National Socialism with Fler? German Hip Hop from the Right Michael T

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National Socialism with Fler? German Hip Hop from the Right Michael T. Putnam and John T. Littlejohn

This article examines the recent rise of right-wing terminology in mainstream German hip-hop lyrics and the reaction of the German media to these songs. We argue that the inclusion of these controversial lyrics was a deliberate effort on the part of the individual artists to titillate their audiences and ultimately produce revenue. The media soon ‘‘took the bait’’ and became unwilling collaborators in this effort. Here we expose potential reasons for the sudden increase in usage of nationalist references in German hip hop; although true ‘‘right-wing’’ hip hop does indeed exist there, these references to National Socialism seem to function as an articulation of a new German identity constructed through a complex engagement with American popular culture and its own past.

Introduction In discussions and analyses of hate music, seldom does hip hop immediately come to mind as a potential participant. After all, given its multi-ethnic roots in the impoverished Bronx in the early 1970s, it would seem almost contradictory to consider hip hop a viable medium for hate messages and the promotion of right-wing ideology. Although it is undeniable that, since the advent of gangsta rap in the late

Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 1980s, the lyrical content of rap songs often employs military and violent metaphors, few rap artists, if any, have blatantly embraced and promoted the agenda of hate groups in their music. Nonetheless, in recent mainstream German hip-hop songs—especially those recorded by present and former artists of the controversial Aggro Berlin label—artists such as Fler and Bushido have openly included nationalistic references in their music, CD covers, and music videos. For example, in the title track from his 2004 Electro Ghetto release, Bushido offers the following refrain: I make the sound for the prison courtyard I am the reason why you’ll never make millions. I have the sound, the sound for the dealers in the park. ‘Cause without me German rap won’t be hard again.

ISSN 0300-7766 (print)/ISSN 1740-1712 (online) # 2007 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/03007760701546323 454 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn Already another day, And I can’t stand your songs. Salute, stand at attention, I’m the leader like A.1 The offensive line is the potential analogy with Adolf Hitler, the ‘‘leader like A.’’ Though Bushido claims the reference is to rapper Azad, who indeed does rap a similar line in an earlier song, there is very little doubt that Bushido is at least partially referring to Hitler. The release of Fler’s album Neue Deutsche Welle (New German Wave) in May 2005 precipitated a wave of articles in German newspapers and magazines highly critical of the nationalistic phrases and imagery present in Fler’s music. A constantly recurring theme in discussion of Fler and Aggro Berlin in these periodicals is a notion of fear and bewilderment. Is it possible that a new age/sub- genre of hip-hop music is emerging, one that would also include some form of ‘‘hate’’ rap? Second, how could this happen in Germany of all places—in light of the country’s horrific National Socialist past—and particularly within German hip hop, which ‘‘[f]or years…had been about as edgy as Neil Diamond’’ (Boser)? Since the release of rapper Fler’s Neue Deutsche Welle album in May 2005 there have been more than 20 newspaper and journal articles focused either on the possible right-wing tendencies of the artist Fler or on the intentions of others affiliated with Aggro Berlin. It is clear that such sporadic references to nationalism and figures such as Hitler in the music of Bushido and Fler (among others) are likely to do more than simply raise the eyebrows of individual Germans and the German media. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the nature and validity of some of the more aggressive claims and charges put forward by the German media in the last year against Fler, Bushido and Aggro Berlin. First and foremost, we do not seek to defend any nationalist phrases and allusions in these songs, but rather to provide an alternative interpretation, similar to that of Wipplinger, namely, that the references to National Socialism in mainstream contemporary German hip-hop lyrics function as an articulation of a new German identity constructed through a complex engagement with the German past and American popular culture (i.e. gangsta rap). In this paper we will focus primarily on the German media’s reaction to Bushido’s 2004 Electro Ghetto and especially Fler’s 2005 Neue Deutsche Welle, although mention of other rappers and their work that may have a possible connection to National Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 Socialist references in their lyrics will be made when pertinent.

