose friendship simply gives a meaning to existence. My family has been a special source of courage for me. My children, Alexandre, Jonathan, and Charlotte Cremieux, have had a never-ending understanding for my seemingly endless project, and I’ve also been happy to have the support of my daughter in law to be, Ramyah Gowrishankar. My childhood family has also been of great help. My biggest help and support has been my companion Arne Hästesko, and without him I would not have made it; he put up with my silences and sometimes #_}!X ]?![! who generally received me with much kindness and an immense patience. In my []!^ ?}[X! assistants, secretaries, links between me and the interviewed women, friends and !_] ]Q![ 6 }!} [ Professor Souleymane Faye from the Linguistic Centre of the University of Dakar (CLAD) helped me in a decisive way by translating the interviews, and I also owe him for all our discussions about the realities of life in Senegal. Among the Senegalese ] !QR! as well as my ‘little sisters’, the architects Saija Hollmén, Jenni Reuter and Helena Sandman. Thank you for your enthusiasm and you open minds – they helped me to see things differently! Finally, without the willing participation of all the women included in this study, I could never have made it. They allowed me to share their joys and sorrows, and they also shared mine. Thank you Aïda, Fatou, Adama, Ndeye, Moussou, Khady, Aminata, Dior, Kéwé, Rokhaya, Diakhate, Fatil, Alima, Marie-Louise, Anna, Fama, Coumba, Sokhna, Seynabou, Marème, Fatoumata and Awa! This dissertation is dedicated to you.