Battle Rap Culture 101 Since hip-hop music’s humble beginnings, battle rap has always been, and continues today to be, a core component of this genre. Competition—in the form of either b- boys showing off their best dance moves or MCs claiming their supremacy—brings something unique to hip-hop culture. Hip-hop culture has always been defined as a means of survival and this is merely an extension of that mentality. Rappers in the 1970s picked up microphones because they sought respect and power in the streets, or, as Saxon puts it, they sought ‘‘ghetto superstardom.’’ Rap was viewed as a Popular Music and Society 455 medium through which to rise above the impoverished ghetto and have one’s voice and opinions heard in a world that otherwise forgot that you existed. From b-boys to graffiti artists to DJs to rappers, hip hop has always been based on being the absolute best. Some of the earlier epic battles for microphone supremacy involved rappers such as Harlem’s Kool Moe Dee and the Bronx’s Busy Bee Star Ski. On 30 December 1981, Kool Moe Dee set a precedent for the unwritten rules of hip-hop battle rap by writing rhymes specifically for the event dissing Busy Bee and putting him in his place. Throughout its development over the past three decades, the battle rap culture has evolved as well. With the growing popularity of gangsta rap beginning as early as the mid-1980s and reaching its peak around the middle of the following decade, many of these once lyrical feuds have become more serious and violent. Many times, in the case, for example, of the tragic murders of the Notorious B.I.G. and Tupac Shakur, these lyrical tirades have escalated into violent behavior outside the recording studio. As technology has changed and hip hop has grown outside the boundaries of the Bronx and Harlem, many of these lyrical battles that once took place live on stage are now fought through albums, music videos, media interviews and even the Internet, e.g. through chatrooms and blogs. The development of hip hop in Germany also openly embraced the battle culture associated with the early stages of this genre. Sascha Verlan (Verlan and Loh 55) points out that this was an effective way of sorting the wheat from the tares: unless MCs had something fresh to offer those in attendance at jams, they were quickly defeated and forgotten. Through this process of quasi-natural selection, both global and local hip-hop cultures were able to refine themselves collectively as well as individually. Much like its American counterpart, German rap—as noted by the respected scholar Hannes Loh—has also embraced more violent tendencies. Loh remarks that he has noticed a growing trend in mainstream German rap to include military and warfare references in the dissing of other contemporaries: ‘‘I’ll burn you like the inquisition’’ ‘‘I control the radio, like the fuckin’ Nazis’’ ‘‘I am the disco-dictator, Godfather of parties, and govern the microphone through styles, like the regimes in Cuba and Chile’’ Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 ‘‘I’ll bomb you like Vietnam’’ ‘‘The power is in me, and that’s my defense’’ ‘‘Verbal foreign legionnaire, conquering you like the military’’ (Verlan and Loh 246)2 For a rapper who grew up in the old school philosophy, Loh views this trend to incorporate violent metaphors depicting the annihilation of others as an element completely foreign to ‘‘real’’ hip hop. In his own words, Loh nostalgically states that such a mentality is far removed from the earlier days of hip hop in German: ‘‘At the jams that the hip-hop community in Germany celebrated at the end of the 1980s, such phrases didn’t exist. At that time it was no different there than at block parties: It was about fun and style’’ (Verlan and Loh 246).3 Regardless of the opinions of 456 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn German hip-hop traditionalists such as Loh, German rap has undeniably become just as violent as, if not worse than, the gangsta rap found in the United States. Why we comment that German rap may be ‘‘worse’’ on some sort of grand scale is that some mainstream rappers have resorted to nationalist and racist tendencies in their lyrics. Bass Sultan Hengst raps that ‘‘I butcher children like Hitler’’ (Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r 301)4 and MC Bastard from Taktlo$$ rhymes ‘‘he’s the battle rap-Fu¨hrer…so greet him with ‘‘Sieg Heil!’’ (Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r 301).5 Further driving the point home, the Turkish-German Kool Savas once rapped in a 1999 song ‘‘I’m a Nazi/Adolf Hitler is my father/Kool Savas means more to rap than Afrika Bambaataa.’’6 It is impossible to assume that these rappers are affiliated with any neo-Nazi organization based on the ethnicity of the rappers in question. Ironically, many rappers accused of being neo- Nazis, e.g. Kool Savas and Ronald Mack Donald, have Turkish-German heritage. Although, as we will discuss in the following section, ‘‘true’’ rap groups associated politically and ideologically with the new right (e.g. die neue Rechte) do in fact exist, it is irrational to assume that those of multi-ethnic heritage would support such platforms. Furthermore, rappers like Kool Savas and Ronald Mack Donald have enjoyed success in the mainstream German media. Although they may at one time have represented an underground, grass-roots sound and message, this is no longer the case today. In sum, although since the mid-1990s German rap lyrics have become increasingly violent and aggressive, this form of battle rap finds its roots at the beginning of hip-hop culture, and the form itself thrived during the early years of hip hop in Germany. These battles are something of a throwback, a return to hip hop’s essence for competition. If ‘‘through rhyme, artists develop a strong sense of self and of importance’’ (Saxon 85), perhaps the most important question to ask in order to gain a better understanding of why contemporary German rappers make use of nationalist—and National Socialist—references in their songs pertains to the semiotics of this phenomenon: What do these symbols mean? Although organizations like Brothers Keepers7 have feverishly tried to purge all racist and violent content from hip hop in Germany (and internationally, for that matter), it remains to be seen how effective such groups have been and will be in the future.

Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 Nazi Hip Hop: Is It Even Possible? Within the German hip-hop scene, those like Hannes Loh who have been involved with this culture since its conception in the early 1980s have begun to express their concerns about the infusion of violence and Nazi references into mainstream German hip-hop lyrics. Hannes Loh and Murat Gu¨ngo¨r bring this trepidation to the forefront in their 2002 book Fear of a Kanak Planet: HipHop zwischen Weltkultur und Nazi-Rap (Hip hop between world culture and Nazi rap). Although the publication of this book predates the releases of Bushido’s (2004) Electro Ghetto and Fler’s (2005) Neue Deutsche Welle, Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r’s predictions of a more pronounced bifurcation of the German hip-hop world are almost prophetic. Since the establishment and rise of ‘‘die neue Rechte’’ in 1990—prompted by the fall of the Berlin Wall among other Popular Music and Society 457 things—the question was raised of whether nationalist and racist ideology can be encapsulated in hip hop: a combination once thought to be paradoxical and unfathomable. However, in light of the handful of neo-Nazi youth who participated in the arson attacks on the living quarters of political asylum applicants in Rostock, Germany, on 24 August 1992 also being seen wearing baseball caps with a large ‘‘X’’ (representing Malcolm X) on them, the once-believed long distance between radical messages and hip hop must be reassessed. Christian Dornbusch, expert in neo- Nazism and author of Rechtsrock, states that until recently hip hop was the only mainstream music genre that remained a bastion against bona fide neo-Nazi organizations and their messages. In an interview with Hannes Loh, however, Dornbusch notes a growing trend for skinhead youth in the former East German federal states (Bundesla¨nder) to attend hip-hop concerts. Dornbusch also remarks on the connection in the schools between those who embrace Nazi ideologies and fans of gangsta rap (cf. Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r 282–83). Under closer scrutiny, hip hop and music which blatantly supports right-wing ideology are seen to have one common attribute: At their very core both forms of music expression seek to be the voice for the underprivileged and forgotten in mainstream society. For example, Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five’s ‘‘The Message’’ is a song depicting the misery and strains of profound urban catastrophe. Michael Eric Dyson explains that ‘‘‘The Message’, along with Flash’s ‘New York, New York,’ pioneered the social awakening of rap into a form combining social protest, musical creation, and cultural expression’’ (62). In the course of its development in both the United States and Germany, hip hop became politically charged, with groups such as Public Enemy and Boogie Down Productions in America and Advanced Chemistry and Absolute Beginner in Germany. At the beginning of the 1990s, German hip-hop artists sought to bring society to a level of awareness regarding the plight of those who had suffered at the hands of neo-Nazism and the everyday problems—such as racism—faced by German citizens of non-European heritage. Hannes Loh advances the hypothesis that the rise of violent and racist statements in contemporary German battle rap culture is due primarily to a protracted depoliticization process for hip hop that began in the mid-1990s and has continued even until today (Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r 282–83). This schism between those Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 who want all rappers to be accountable for their actions and lyrics (and the messages they convey) and, on the other hand, those who do not want to be taken seriously for what they say, i.e. those who create an aesthetic ghetto world in their music, is evident. This, however, should not exclude either school of thought from being characterized together under the label of hip hop. So, is it possible to conceive a true Nazi-rap culture in Germany? The platform that hip hop offers, namely, one that serves as a forum to voice social protest and suggests revolutionary means to achieve one’s goals, would seem ripe for harvest. In 2003 the rap group Dissau Crew, hailing from the former GDR city of Dessau, released their debut album, Zyklon D—Frontalangriff (frontal attack). In the title track of this album, ‘‘Zyklon D,’’ Dissau Crew delivers the follow anti-Semitic rhymes: 458 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn I shoot with my flak at the entire pack of Jews… I hate the Fuck-Homo-World, and all of the gay bums, there’s only one common denominator, and he/it is Aryan, don’t say anything, Speak German! Kauderwelsch is no good, Fucking Cunt Yeah, I’m a Nazi, From the Stasi, I’ll hit them, I’ve got the SS as my back-up.8 The name of the song itself—Zyklon D—is a clear marker of their Nazi affiliation: Zyklon B was the name of the rat poison chemical that was converted to a gas form and used to exterminate concentration camp prisoners in World War II. The members of Dissau Crew also dress the part of hip hoppers: The rappers have swapped the trademark neo-Nazi outfit of boots, tight jeans, and flying jackets for running shoes, oversized clothes, and camouflage gear. Neo-Nazi groups of all music genres, such as Dissau Crew, have experienced surprisingly marginal success in Germany over the past few years. In 2004, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution released figures showing that neo-Nazis applied for permission to hold 137 concerts, mostly in the poor eastern provinces of Saxony and Thu¨ringen. From January to September 2005, the authorities received 100 such requests and the ‘‘trend shows no sign of slowing down,’’ said an official, who asked not to be named.9 What is challenging—and in some aspects very disturbing, as noted by Manuel Lehnleidner, journalist for die Ju¨dische Allgemeine Zeitung—is that it is very difficult, if not impossible, to make a clear-cut distinction between groups such as Dissau Crew with a declared neo-Nazi political agenda and those such as M.O.R. (Masters of Rap) who are composed of ethnic minorities, yet make use of Nazi-esque references in their music. Ronald Mack Donald, who is affiliated with the rap crew M.O.R., and who is also of Turkish-German ancestry, warns his foes that at the conclusion of any sort of confrontation with him he will usher them off to the ‘‘gas showers’’ and that Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 he also chases children into concentration camps. In their own defense of such statements, which on the surface appear to align M.O.R. clearly with ‘‘die neue Rechte,’’ the record label Royalbunker, representing this group, released the following official statement in an attempt to answer the charges of National Socialism leveled against them by Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r: M.O.R. and all other artists affiliated with Royalbunker are not Nazis and have no intention of assisting in the development of a German-national rap…M.O.R./ Royalbunker have no affiliation with crews that openly support Nazis and do not support any song lyrics supporting this agenda…M.O.R. is and was a multi- national crew with a sense of humor that radically finds humor in Taboo themes. Where others wanted to be strictly politically correct, M.O.R. was for the masses politically incorrect.10 Popular Music and Society 459 This statement highlights the principal difference between groups such as Dissau Crew and M.O.R., namely, that the latter rap crew, although they integrate racist and nationalist themes in their music, are not open supporters of a neo-Nazi world view or other musicians that embrace such ideology. The purpose of this article is to look at the media reception of mainstream hip-hop crews and solo artists (e.g. Bushido, Fler, M.O.R., etc.) that publicly dissociate themselves from neo-Nazi culture, yet rhyme about such taboo themes in their lyrics. The debate as to whether songs like these and artists who produce them are true to the ethos of hip hop is a debate— although important and interesting—which need not concern us here. In sum, the question of whether or not a Nazi rap culture exists boils down to one’s definition of hip hop and rap. What is clear, however, is that mainstream artists such as Bushido, Fler, and M.O.R. often flirt with these taboo themes, yet simultaneously denounce any connection to Nazi ideology. The task ahead of us now is to take a closer look at two sample artists, namely, Bushido and Fler, and focus on the contemporary German media’s reception of and reaction to their work.

The Aggro-Berlin Bad Boys: Fler and Bushido Both Fler and Bushido have ties with the independent music label Aggro Berlin, although only the former remains under contract with the label.11 Bushido was born Anis Mohammed Yussuf Ferchichi in 1978, son of a Tunisian father and German mother. He grew up with his mother in Berlin-Tempelhof, but did not meet his father until 2005 (‘‘Bushido & die Samurai’’). He dropped out of school after the 11th class and, after being charged with several minor crimes, was sent to vocational training as a varnisher and painter. He painted graffiti for several hip-hop groups before eventually switching from the visual to the aural side of hip hop, becoming a rapper by century’s end. In 2002 he released his first Aggro Berlin album, Carlo Cokxxx, Nutten (as ‘‘Sonny Black’’ with ‘‘Frank White,’’ i.e. Fler). After 2003’s Vom Bordstein bis zum Skyline, Bushido jumped ship and signed with the major label Universal, for which he has recorded the albums Electro Ghetto, Carlo Cokxxx Nutten 2 (again as ‘‘Sonny Black,’’ with Saad), and Staatsfeind Nr. 1. Fler, born Patrick Decker in 1982, followed a similar route to rap and Aggro Berlin Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 as Bushido. Whereas the latter had no contact with his father, Fler did not even know his. Fler began psychiatric treatment as a 15-year-old, followed by a stay in a home and later in assisted living. While living in the home he began vocational training to be a varnisher and painter, at which time he met Bushido. Like him, Fler also made a name for himself in hip hop with his spray painting before turning to rap. After working with Bushido on Carlo, Cokxxx, Nutten, Fler also appeared on his Vom Bordstein bis zum Skyline, and finally won his own contract with Aggro Berlin in late 2003. He released his first solo album, Neue Deutsche Welle, in May 2005 and his second, Der Trendsetter, in June 2006. Some sections of the media have claimed these two artists are neo-Nazis. Unfortunately for them, they have little lyrical proof to support their claim. The 460 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn media repeatedly draw attention to the same two lines: one each from Fler and Bushido. The first line comes from the title track of Bushido’s Electro Ghetto, released in October 2004: ‘‘I am the leader like A.,’’ which some assume is a reference to Adolf Hitler. Fler’s offending line comes from ‘‘NDW 2005’’ from his Neue Deutsche Welle: ‘‘This is black, red, gold/hard and proud.’’12 In this lyric, Fler refers to the colors of the German flag. Both Bushido and Fler have denied being neo-Nazis. Bushido points to his own ‘‘migrant’’ heritage (Ru¨hle; Ru¨hle and Peitz), while Fler states that all his friends are Arabs and Turks (Tittel ‘‘Hitler?’’; Rohleder)—a claim Bushido verifies (Ru¨hle and Peitz). Indeed, the national-racial make-up of Aggro Berlin tends to undermine any charges that the label is attempting to propagate a neo-Nazi agenda. Sido is half-Indian (Ro¨ßler ‘‘BM-HP1—In den Straßen von Berlin’’), Tony D is either half-Lebanese or full-blooded Arab (depending on the source) (Aggro Berlin; ‘‘Tony D’’), California-born B-Tight has a German mother and African-American father (Groß; ‘‘B-Tight’’), and Fler’s prote´ge´ G-Hot comes from a German-Turkish background (Aggro Berlin; ‘‘G-Hot’’). Specter—the man whom many claim to be the mastermind behind Aggro Berlin’s marketing strategies—is French-born (Uh-Young; Rohleder). Though both the lyrics referred to above could point to Nazism, neither necessarily must. They are ambiguous, crafted in such a way as either to support or to avoid a reference to the National Socialists. Bushido’s line is especially cleverly constructed. ‘‘A.’’ can be either Adolf Hitler or the rapper Azad, and the cheering crowd following this line can as easily be a rap concert as a Nazi rally. The preceding line, ‘‘Salute, stand at attention,’’ does indeed reinforce a Hitler interpretation; however, there exists at least as much evidence for this being a reference to Azad. This rapper not only appears on the Electro Ghetto CD, but had also released the song ‘‘A’’ the year before. In ‘‘Electric Ghetto,’’ the background chant that follows Bushido’s infamous line is furthermore reminiscent of the background vocals on the chorus of ‘‘A.’’ Bushido supports interpretations of A. as Hitler or Azad. The possibility of Bushido referencing Hitler—as well as of Bushido being a ‘‘dangerous’’ right-wing radical— would help sell records, while the alternative interpretation helps him to stay off the ‘‘Index’’ of Germany’s Federal Department for Media Harmful to Young People— which would both prohibit sales to people under 18 and ban advertising for the Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 product—as this would obviously harm sales. Bushido would therefore publicly declare that the ‘‘A.’’ was Azad. The lyric from Fler has received more media coverage than Bushido’s. It is fair comment that Fler’s pride in his ‘‘black, red, gold’’ flag is patriotic and even nationalist. One cannot, however, reasonably claim, as has been done in some sections of the media, that Fler invoking his country’s colors can be construed as supporting Nazism. There is nothing fascist about the black, red and gold flag. Quite the contrary: although the flag was used both before and after the Third Reich, Nazi Germany did not use it as the official flag. While Fler might be showing his pride in being a German, it does not have to be a negative or racist pride; nationalism is not necessarily jingoism or fascism. After the first coverage calling him a neo-Nazi came Popular Music and Society 461 out, Fler pointed out that if the writers making these charges would listen closely, they would hear how he praises multi-cultural society (Peters ‘‘Schwarz, rot, gold’’). Fler does have a point. Within 15 seconds of finishing the line ‘‘This is black, red, gold/hard and proud,’’ he starts a new verse: ‘‘It’s multi-culti here/My homies come from all over/…wir sind Aggro Berlin/Black, White, doesn’t matter, everybody here is Aggro in Berlin.’’13 Fler also claims that no foreigners think he is right-wing, only the Germans, because they have complexes (Tittel ‘‘Hitler?’’). Again, he seems to hit close to the mark: at least one journalist has confessed his uneasiness with any expression of German pride ‘‘Interview.’’14 Coverage from some periodicals shows such a mindset to be much too common.

Media Reaction Fler, like Bushido, created lyrics that could be read two different ways. These artists were ‘‘flirting,’’ in the words of several articles, with Nazi taboos (Reisin; Rohleder; Welke; Herrendorf; Boser). In Fler’s case, however, it was not only his lyrics which raised charges of Nazism. An eagle is prominent on both the front and back covers of his Neue Deutsche Welle CD, and the video for ‘‘NDW 2005’’ begins and ends on shots of Fler holding an eagle. Furthermore, Fler’s insignia—bearing a stylized eagle before the F—also appears repeatedly on CD covers and the video. The Independent calls the eagle the ‘‘ultimate Nazi symbol’’ (Elkins), and some members of the German press have inferred that the eagle on Fler’s insignia is a version of an Imperial Eagle (Reisin; Ru¨hle; ‘‘Hauptstadt-Rap’’; Groß).15 It, in fact, looks very little like the one on the Third Reich’s crest, and others in the press have identified it as a slightly modified Federal Eagle (Peters ‘‘Schwarz, rot, gold’’; Tittel ‘‘Hitler?’’; Wasserba¨ch; Rohleder), correctly so according to Specter (Kobbe and Fromm). The eagle was not just a symbol for Nazism; it has been a symbol for Germany for centuries. Gothic typescript was likewise used in Germany for centuries. Nonetheless, more than a dozen articles mentioned the use of Gothic type in his promotional materials. The flag about which he raps (and which is waved in the video for ‘‘NDW 2005’’) is expressly not the flag the National Socialists used during the Third Reich, the eagle on his insignia is markedly different from that of the Nazi-era crest, and the typescript Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 used in his promotional materials has no special right-wing significance. Yet Fler is still charged with being a neo-Nazi—Nationalist, probably, National Socialist, highly unlikely. We believe that the furor that erupted in the wake of Fler’s first album, and which lasted steadily for several weeks starting in early May 2005 was prompted by neither his lyrics nor his video. Instead, the slogan ‘‘On May 1st we shoot back’’16 is the culprit. This quote, with which Aggro Berlin called attention to the release date of the album, is a direct reference to the wording Adolf Hitler used to announce war on Poland, thereby beginning the Second World War.17 This is the only unequivocal phrase or symbol connected with Fler’s release—though at least one reporter sees the eagle, flag, and Gothic script as unambiguous (Schallenberg )—and that one clear-cut 462 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn phrase colors the remaining imagery, acting as a lit fuse to set off controversy. It was in the light of this controversy that the press re-examined Bushido’s claim to be a ‘‘leader like A.’’ The Berliner Zeitung noted this line in late 2004 (Peters ‘‘Ist der schwul geworden?’’), giving it the customary reading of A. as Hitler, yet did not condemn the lyric. It was only after the uproar over Fler broke out that the press scrutinized Bushido’s lyrics, due likely to his connection with Fler and Aggro Berlin. The press was overwhelmingly negative in their articles on Fler. These called him dumb (Roßbach ) and denigrated his rapping skills (Peters ‘‘Schwarz, rot, gold’’), but of course objections to nationalistic material were the main concern. Many writers claimed it was shameless of Fler and Aggro Berlin to use Nazi (or simply nationalist) imagery in the music, video, and ad campaign. Others, however, railed against this new Nazi rap. The two most prominent articles in coverage of the uproar around Neue Deutsche Welle are the tageszeitung article ‘‘Der Flirt mit der Fraktur’’ (Reisin) from 25 April 2005 and the Su¨ddeutsche Zeitung article ‘‘Die rassistischen Vier: HipHop von rechts: ein neues Musikgenre in Deutschland’’ (Ru¨hle) from 13 May 2005. As is easily discernible in their titles, the tageszeitung article concerns the marketing campaign as marketing, while the Su¨ddeutsche Zeitung article treats Fler and others as neo-Nazis. These two articles are repeatedly mentioned by later writers. The tageszeitung article is the earliest one we have found dealing with Fler, Neue Deutsche Welle, and the CD promotion. Due likely in large part to his writing before the controversy broke out, author Andrej Reisin is able to look at everything with a cold eye. Reisin provides a context for the promotion, examines the materials, and comes to the conclusion that Aggro Berlin wanted to market Fler as another of the label’s cliche´d types: Cliches become reality: the black rapper B-Tight functions at Aggro as the ‘‘Nigger’’ and in his lyrics he does not leave out any racial prejudice regarding the color of his skin or the length of his penis. Fler is supposed to be promoted as ‘‘the German,’’ and for that, Gothic print and eagle are clearly all that Aggro Berlin could come up with.18 Even though he writes about the ‘‘imperial eagle’’ instead of the ‘‘federal eagle’’ in his article, Reisin does not view Fler as a neo-Nazi—this term never even appears in his article. He instead sees a marketing strategy, and not a particularly clever one, in Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 which nationalist stylistic elements are consciously used. Upon reading the tageszeitung article, Fler was perplexed and disgusted that the media would use these ‘‘harmless signs and quotes’’ against him (Peters ‘‘Schwarz, rot, gold’’). Reisin’s comments pale in comparison to those from an article from the Spiegel Online less than a month later: author Uh-Young Kim realizes that the nationalist references are only part of a marketing campaign; nonetheless he calls Fler and Aggro Berlin amoral, unscrupulous, and unconscionable at various points in the article. The Su¨ddeutsche Zeitung article is very different from the one in the tageszeitung. Ru¨hle mainly uses Fler only to help set up his argument for the existence of a right- wing rap culture to which Fler, Bushido and others belong (his is the first article we have found which brings up Bushido’s line ‘‘Salute, stand at attention, I am the leader Popular Music and Society 463 like A.’’ in combination with the uproar around Fler). Ru¨hle bases his argument on sources ranging from the works of hip-hop authorities Hannes Loh and Murat Gu¨ngo¨r to social worker Olaf Keßler. Nonetheless, his claim appears too pat and, upon closer inspection, flawed. Ru¨hle can offer little proof of the existence of such a large right-wing hip-hop community, much less Fler’s belonging to it. The author cites both HipHop-Magazin and the tageszeitung article, saying how they agree that the Fler’s flirt with taboo was nothing more than a marketing strategy. He cites no other article stating that Fler is in fact a Nazi. We likewise have been able to find no article before the Su¨ddeutsche Zeitung article suggesting that the nationalist references are anything other than deliberate provocation to boost sales. Ru¨hle himself claims that his argument is based on an argument from Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r’s book Fear of a Kanak Planet: HipHop zwischen Welktkultur und Nazi-Rap three years earlier. In this controversial book, Loh and Gu¨ngo¨r attempted to prove that the right was taking over hip-hop. Ru¨hle also cites a later article from Loh, and, though it is not clear, it is likely that Loh cooperated with Ru¨hle for his article. Ru¨hle would definitely, with Dirk Peitz, interview Loh, Gu¨ngo¨r, and Bushido only a few weeks later (Ru¨hle and Peitz). It appears likely that Ru¨hle set out under the influence of Loh and Gu¨ngo¨rto prove the presence of a large right-wing hip-hop community. Ru¨hle’s article itself bears the mark of being written by someone who set out to prove something, rather than examining that topic. To his credit, Ru¨hle did find material to make a case and presented it well enough directly and indirectly to affect the coverage on Fler, Bushido, and Aggro Berlin both within and outside Germany. The press coverage from mid-May 2005 onwards can be placed into two camps, some believing Fler was in fact a Nazi and others claiming he was merely a provocateur. Either way, sales soared—with no small help from those vehemently opposing Fler and Aggro Berlin—and Neue Deutsche Welle became the 73rd best- selling album in Germany in 2005 (‘‘Album Top 50’’) and went gold in 2006 (Aggro Berlin). The controversy cooled down by late June/early July, and journalists could once again look at the situation surrounding Fler relatively objectively. One of the last articles written in Germany dealing with the Fler controversy, from the ‘‘ultra- conservative’’ Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, restates exactly what the first writers—i.e. before the 13 May Su¨ddeutsche Zeitung article—claimed, that ‘‘Fler is not a Nazi, just a Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 little dumb’’ (Roßbach)19 and that he used the German flag to stir up excitement.

Hitler as U¨ bergangsta? So if mainstream German rappers who make allusions to Hitler and the Third Reich are not true-blue supporters of any right-wing political agenda, what possible motive could exist for their use of these attention-grabbing references? As stated throughout this article, there are a myriad of potential reasons for the employment of right-wing rhetoric and symbolism in these song lyrics. One theory suggests that the overt usage of such terminology indicates a changing of the old guard and signals a new era in German national history during which the country’s Nazi past can finally be shed and 464 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn patriotism, albeit in a very condensed form, can exist in a healthy environment. A second idea that immediately comes to mind is the inclusion of taboo lyrics to stir up controversy and attract attention to one’s product. The artists affiliated with the often controversial label Aggro Berlin have employed this strategy tactically a number of times. Without discrediting or disputing either of these two hypotheses, we would like to suggest another possible scenario for the introduction of references to Adolf Hitler and National Socialism into mainstream German rap: the image of Adolf Hitler as a gangsta. Although it is difficult to derive an exact definition of the form and function of a gangsta, we can still address some of his most salient attributes. For example, gangsta mentality promotes a very Darwinist approach to life and survival. The gangsta is seen in his community as a violent opportunist and, potentially, a megalomaniac with a very explosive temperament. Gangstas naturally have some sort of ties to underground crime syndicates or at the very least are involved in racketeering or some other illegal activity with no regard for the established law and norms of a given society. Gangstas are quite simply ‘‘above the law;’’ they forge their own law and live only by a personal code of conduct. When one looks at the American hip-hop scene since the birth of gangsta rap, it is easy to find countless allusions and references to gangster society of the 1920s and 1930s. For example, the Geto Boys rapper Scarface named himself after the 1983 cinema classic. In many ways Adolf Hitler embodies the core attributes of a gangsta. As a matter of fact, this analogy extends beyond contemporary German hip hop. In a 10 December 2002 interview discussing his album God’s Son on SOHH.com Hip Hop News, rapper Nas (Nasir Jones) made the comment that he idolizes Adolf Hitler (among others, as shown in the quote below).20 When discussing his track ‘‘Mastermind,’’ Nas stated that: It’s telling about people I look up to…people like Genghis Khan, Hitler, Nat Turner, J. Edgar Hoover, Huey Newton, all different types of motherfuckers. Some demonic, some of them are children of God. You gotta be a mastermind to survive in this world.21 Nas’s respect for Genghis Khan and Hitler generated a tidal wave of criticism from both bewildered fans and the mainstream media. Days after the release of the

Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 publication, Nas issued the following explanation, claiming that the journalist conducting the interview had taken his words out of context: I hate Hitler, because he hated my people…but, as an enemy if you don’t respect a smart, evil genius you are going down.…First of all, this reporter makes out my song to be a song for Hitler. My music has nothing to do with Hitler. I hate Hitler. He hated my people. He killed my people as well as Jews and any other person that came after his army. The guy makes my song out to be something it has nothing to do with because he wanted his audience to say, ‘‘How do we discredit Nas? How do we get Nas to look like he’s crazy’’ Although there’s no reason to doubt Nas’s antipathy for Adolf Hitler, his statement supports the hypothesis that Hitler can be viewed as a gangsta within the gangsta hip-hop scene. Nothing is more important in the gangsta world than respect and Popular Music and Society 465 street cred, which Hitler apparently has from Nas and other contemporary American rappers. Hitler is respected for his strength and ingenuity, and, in the words of Nas himself, ‘‘if you don’t respect a smart, evil genius you are going down.’’ This leads to a third potential reason for the appearance of references and allusions to Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich in mainstream German hip hop seeking to emulate the gangsta scene and subsequent gangsta image and mentality of its American counterpart. Germans simply do not have a cultural history with gangsters of the 1920s and 1930s like John Dillinger, Al Capone and even mythical gangsters such as Scarface. In their own cultural psyche the figures in their immediate cultural past that personify the ideal gangstas who demanded respect and street cred were Adolf Hitler and his associates. An in-depth discussion of this theme would unfortunately take us too far afield from the focus of this article; however, even this novel sketch of Hitler’s representation of gangstahood is food for thought and definitely worthy of future research and consideration.

Conclusion In this paper we hoped to provide a panoramic view of right-wing messages and imagery in contemporary German hip hop and the German media’s reaction to such allusions in mainstream music. Although extremely controversial, the evidence set forth from the analysis of interviews and lyrics demonstrates that the growing presence of violent military and even of National Socialist references in German mainstream hip hop is a reflection of a national identity in flux. The knee-jerk reaction by the German media to these ambiguous allusions to Hitler and other aspects of the Nazi past was by and large a misinformed campaign that failed to look beneath the surface of these controversial lyrics and the rappers who penned them. Although bona fide neo-Nazi rap groups such as Dissau Crew are on the rise, they cannot be considered ‘‘mainstream’’ and have little if any affiliation with the mainstream crews. The challenge ahead for scholars involved in popular culture, ethnographic studies, and German studies is to come to grips with this newly forming German national identity as evidenced in these rap lyrics in combination with other elements of mainstream German society. Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 Acknowledgments We would like to express our thanks to Kalli Federhofer, Matthew O’Brien, and Jonathan Wipplinger for discussions and criticisms they offered us to improve our argument. Michael Putnam would also like to dedicate this paper to his winter 2006 German 426 students at the University of Michigan. All shortcomings and weaknesses remaining in the paper are our own.

Notes [1] Bushido, ‘‘Electro Ghetto,’’ Electro Ghetto (Aggro 2004). Original text: ‘‘Ich mach den Sound fu¨r den Hof im Knast, ich bin der Grund, warum du nie deine Millionen machst. Ich hab 466 M. T. Putnam and J. T. Littlejohn den Sound, den Sound fu¨r die Dealer im Park, denn ohne mich wird Deutscher Rap schon wieder nicht hart. Schon wieder ein Tag, an dem ich eure Lieder nicht mag, salutiert, steht stramm, ich bin der Leader wie A.’’ [2] Original: ‘‘ich verbrenn dich wie die inquisition,’’ ‘‘ich schalt die radios gleich, wie die fuckin’ nazis,’’ ‘‘ich bin der disco-diktator, pate der partys, regiere mikrofone durch stile, wie regime auf kuba und chile,’’ ‘‘ich bomb dich wie vietnam,’’ ‘‘die macht ist in mir, sie ist meine wehr,’’ ‘‘verbaler fremdenlegiona¨r, erober dich wie milita¨r.’’ [3] Original: ‘‘Auf den Jams, die die HipHop-Community in Deutschland Ende der Achtziger feierte, gab es solche Aussagen noch nicht. Hier war es nicht anders als auf den Block Parties: Es ging um Spaß und Style.’’ [4] Original: ‘‘Ich schlachte Kinder wie Hitler.’’ [5] Original: ‘‘er ist der Battlerap-Fu¨hrer…so sieg ihm heil!’’ [6] Westberlin Maskulin, ‘‘ Bass.’’ Original: ‘‘Ich bin ein Nazi. Adolf Hitler ist mein Vater/Kool Savas ist mehr Rap als Afrika Bambaataa.’’ [7] Brothers Keepers is a loose organization of German rappers (formed by the rapper Ade) that seeks to eliminate violent, racist, and sexist content from hip-hop music and culture. [8] Dissau Crew, ‘‘Zyklon D.’’ Original: ‘‘Ich schiesse mit der Flak auf das ganze Judenpack…Ich hasse die Fuck-Homo-Welt, und die ganzen schwulen Penner, es gibt nur einen Nenner, und der ist arisch, sag lieber gar nischt, sprich deutsch, Kauderwelsch ist Rotze, Scheiss Fotze, Ja, ich bin ein Nazi, Von wegen Stasi, Ich schlag’ sie, Die SS hab ich als Ru¨ckendeckung.’’ [9] Data from: ,http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,2144,1827739,00.html.. [10] Quotes from ‘‘Royalbunker/MOR zum Vorwurf des Rassismus: Offizielle ROYALBUNKER Stellungnahme zu all den Geru¨chten und diffusen Vorwu¨rfen mit denen MOR in letzter Zeit konfrontiert wurden’’: ,http://www.rock-links.de/texte/royalbunker.html.. Original: ‘‘MOR und alle anderen Ku¨nstler auf ROYALBUNKER sind keine Nazis und haben auch nicht die Absicht, einem deutschnationalen Rap auf die Spru¨nge zu helfen...MOR/RB haben mit anderen Crews, die etwaige Nazi Texte kicken, nichts zu tun und unterstu¨tzen diese Art von Texten auch nicht...MOR ist und war eine multinationale Crew mit einem Humor, der sich radikal u¨ber Tabuthemen lustig machte. Wo andere u¨berma¨ssig politisch korrekt sein wollten, da war MOR u¨ber die maßen politisch unkorrekt.’’ [11] The majority of the biographical information for Bushido and Fler stems from Wikipedia Deutsch: ,http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bushido_%28Rapper%29. and ,http://de. wikipedia.org/wiki/Fler.. [12] Original: ‘‘Das ist schwarz, rot, gold/Hart und stolz.’’ [13] Original: ‘‘Das hier ist Multi-Kulti / Meine Homies komm’’ vom u¨berall…/…wir sind Aggro Berlin/Schwarz, weiß, egal, jeder ist hier Aggro in Berlin.’’ ‘‘Fler: Stolz, deutsch und rechtsradikal?’’ also notes this discrepancy. [14] In this interview with Tyron Rickett for Die Zeit, the interviewer states: ‘‘Two weeks ago we were interviewing the singer Patrice, and he said could imagine saying that he’s proud to be a German, a sentence with which I, for example, have some problems.’’ Original: ‘‘wir hatten Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012 vor zwei Wochen den Sa¨nger Patrice im Interview und der sagte.…Er ko¨nne sich zum Beispiel vorstellen, zu sagen, er ist stolz ein Deutscher zu sein, ein Satz, mit dem ich zum Beispiel meine Probleme habe.’’ [15] Amusingly, yet at the same time tellingly in terms of the media reaction, ‘‘Fler: Stolz, deutsch und rechtsradikal?’’ claims that Fler holds this Reichsadler on his arm in the video. [16] Original: ‘‘Am 1. Mai wird zuru¨ckgeschossen.’’ [17] ‘‘Seit 5.45 wird zuru¨ckgeschossen.’’ [18] Original: ‘‘So werden aus Klischees Wahrheiten: Der schwarze Rapper B-Tigher fungiert bei Aggro als der ‘Neger’ und la¨sst in seinen Texten kein rassistisches Vorurteil bezu¨glich seiner Hautfarbe und Schwanzla¨nge aus. Fler soll wohl als ‘der Deutsche’ promotet werden, und Runenschrift plus Adler ist offensichtlich alles, was Aggro Berlin dazu einfa¨llt.’’ [19] Original: ‘‘Fler ist kein Nazi, nur ein bißchen dumm.’’ [20] Special thanks goes to Matt O’Brien for pointing this out to us. [21] ,http://www.sohh.com/articles/article.php/4117. Popular Music and Society 467 Works Cited Aggro Berlin. 20 July 2006 ,http://www.aggroberlin.de.. ‘‘Album Top 50: Jahrescharts 2005.’’ MTV.de. 22 July 2006 ,http://www.mtv.de/albumtop50/ jahrescharts05.php.. 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Discography Bushido. ‘‘Electro Ghetto.’’ Electro Ghetto. Aggro Berlin, 2004. Dissau Crew. ‘‘Zyklon D.’’ Frontalangriff. Dopest Vinyl, 2003. Fler. ‘‘Neue Deutsche Welle.’’ Neue Deutsche Welle. Aggro Berlin, 2005. Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five. ‘‘The Message.’’ The Message. Sugar Hill, 1982. Westberlin Maskulin (Kool Savas and Taktlo$$). ‘‘Bass.’’ Hoes, Flows, and Moneytoes. Bunker Records, 1999. Downloaded by [Wesleyan University] at 03:50 17 May 2012